CICERO

It is generally said that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was well born;

but of his father nothing is reported but in extremes. For whilst some

would have him the son of a fuller, and educated in that trade, others

carry back the origin of his family to Tullus Attius, an illustrious

king of the Volscians, who waged war not without honor against the

Romans. However, he who first of that house was surnamed Cicero seems

to have been a person worthy to be remembered; since those who succeeded

him not only did not reject, but were fond of that name, though vulgarly

made a matter of reproach. For the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and a nick

or dent at the tip of his nose, which resembled the opening in a vetch,

gave him the surname of Cicero.

Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with spirit to

some of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside or change the name

when he first stood for office and engaged in politics, that he would

make it his endeavor to render the name of Cicero more glorious than

that of the Scauri and Catuli. And when he was quaestor in Sicily, and

was making an offering of silver plate to the gods, and had inscribed

his two names, Marcus and Tullius, instead of the third, he jestingly

told the artificer to engrave the figure of a vetch by them.

Cicero was born on the third of January, the same day on which now the

magistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice for the emperor. As soon as he

was of an age to begin to have lessons, he became so distinguished for

his talent, and got such a name and reputation amongst the boys, that

their fathers would often visit the school, that they might see young

Cicero, and might be able to say that they themselves had witnessed the

quickness and readiness in learning for which he was renowned. And the

more rude among them used to be angry with their children, to see them,

as they walked together, receiving Cicero with respect into the middle

place. And being, as Plato would have the scholar-like and philosophical

temper, eager for every kind of learning, and indisposed to no

description of knowledge or instruction, he showed, however, a more

peculiar propensity to poetry; and there is a poem now extant, made

by him when a boy, in tetrameter verse, called Pontius Glaucus.

And afterwards, when he applied himself more curiously to these

accomplishments, he had the name of being not only the best orator, but

also the best poet of Rome. And the glory of his rhetoric still remains,

notwithstanding the many new modes in speaking since his time; but his

verses are forgotten and out of all repute, so many ingenious poets have

followed him.

Leaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the

Academic, whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of Clitomachus,

admired for his eloquence and loved for his character. He also sought

the company of the Mucii, who were eminent statesmen and leaders in the

senate, and acquired from them a knowledge of the laws. For some short

time he served in arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But perceiving

the commonwealth running into factions, and from faction all things

tending to an absolute monarchy, he betook himself to a retired and

contemplative life, and conversing with the learned Greeks, devoted

himself to study, till Sylla had obtained the government.

At this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having laid an

information about an estate belonging to one who was said to have been

put to death by proscription, had bought it himself for two thousand

drachmas. And when Roscius, the son and heir of the dead, complained,

and demonstrated the estate to be worth two hundred and fifty talents,

Sylla took it angrily to have his actions questioned, and preferred

a process against Roscius for the murder of his father, Chrysogonus

managing the evidence. None of the advocates durst assist him, but

fearing the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the cause. The young man, being

thus deserted, came for refuge to Cicero. Cicero's friends encouraged

him, saying he was not likely ever to have a fairer and more honorable

introduction to public life; he therefore undertook the defence, carried

the cause, and got much renown for it.

But fearing Sylla, he traveled into Greece, and gave it out that he did

so for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean and meagre,

and had such a weakness in his stomach that he could take nothing but

a spare and thin diet, and that not till late in the evening. His voice

was loud and good, but so harsh and ill-managed that in vehemence and

heat of speaking he always raised it to so high a tone, that there

seemed to be reason to fear for his health.

At Athens, he became a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon, with whose

fluency and elegance of diction he was much taken, although he did not

approve of his innovations in doctrine. And Cicero made up his mind that

if he should be disappointed of any employment in the commonwealth,

to retire from pleading and politics, and pass his life quietly in the

study of philosophy.

But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his body,

strengthened again by exercise, had grown vigorous, and his voice

was rendered sweet and full to the ear, his friends at Rome earnestly

solicited him by letters to return to public affairs. He, therefore,

again prepared for use his orator's instrument of rhetoric, and summoned

into action his political faculties, diligently exercising himself in

declamations, and attending the most celebrated rhetoricians of the

time. He sailed from Athens for Asia and Rhodes. Among the Asian

masters, he conversed with Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of

Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes, he studied oratory

with Apollonius, the son of Molon, and philosophy with Posidonius.

Apollonius, we are told, not understanding Latin, requested Cicero to

declaim in Greek. He complied willingly, thinking that his faults would

thus be better pointed out to him. After he finished, all his other

hearers were astonished, and vied with each other in praising him, but

Apollonius showed no signs of excitement while he was hearing him, and

now, when he had finished, sat musing for some time, without any remark.

And when Cicero was discomposed at this, he said, "You have my praise

and admiration, Cicero, and Greece my pity and commiseration, since

those arts and that eloquence which are the only glories that remain to

her, will now be transferred by you to Rome."

And now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon political

affairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his inclination; for

consulting the god of Delphi how he should attain most glory, the

Pythoness answered, "By making your own genius and not the opinion of

the people the guide of your life;" and therefore at first he passed his

time in Rome cautiously, and was very backward in pretending to public

offices, so that he was at that time in little esteem, and had got the

names, so readily given by low and ignorant people in Rome, of Greek and

Scholar. But when his own desire of fame and the eagerness of his father

and relations had made him take in earnest to pleading, he made no slow

or gentle advance to the first place, but shone out in full lustre at

once, and far surpassed all the advocates at the bar. At first, it is

said, he as well as Demosthenes, was defective in his delivery, and

on that account paid much attention to the instructions, sometimes of

Roscius, the comedian, and sometimes of Aesop, the tragedian. They

tell of this Aesop, that while representing in the theatre Atreus

deliberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so transported beyond

himself in the heat of action, that he struck with his sceptre one of

the servants, who was running across the stage, so violently, that he

laid him dead upon the place. And such afterwards was Cicero's delivery,

that it did not a little contribute to render his eloquence persuasive.

He used to ridicule loud speakers, saying that they shouted because they

could not speak, like lame men who get on horseback because they cannot

walk. And his readiness and address in wit and sarcasm were thought to

suit a pleader well.

He was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn, and had Sicily

for his province, where, at first, he displeased many, by compelling

them to send in their provisions to Rome, yet after they had had

experience of his care, justice, and clemency, they honored him more

than ever they did any of their governors before. It happened, also,

that some young Romans of good and noble families, charged with neglect

of discipline and misconduct in military service, were brought before

the praetor in Sicily. Cicero undertook their defence, which he

conducted admirably, and got them acquitted. So returning to Rome with

a great opinion of himself for these things, a ludicrous incident befell

him, as he tells us himself. Meeting an eminent citizen in Campania,

whom he accounted his friend, he asked him what the Romans said and

thought of his actions, as if the whole city had been filled with the

glory of what he had done. His friend asked him in reply, "Where is it

you have been, Cicero?" Utterly mortified and cast down, he perceived

that the report of his actions had sunk into the city of Rome as into an

immense ocean, without any visible effect or result in reputation.

On beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public business,

he remarked it as unreasonable that artificers, using vessels and

instruments inanimate, should know the name, place, and use of every

one of them, and yet the statesman, whose instruments for carrying

out public measures are men, should be negligent and careless in the

knowledge of persons. And so he not only acquainted himself with the

names, but also knew the very place where every one of the more eminent

citizens dwelt, what lands he possessed, his friends and his neighbors,

and when he traveled on any road in Italy, he could readily name

and show the estates and seats of his acquaintances. Having a small

competency for his own expenses, it was much wondered at that he took

neither fees nor gifts from his clients, and especially, that he did not

do so when he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This Verres, who had

been praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the Sicilians with many

evil practices during his government there, Cicero succeeded in getting

condemned, not by speaking, but, as it were, by holding his tongue.

For the praetors, favoring Verres, had deferred the trial by several

adjournments to the last day, in which it was evident there could not be

sufficient time for the advocates to be heard, and the cause brought to

an issue. Cicero, therefore, came forward, and said there was no need of

speeches; and after producing and examining witnesses, he required the

judges to proceed to sentence. Many witty sayings are on record, as

having been used by Cicero on the occasion. When a man named Caecilius,

one of the freed slaves, who was said to be given to Jewish practices,

would have put by the Sicilians, and undertaken the prosecution of

Verres himself, Cicero asked, "What has a Jew to do with swine?" verres

being the Roman word for a boar. And when Verres began to reproach

Cicero with effeminate living, "You ought," replied he, "to use this

language at home, to your sons;" Verres having a son who had fallen

into disgraceful courses. Hortensius, the orator, not daring directly to

undertake the defence of Verres, was yet persuaded to appear for him at

the laying on of the fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his reward;

and when Cicero, in some passage of his speech, obliquely reflected

on him, and Hortensius told him he was not skilful in solving riddles,

"No," said Cicero, "and yet you have the Sphinx in your house!"

Verres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at

seventy-five myriads, lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by

bribery to lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in testimony of their

gratitude, came and brought him all sorts of presents from the island,

when he was aedile; of which he made no private profit himself, but used

their generosity only to reduce the public price of provisions.

He had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near Naples, and

another near Pompeii, but none were of any great value. The portion of

his wife, Terentia, amounted to ten myriads, and he had a bequest

valued at nine myriads of denarii: upon these he lived in a liberal

but temperate style, with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his

familiars. He rarely, if at any time, sat down to meat till sunset,

and that not so much on account of business as for his health and the

weakness of his stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his body nice

and delicate, appointing himself, for example, a set number of walks

and rubbings. And after this manner managing the habit of his body, he

brought it in time to be healthful, and capable of supporting many great

fatigues and trials. His father's house he made over to his brother,

living himself near the Palatine Hill, that he might not give the

trouble of long journeys to those that made suit to him. And, indeed,

there were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to do their court to

him, than there were that came to Crassus for his riches, or to Pompey

for his power among the soldiers, these being at that time the two men

of the greatest repute and influence in Rome. Nay, even Pompey himself

used to pay court to Cicero, and Cicero's public actions did much to

establish Pompey's authority and reputation in the state.

Numerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the praetor's

office; but he was chosen before them all, and managed the decision of

causes with justice and integrity. It is related that Licinius Macer,

a man himself of great power in the city, and supported also by the

assistance of Crassus, was accused before him of extortion, and that, in

confidence on his own interest and the diligence of his friends, whilst

the judges were debating about the sentence, he went to his house,

where hastily trimming his hair and putting on a clean gown, as already

acquitted, he was setting off again to go to the Forum; but at his hall

door meeting Crassus, who told him that he was condemned by all

the votes, he went in again, threw himself upon his bed, and died

immediately. This verdict was considered very creditable to Cicero, as

showing his careful management of the courts of justice.

Yet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles than

the common people for the good of the city; and both parties jointly

assisted his promotion, for the following reasons. The change of

government made by Sylla, which at first seemed a senseless one, by time

and usage had now come to be considered by the people no unsatisfactory

settlement. But there were some that endeavored to alter and subvert the

whole present state of affairs, not from any good motives, but for their

own private gain; and Pompey being at this time employed in the wars

with the kings of Pontus and Armenia, there was no sufficient force

at Rome to suppress any attempts at a revolution. These people had

for their head a man of bold, daring, and restless character, Lucius

Catiline, who was accused, besides other great offences, of killing his

own brother; and fearing to be prosecuted at law, he persuaded Sylla to

set his brother down, as though he were yet alive, amongst those

that were to be put to death by proscription. This man the profligate

citizens choosing for their captain, gave faith to one another, amongst

other pledges, by sacrificing a man and eating of his flesh; and a great

part of the young men of the city were corrupted by him, he providing

for every one pleasures and drink, and profusely supplying the expense

of their debauches. Etruria, moreover, had all been excited to revolt,

as well as a great part of Gaul within the Alps. But Rome itself was

in the most dangerous inclination to change on account of the unequal

distribution of wealth and property, those of highest rank and greatest

spirit having impoverished themselves by shows, entertainments, running

for office, and sumptuous buildings, and the riches of the city had thus

fallen into the hands of mean and low-born persons. So that it required

but a slight impetus to set all in motion, it being in the power of any

daring man to overturn a sickly commonwealth.

Catiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position to

carry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had great hopes

of success, thinking he should be appointed, with Caius Antonius as his

colleague, who was a man fit to lead neither in a good cause nor in

a bad one, but might be a valuable accession to another's power. The

greater part of the good and honest citizens apprehending these things,

put Cicero upon standing for the consulship; whom the people readily

receiving, Catiline was put by, so that he and Caius Antonius were

chosen, although amongst the competitors he was the only man descended

from the father of the equestrian, and not of the senatorial, order.

Though the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet

considerable trouble immediately followed Cicero's entrance upon the

consulship. For, on the one side, those who were disqualified by

the laws of Sylla from holding any public offices, being neither

inconsiderable in power nor in number, came forward as candidates and

entreated the people; on the other hand, the tribunes of the people

proposed laws to the same purpose, constituting a commission of ten

persons, with unlimited powers, in whom as supreme governors should be

vested the right of selling the public lands of all Italy and Syria and

Pompey's new conquests, of judging and banishing whom they pleased, of

planting colonies, of taking money out of the treasury, and of levying

and paying what soldiers should be though needful. And several of the

nobility favored this law, but especially Caius Antonius, Cicero's

colleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But what gave the greatest

fear to the nobles was, that he was thought privy to the conspiracy of

Catiline, and not to dislike it because of his great debts.

Cicero, endeavoring in the first place to provide a remedy against

this danger, procured a decree assigning to Antonius the province of

Macedonia, he himself declining that of Gaul, which was offered to him.

And this piece of favor so completely won over Antonius, that he was

ready to second, like a hired player, whatever Cicero said for the good

of the country. And now, having made his colleague tame and tractable,

he could with greater courage attack the conspirators. Therefore, in the

senate, making an oration against the law of the ten commissioners, he

so confounded those who proposed it, that they had nothing to reply.

For Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others, who made

the Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to what is good, and

how invincible justice is if it be well presented. An incident occurred

in the theatre, during his consulship, which showed what his speaking

could do. Formerly the knights of Rome were mingled in the theatre

with the common people, and took their places amongst them just as it

happened; but when Marcus Otho became praetor he distinguished them from

the other citizens, and appointed them special seats, which they still

enjoy as their place in the theatre. This the common people took as

an indignity done to them, and, therefore, when Otho appeared in the

theatre they hissed him; the knights, on the contrary, received him

with loud clapping. The people repeated and increased their hissing; the

knights continued their clapping. Upon this, turning upon one another,

they broke out into insulting words, so that the theatre was in great

disorder. Cicero, being informed of it, came himself to the theatre, and

summoning the people into the temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid

and chastised them for it, that, again returning into the theatre, they

received Otho with loud applause, contending with the knights as to who

should give him the greatest demonstrations of honor and respect.

The conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened, began

presently to take courage again. And assembling together, they exhorted

one another boldly to undertake the design before Pompey's return. But

the old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's chief stimulus to action.

They had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest number and the

fiercest of them lay scattered among the cities of Etruria entertaining

themselves with dreams of new plunder and rapine among the hoarded

riches of Italy. These, having for their leader Manlius, who had served

with distinction in the wars under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline,

and came to Rome to assist him with their suffrages at the election. For

he again aspired for the consulship, having resolved to kill Cicero in a

tumult at the elections. The divine powers seemed to give intimation

of the coming troubles, by earthquakes, thunderbolts and strange

appearances. Nor was human evidence wanting, certain enough in itself,

though not sufficient to convict the noble and powerful Catiline.

Therefore Cicero, deferring the day of election, summoned Catiline

into the senate, and questioned him as to the charges made against him.

Catiline, believing there were many in the senate desirous of change,

and to give a specimen of himself to the conspirators present, returned

an audacious answer. "What harm," said he, "when I see two bodies, the

one lean and consumptive with a head, the other one great and strong

without one, if I put a head to that body which wants one?" This

covert representation of the senate and the people excited yet greater

apprehensions in Cicero. He put on armor, and was attended from his

house by the noble citizens in a body; and a number of the young men

went with him into the Plain. Here, designedly letting his tunic slip

partly off from his shoulders, he showed his armor underneath, and

discovered his danger to the spectators, who, being much moved at it,

gathered around about him for his defence. At length, Catiline was by

general suffrage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls.

Not long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body in

Etruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day appointed

for the design being near at hand. About midnight, some of the principal

and most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus, Crassus, Marcus Marcellus,

and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's house, where, knocking at the gate,

and calling up the porter, they commanded him to awake Cicero, and

tell him they were there. The business was this: Crassus's porter after

supper had delivered to him letters brought by an unknown person. Some

of them were directed to others, but one to Crassus, without a name;

this only Crassus read, which informed him that there was a great

slaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave the city. The

others he did not open, but went with them immediately to Cicero, being

affrighted at the danger, and to free himself of the suspicion he lay

under for his familiarity with Catiline. Cicero, considering the matter,

summoned the senate at break of day. The letters he brought with him,

and delivered them to those to whom they were directed, commanding

them to read them publicly; they all alike contained an account of

the conspiracy. And when Quintus Arrius, a man of praetorian dignity,

recounted to them, how soldiers were collecting in companies in Etruria,

and Manlius was stated to be in motion with a large force, hovering

about those cities, in expectation of intelligence from Rome, the senate

made a decree to place all in the hands of the consuls, who should

undertake the conduct of everything, and do their best to save the

state. This was not a common thing, but only done by the senate in cases

of imminent danger.

After Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs outside

to Quintus Metellus; but the management of the city he kept in his own

hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him every day when he went

abroad that the greater part of the forum was filled with his train when

he entered it. Catiline, impatient of further delay, resolved himself to

break forth and go to Manlius; but he commanded Marcius and Cethegus to

take their swords and go early in the morning to Cicero's gates, as if

only intending to salute him, and then to fall upon him and slay him. A

noble lady, Fulvia, coming by night, discovered this to Cicero, bidding

him beware of Cethegus and Marcius. They came by break of day, and being

denied entrance, made an outcry and disturbance at the gates, which

excited all the more suspicion. But Cicero, going forth, summoned the

senate into the temple of Jupiter Stator, which stands at the end of the

Sacred Street, going up to the Palatine. And when Catiline with others

of his party also came, as though intending to make his defence, none of

the senators would sit by him, but all of them left the bench where he

had placed himself. And when he began to speak, they interrupted him

with outcries. At length, Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave

the city; for, since one governed the commonwealth with words, the other

with arms, it was necessary that there should be a wall betwixt them.

Catiline, therefore, immediately left the town, with three hundred

armed men; and assuming, like a magistrate, the rods, axes, and military

ensigns, he went to Manlius, and having got together a body of near

twenty thousand men, with these he marched to the several cities,

endeavoring to persuade or force them to revolt. It being now come to

open war, Antonius was sent forth to fight him.

The remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted, Cornelius

Lentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the surname Sura, and was

a man of a noble family, but a dissolute liver, who for his debauchery

was formerly turned out of the senate, and was now holding the office of

praetor for the second time, as the custom is with those who desire to

regain the dignity of senator. It is said that he got the surname Sura

upon this occasion; being quaestor in the time of Sylla, he had lavished

away and consumed a great quantity of the public moneys, at which Sylla,

being provoked, called him to give an account in the senate. He appeared

with great coolness and contempt, and said he had no account to give,

but they might take this, holding up the calf of his leg, as boys do at

ball, when they have missed. Upon which he was surnamed Sura, sura being

the Roman word for the calf of the leg. Being at another time prosecuted

at law, and having bribed some of the judges, he escaped by only two

votes, and complained of the needless expense he had gone to in paying

for a second, as one would have sufficed to acquit him. This man, such

in his own nature, and now inflamed by Catiline, false prophets and

fortune-tellers had also corrupted with vain hopes, quoting to him

fictitious verses and oracles, and proving from the Sibylline prophecies

that there were three of the name Cornelius designed by fate to be

monarchs of Rome; two of whom, Cinna and Sylla, had already fulfilled

the decree, and that divine fortune was now advancing with the gift of

monarchy for the remaining third Cornelius; and that therefore he

ought by all means to accept it, and not lose opportunity by delay, as

Catiline had done.

Lentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he had

resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other citizens as he

could, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except Pompey's children,

intending to seize and keep them as pledges of his reconciliation with

Pompey. For there was then a common report that Pompey was on his way

homeward from his great expedition. The night appointed for the design

was one of the Saturnalia; swords, flax, and sulphur they carried

and hid in the house of Cethegus; and providing one hundred men, and

dividing the city into as many parts, they had allotted to every one

singly his proper place, so that in a moment, many kindling the fire,

the city might be in a flame all together. Others were appointed to stop

up the aqueducts, and to kill those who should endeavor to carry water

to put it out. While these plans were preparing, it happened that there

were two ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a nation at

that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under the Roman

government. These Lentulus and his party, judging useful instruments to

move Gaul to revolt, admitted into the conspiracy, and they gave them

letters to their own magistrates, and letters to Catiline; in those

they promised liberty, in these they exhorted Catiline to set all

slaves free, and to bring them along with him to Rome. They sent also

to accompany them to Catiline, one Titus, a native of Croton, who was to

carry those letters to him.

These counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over their

wine, Cicero watched with sober industry and forethought, and with most

admirable sagacity, having several emissaries abroad, who observed

and traced with him all that was done, and keeping also a secret

correspondence with many who pretended to join in the conspiracy. He

thus knew all the discourse which passed between them and the strangers;

and lying in wait for them by night, he took the Crotonian with his

letters, the ambassadors of the Allobroges acting secretly in concert

with him.

By break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of Concord,

where he read the letters and examined the informers. Junius Silanus

further stated that several persons had heard Cethegus say that three

consuls and four praetors were to be slain; Piso, also, a person of

consular dignity, testified other matters of like nature; and Caius

Sulpicius, one of the praetors, being sent to Cethegus's house, found

there a quantity of darts and of armor, and a still greater number

of swords and daggers, all recently whetted. At length, the senate,

decreeing indemnity to the Crotonian upon his confession of the whole

matter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his office (for he was then

praetor), and put off his robe edged with purple in the senate, changing

it for another garment more agreeable to his present circumstances. He,

thereupon, with the rest of his confederates present, was committed to

the charge of the praetors in free custody.

It being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting without,

Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done, and then,

attended by them, went to the house of a friend and near neighbor; for

his own was taken up by the women, who were celebrating with secret

rites the feast of the goddess whom the Romans call the Good, and the

Greeks, the Women's goddess. For a sacrifice is annually performed to

her in the consul's house, either by his wife or mother, in the presence

of the vestal virgins. And having got into his friend's house privately,

a few only being present, he began to deliberate how he should treat

these men. The severest and the only punishment fit for such heinous

crimes, he was somewhat shy and fearful of inflicting, as well from the

clemency of his nature, as also lest he should be thought to exercise

his authority too insolently, and to treat too harshly men of the

noblest birth and most powerful friendships in the city; and yet, if he

should use them more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from

them. For there was no likelihood that, if they suffered less than

death, they would be reconciled, but, rather, adding new rage to their

former wickedness, they would rush into every kind of audacity, while

he himself, whose character for courage already did not stand very high

with the multitude, would be thought guilty of the greatest cowardice

and want of manliness.

While Cicero was in doubt what course to take, a portent happened to

the women in their sacrificing. For on the altar, where the fire seemed

wholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth from the

ashes of the burnt wood; at which others were affrighted, but the holy

virgins called to Terentia, Cicero's wife, and bade her hasten to her

husband, and command him to execute what he had resolved for the good of

his country, for the goddess had sent a great light to the increase of

his safety and glory. Terentia, therefore, as she was otherwise in her

own nature neither tender-hearted nor timorous, but a woman eager for

distinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would rather thrust herself

into his public affairs than communicate her domestic matters to him),

told him these things, and excited him against the conspirators. So also

did Quintus his brother, and Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical

friends, whom he often made use of in his most weighty affairs of state.

The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the punishment of the

men, Silanus, being the first who was asked his opinion, said, it was

fit that they should be all sent to prison, and there suffer the utmost

penalty. With him all agreed in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who

was afterwards dictator. He was then but a young man, and only at the

outset of his career, but had already directed his hopes and policy

to that course by which he afterwards changed the Roman state into a

monarchy.

When it came Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he stood up and proposed

that the conspirators should not be put to death, but their estates

confiscated, and their persons confined in such cities in Italy as

Cicero should approve, there to be kept in custody till Catiline was

conquered. To this sentence, as it was the most moderate, and he that

delivered it a most powerful speaker, Cicero himself gave no small

weight, for he stood up and, turning the scale on either side, spoke

in favor partly of the former, partly of Caesar's sentence. And all

Cicero's friends, judging Caesar's sentence most expedient for Cicero,

because he would incur the less blame if the conspirators were not put

to death, chose rather the latter; so that Silanus, also, changing his

mind, retracted his opinion, and said he had not declared for

capital, but only the utmost punishment, which to a Roman senator

is imprisonment. The first man who spoke against Caesar's motion was

Catulus Lutatius. Cato followed, and so vehemently urged in his speech

the strong suspicion about Caesar himself, and so filled the senate with

anger and resolution, that a decree was passed for the execution of the

conspirators. But Caesar opposed the confiscation of their goods, not

thinking it fair that those who had rejected the mildest part of his

sentence should avail themselves of the severest. And when many insisted

upon it, he appealed to the tribunes, but they would do nothing; till

Cicero himself yielding, remitted that part of the sentence.

After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators; they

were not all together in one place, but the several praetors had them,

some one, some another, in custody. And first he took Lentulus from the

Palatine, and brought him by the Sacred Street, through the middle of

the market-place, a circle of the most eminent citizens encompassing and

protecting him. The people, affrighted at what was doing, passed along

in silence, especially the young men; as if, with fear and trembling,

they were undergoing a rite of initiation into some ancient, sacred

mysteries of aristocratic power. Thus passing from the market-place, and

coming to the gaol, he delivered Lentulus to the officer, and commanded

him to execute him; and after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in

order, he brought and delivered up to execution. And when he saw many

of the conspirators in the market-place, still standing together

in companies, ignorant of what was done, and waiting for the night,

supposing the men were still alive and in a possibility of being

rescued, he called out in a loud voice, and said, "They did live"; for

so the Romans, to avoid inauspicious language, name those that are dead.

It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to his own

house, the citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor in order,

but receiving him, as he passed, with acclamations and applauses, and

saluting him as the savior and founder of his country. A bright light

shone through the streets from the lamps and torches set up at the

doors, and the women showed lights from the tops of the houses, to honor

Cicero, and to behold him returning home with a splendid train of the

principal citizens; amongst whom were many who had conducted great wars,

celebrated triumphs, and added to the possessions of the Roman empire,

both by sea and land. These, as they passed along with him, acknowledged

to one another, that though the Roman people were indebted to several

officers and commanders of that age for riches, spoils, and power, yet

to Cicero alone they owed the safety and security of all these, for

delivering them from so great and imminent a danger. For though it

might seem no wonderful thing to prevent the design, and punish the

conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all conspiracies with so

little disturbance, trouble, and commotion, was very extraordinary. For

the greater part of those who had flocked in to Catiline, as soon as

they heard of the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, forsook him, and he

himself, with his remaining forces, joining battle with Antonius, was

destroyed with his army.

And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of Cicero,

and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for their leaders

some of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as Caesar, who was one of

the praetors, and Metellus and Bestia, the tribunes. These, entering

upon their office some few days before Cicero's consulate expired, would

not permit him to make any address to the people, but, throwing the

benches before the Rostra, hindered his speaking, telling him he might,

if he pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from office, and then come

down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the conditions, came forward

to make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he recited his oath, not

in the usual, but in a new and peculiar form, namely, that he had saved

his country, and preserved the empire; the truth of which oath all the

people confirmed with theirs. Caesar and the tribunes, all the more

exasperated by this, endeavored to create him further trouble, and for

this purpose proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to

put an end to Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great advantage for

Cicero and the whole commonwealth that Cato was at that time one of the

tribunes. For he, being of equal power with the rest, and of greater

reputation, could oppose their designs. He easily defeated their other

projects, and, in an oration to the people, so highly extolled Cicero's

consulate, that the greatest honors were decreed him, and he was

publicly declared the Father of his Country, which title he seems to

have obtained, the first man who did so, when Cato applied it to him in

this address to the people.

At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the city; but

he created himself much envy, and offended very many, not by any evil

action, but because he was always lauding and magnifying himself. For

neither senate, nor assembly of the people, nor court of judicature

could meet, in which he was not heard to talk of Catiline and Lentulus.

Indeed, he filled his books and writings with his own praises, to such

an excess as to render a style, in itself most pleasant and delightful,

nauseous and irksome to his hearers. This ungrateful humor, like a

disease, always clove to him. Still, though fond of his own glory,

he was very free from envying others, but was, on the contrary,

most liberally profuse in commending both the ancients and his

contemporaries, as any one may see in his writings. He called Aristotle

a river of flowing gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Jupiter

were to speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to call

Theophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which of Demosthenes's

orations he liked best, he answered, "The longest." And as for the

eminent men of his own time, either in eloquence or philosophy, there

was not one of them whom he did not, by writing or speaking favorably of

him, render more illustrious.

An example of his love of praise is the way in which sometimes, to

make his orations more striking, he neglected decorum and dignity.

When Munatius, who had escaped conviction by his advocacy, immediately

prosecuted his friend Sabinus, he said in the warmth of his resentment,

"Do you suppose you were acquitted for your own merits, Munatius, or was

it not that I so darkened the case, that the court could not see your

guilt?" When from the Rostra he had made a eulogy on Marcus Crassus,

with much applause, and within a few days after again as publicly

reproached him, Crassus called to him, and said, "Did not you yourself

two days ago, in this same place, commend me?" "Yes," said Cicero, "I

exercised my eloquence in declaiming upon a bad subject." At another

time, Crassus had said that no one of his family had ever lived beyond

sixty years of age, and afterwards denied it, and asked, "What should

put it into my head to say so?" "It was to gain the people's favor,"

answered Cicero; "you knew how glad they would be to hear it." When

Vatinius, who had swellings in his neck, was pleading a cause, he called

him the tumid orator; and having been told by some one that Vatinius was

dead, on hearing soon after that he was alive, he said, "may the rascal

perish, for his news not being true."

Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the lands in

Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate opposed it; amongst

the rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest men in the house, said it

should never pass whilst he lived. "Let us postpone it," said Cicero,

"Gellius does not ask us to wait long." There was a man of the name of

Octavius, suspected to be of African descent. He once said, when Cicero

was pleading, that he could not hear him; "yet there are holes," said

Cicero, "in your ears." When Metellus Nepos told him that he had ruined

more as a witness than he had saved as an advocate, "I admit," said

Cicero, "that I have more truth than eloquence." To a young man who was

suspected of having given a poisoned cake to his father, and who talked

largely of the invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero, "Better

these," replied he, "than your cakes." Publius Sextius, having amongst

others retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause, was yet

desirous to say all for himself, and would not allow anybody to speak

for him; when he was about to receive his acquittal from the judges, and

the ballots were passing, Cicero called to him, "make haste, Sextius,

and use your time; to-morrow you will be nobody." He cited Publius Cotta

to bear testimony in a certain cause, one who affected to be thought a

lawyer, though ignorant and unlearned; but when Cotta had said, "I know

nothing at all about the matter," Cicero answered: "You think, perhaps,

we are asking you about a point of law." When Marcus Appius, in the

opening of some speech in a court of justice, said that his friend had

desired him to employ industry, eloquence, and fidelity in that cause,

Cicero asked, "And how have you had the heart not to accede to any one

of his requests?"

One Clodius, whom Cicero had vehemently opposed in an important trial,

having got himself chosen one of the tribunes, immediately attacked

Cicero, endeavoring to incite everybody against him. The common people

he gained over with popular laws; to each of the consuls he decreed

large provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Gabinius, Syria. Of the

three men then in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open enemy,

Pompey indifferently made advances to both, and Caesar was going with

an army into Gaul. To him, though not his friend, Cicero applied,

requesting an appointment as one of his lieutenants in the province.

Caesar accepted him, and Clodius, perceiving that Cicero would thus

escape his tribunician authority, professed to be inclinable to a

reconciliation, made always a favorable mention of him, and addressed

him with kind expressions, as one who felt no hatred or ill-will, but

who merely wished to urge his complaints in a moderate and friendly

way. By these artifices, he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that

he resigned his appointment to Caesar, and betook himself again to

political affairs. At which Caesar being exasperated, joined the party

of Clodius against him, and wholly alienated Pompey from him; he also

himself declared in a public assembly of the people, that he did not

think Lentulus and Cethegus, with their accomplices, were fairly and

legally put to death without being brought to trial. And this, indeed,

was the crime charged upon Cicero, and this impeachment he was summoned

to answer. And so, as an accused man, and in danger for the result, he

changed his dress, and went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire

of a suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in every

corner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows about him, who

derided Cicero for his change of dress and his humiliation, and often,

by throwing dirt and stones at him, interrupted his supplication to the

people.

However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed

their dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young gentlemen

followed him with their hair untrimmed, and supplicating with him to the

people. And then the senate met, to pass a decree that the people should

change their dress as in time of public sorrow. But the consuls opposing

it, and Clodius with armed men besetting the senate-house, many of the

senators ran out, crying aloud and tearing their clothes. But this sight

moved neither shame nor pity; Cicero must either fly or determine it by

the sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to aid him, who on purpose

had gone out of the way, and was staying at his country-house in the

Alban hills; and first he sent his son-in-law Piso to intercede with

him, and afterwards set out to go himself. But Pompey being informed,

would not stay to see him, being ashamed at the remembrance of the many

conflicts in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone in his behalf,

and how much of his policy he had directed for his advantage. But being

now Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had set aside all former

kindness, and, slipping out at another door, avoided the interview.

Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left alone to himself, he fled to

the consuls. Gabinius was rough with him, as usual, but Piso spoke more

courteously, desiring him to yield for a while to the fury of Clodius,

and to await a change of times, and to be now, as before, his country's

savior from the peril of these troubles and commotions which Clodius was

exciting.

Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends. Lucullus

advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last; others to fly,

because the people would soon desire him again, when they should have

enough of the rage and madness of Clodius. This last Cicero approved.

But first he took a statue of Minerva, which had been long set up and

greatly honored in his house, and carrying it to the capitol, there

dedicated it, with the inscription, "To Minerva, Patroness of Rome." And

receiving an escort from his friends, about the middle of the night

he left the city, and went by land through Lucania, intending to reach

Sicily.

But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius proposed

to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order interdicted him

fire and water, prohibiting any within five hundred miles in Italy to

receive him into their houses. Most people, out of respect for Cicero,

paid no regard to this edict, offering him every attention, and

escorting him on his way. But at Hipponium, a city of Lucania, now

called Vibo, one Vibius, a Sicilian by birth, who, amongst may other

instances of Cicero's friendship, had been made head of the state

engineers when he was consul, would not receive him into his house,

sending him word that he would appoint a place in the country for his

reception. Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on

the most intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming

into Sicily. Cicero, thoroughly disheartened at these things, went to

Brundusium, whence he put forth with a prosperous wind, but a contrary

gale blowing from the sea carried him back to Italy the next day. He

put again to sea, and having reached Dyrrachium, on his coming to shore

there, it is reported that an earthquake and a convulsion in the sea

happened at the same time, signs which the diviners said intimated

that his exile would not be long, for these were prognostics of change.

Although many visited him with respect, and the cities of Greece

contended with each other in honoring him, he yet continued

disconsolate, like an unfortunate lover, often casting his looks back

upon Italy; and, indeed, he had become more humiliated and dejected

by his misfortunes than any one could have expected in a man who had

devoted so much of his life to study and learning. And yet he often

desired his friends not to call him orator, but philosopher, because

he had made philosophy his business, and had only used rhetoric as an

instrument for attaining his objects in public life.

Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his

farm-buildings and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on

the site of it a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he exposed

for sale by daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy. By this course

he became formidable to the noble citizens, and, being followed by the

commonalty, whom he had filled with insolence and licentiousness,

he began at last to try his strength against Pompey, some of whose

arrangements in the countries he conquered, he attacked. The disgrace

of this made Pompey begin to reproach himself for his cowardice in

deserting Cicero, and, changing his mind, he now wholly set himself with

his friends to contrive his return. And when Clodius opposed it, the

senate made a vote that no public measure should be ratified or passed

by them till Cicero was recalled. But when Lentulus was consul, the

commotions grew so high upon this matter, that the tribunes were wounded

in the Forum, and Quintus, Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying

unobserved amongst the slain. The people began to change in their

feelings; and Annius Milo, one of their tribunes, was the first who had

the courage to summon Clodius to trial for acts of violence. Many of

the common people in Rome and the neighboring cities formed a party with

Pompey, who headed them in person, drove Clodius out of the Forum, and

summoned the people to pass their vote. And, it is said, the people

never passed any suffrage more unanimously than this. The senate, also,

striving to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks to those cities

which had received Cicero with respect in his exile, and decreed that

his house and his country-places, which Clodius had destroyed, should be

rebuilt at the public charge.

Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the cities were

so glad, and the people so zealous to meet him, that his boast, that

Italy had brought him on her shoulders home to Rome, was rather less

than the truth. And Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before his

exile, went voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled, as he said, to

please his son Publius, who was Cicero's affectionate admirer.

Cicero had not been long at Rome, when, taking the opportunity of

Clodius's absence, he went, with a great company, to the capitol, and

there tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in which were recorded

the acts done in the time of Clodius. And on Clodius calling him in

question for this, he answered, that he, being of the patrician order,

had obtained the office of tribune against the law, and, therefore,

nothing done by him was valid. Cato was displeased at this, and opposed

Cicero, not that he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved of his

whole administration; yet, he contended, that it was an irregular and

violent course for the senate to vote the illegality of so many decrees

and acts, including those of Cato's own government in Cyprus and at

Byzantium. This occasioned a breach between Cato and Cicero, which,

though it did not come to open enmity, made a more reserved friendship

between them.

After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the murder,

he procured Cicero for his advocate. The senate, fearing lest the

questioning of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen as Milo might

disturb the peace of the city, committed the superintendence of this

and of the other trials to Pompey, who should undertake to maintain

the security alike of the city and of the courts of justice. Pompey,

therefore, went in the night, and occupying the high grounds about it,

surrounded the Forum with soldiers. Milo, fearing lest Cicero, being

disturbed by such an unusual sight, should conduct his cause the less

successfully, persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum, and

there rest till the judges had taken their seats, and the court was

filled. For Cicero, it seems, not only wanted courage in arms, but, in

his speaking also, began with timidity, and in many cases scarcely left

off trembling and shaking when he had got thoroughly into the current

and the substance of his speech. Once when he had to defend Licinius

Murena against the prosecution of Cato, being eager to outdo Hortensius,

who had made his plea with great applause, he took so little rest the

night before, and was so disordered with thought and over-watching, that

he spoke much worse than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to

commence the cause of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, encamped, as it

were, with his troops, and seeing arms shining round about the Forum,

he was so confounded that he could hardly begin his speech, for the

trembling of his body and hesitancy of his tongue; whereas Milo,

meantime, was so bold and intrepid in his demeanor, that he disdained

either to let his hair grow, or to put on the mourning habit. And this,

indeed, seems to have been the principal cause of his condemnation. And

Cicero was thought not so much to have shown timidity for himself, as

anxiety about his friend.

When the outbreak between Caesar and Pompey came, Cicero wavered

painfully between both, for he writes in his epistles, "To which side

should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable plea for war; and

Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his affairs better, and is more

able to secure himself and his friends. So that I know whom I should

fly from, not whom I should fly to." But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's

friends, by letter signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most

desirable course to join his side, but if he considered himself too

old a man for this, he would do better to retire into Greece, and stay

quietly there, out of the way of either party, Cicero, wondering that

Caesar had not written himself, replied angrily that he should do

nothing unbecoming his past life.

But as soon as Caesar had marched into Spain, he immediately sailed away

to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but Cato; who, taking him

privately aside, chid him for coming to Pompey. As for himself, he said,

it would have been indecent to forsake that part in the commonwealth

which he had chosen from the beginning; but Cicero might have been

more useful to his country and friends, if, remaining neutral, he had

attended and used his influence to moderate the result, instead of

coming hither to make himself, without reason or necessity, an enemy to

Caesar, and a partner in such great dangers. By this language, Cicero's

feelings were altered, and partly, also, because Pompey made no great

use of him. Although he was himself really the cause of it, by his

not denying that he was sorry he had come, by his deprecating Pompey's

resources, finding fault underhand with his counsels, and continually

indulging in jests and sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers.

After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not present for

want of health, and Pompey had fled, Cato, having considerable

forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had Cicero

commander-in-chief, according to law, and the precedence of his consular

dignity. But on his refusing the command, and wholly declining to take

part in their plans for continuing the war, he was in the greatest

danger of being killed, young Pompey and his friends calling him

traitor, and drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed,

and with difficulty rescued and brought him out of the camp.

Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there some time in

expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia and Egypt.

And when it was told him that he had arrived at Tarentum, and was coming

thence by land to Brundusium, he hastened towards him, not altogether

without hope, and yet in some fear of making experiment of the temper of

an enemy and conqueror in the presence of many witnesses. But there was

no necessity for him either to speak or do anything unworthy of himself;

for Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good way before the rest of

the company, went forward to meet him, saluted him, and, leading the

way, conversed with him alone for some furlongs. And from that time on

he continued to treat him with honor and respect, so that, when Cicero

wrote an oration in praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an answer to it,

took occasion to commend Cicero's own life and eloquence, comparing him

to Pericles and Teramenes. Cicero's oration was called "Cato"; Caesar's,

"Anti-Cato."

So also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted for

having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken his

defence, Caesar said to his friends, "Ligarius, without question, is a

wicked man and an enemy. But why might we not as well once more hear

a speech from Cicero?" yet when Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully

moved him, and proceeded in his speech with such varied pathos, and

such a charm of language, that the color of Caesar's countenance often

changed, and it was evident that all the passions of his soul were in

commotion. And when at length, the orator touched upon the Pharsalian

battle, he was so affected that his whole frame trembled and some of the

papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was overpowered,

and acquitted Ligarius.

Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy, Cicero

withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his leisure in

instructing those young men that wished, in philosophy; and by the near

intercourse he thus had with some of the noblest and highest in rank,

he again began to possess great influence in the city. The work which he

set himself to do was to compose and translate philosophical dialogues

and to render logical and physical terms into the Roman idiom. For he

it was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names to

technical Greek terms, which, either by metaphors or other means of

accommodation, he succeeded in making intelligible to the Romans. For

his recreation, he exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he was

set to it, would make five hundred verses in a night. He spent the

greatest part of his time at his country-house near Tusculum.

He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his country,

combining with it much of that of Greece, and incorporating in it all

the stories and legends of the past that he had collected. But his

purposes were interfered with by various public and various private

unhappy occurrences and misfortunes; for most of which he was himself in

fault. For first of all, he put away his wife, Terentia, by whom he

had been neglected in the time of the war, and sent away destitute

of necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind when he

returned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium, where he

staid a long time, and would not allow her young daughter, who undertook

so long a journey, decent attendance, or the requisite expenses;

besides, she left him a naked and empty house, and yet had involved him

in many and great debts. These were alleged as the fairest reasons

for the divorce. But Terentia, who denied them all, had the most

unmistakable defence furnished her by her husband himself, who not long

after married a young maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia

upbraided him; or as Tiro, his emancipated slave, has written, for her

riches, to discharge his debts. For the young woman was very rich, and

Cicero had the custody of her estate, being left guardian in trust; and

being in debt many myriads of money, he was persuaded by his friends and

relations to marry her, notwithstanding their disparity of age, and

to use her money to satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this

marriage in his answer to the Phillippics, reproaches him for putting

away a wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy strokes

of sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive, unsoldier-like habits. Not

long after this marriage, his daughter died at Lentulus's house, to whom

she had been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The

philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his grief was so

excessive, that he put away his newly-married wife, because she seemed

to be pleased at the death of Tullia.

He had no concern in the design that was now forming to kill Caesar,

although, in general, he was Brutus's confidant.

But as soon as the act was committed by Brutus and Cassius, and the

friends of Caesar had assembled, so that there was danger of another

civil war, Antony, being consul, convened the senate, and made a short

address recommending concord. And Cicero, following with various remarks

such as the occasion called for, persuaded the senate to imitate the

Athenians, and decree an amnesty for what had been done in Caesar's

case, and to bestow provinces on Brutus and Cassius. But neither of

these things took effect. For as soon as the common people, who were

naturally inclined to pity, saw the dead body of Caesar borne through

the market-place, and Antony showing his clothes stained with blood, and

pierced through in every part with swords, they were enraged to such a

degree of frenzy, that they made a search for the murderers, and with

firebrands in their hands ran to their houses to burn them.

Antony at this was in exultation, and every one was alarmed at the

prospect that he would make himself sole ruler, and Cicero more than any

one else. For Antony, seeing his influence reviving in the commonwealth,

and knowing how closely he was connected with Brutus, was ill-pleased

to have him in the city. Besides, there had been some former jealousy

between them, occasioned by the difference of their manners. Cicero,

fearing the event, was inclined to go as lieutenant with Dolabella into

Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls-elect as successors of Antony,

good men and lovers of Cicero, entreated him not to leave them,

undertaking to put down Antony if he would stay in Rome. And he, neither

distrusting wholly, nor trusting them, let Dolabella go without him,

promising Hirtius that he would go and spend his summer at Athens,

and return again when he entered upon his office. So he set out on his

journey; but some delay occurring in his passage, new intelligence,

as often happens, came suddenly from Rome, that Antony had made an

astonishing change, and was managing the public affairs in harmony with

the will of the senate, and that there wanted nothing but his presence

to bring things to a happy settlement. Therefore, blaming himself for

his cowardice, he returned to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes

at the beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to meet him, that the

compliments and civilities which were paid him at the gates, and at this

entrance into the city, took up almost a whole day's time.

On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero thither.

But he kept his bed, pretending to be ill from his journey; but the

true reason seemed to be the fear of some design against him, upon a

suspicion and intimation given him on his way to Rome. Antony, however,

showed great offence at the affront, and sent soldiers, commanding them

to bring him or burn his house; but many interceding and supplicating

for him, he was contented to accept sureties. Ever after when they met,

they passed one another in silence, and continued on their guard, till

the younger Caesar (Augustus), coming from Apollonia, entered on the

first Caesar's inheritance, and was engaged in a dispute with Antony

about two thousand five hundred myriads of money, which Antony detained

from the estate.

Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who married

the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero, and

agreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid of his eloquence

and political influence with the senate and people, and Caesar give

Cicero the defence of his riches and arms. For the young man had

already a great party of the soldiers of Caesar about him. And Cicero's

readiness to join him was founded, it is said, on some yet stronger

motives; for it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero,

in his sleep, had fancied himself engaged in calling some of the sons

of the senators into the capitol, Jupiter, according to the dream, being

about to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome. The citizens,

running up with curiosity, stood about the temple, and the youths,

sitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept silence. On a sudden the

doors opened, and the youths, arising one by one in order, passed round

the god, who reviewed them all, and, to their sorrow, dismissed them;

but when this one was passing by, the god stretched forth his right hand

and said, "O ye Romans, this young man, when he shall be lord of Rome,

shall put an end to all your civil wars." It is said that Cicero formed

from his dream a distinct image of the youth, and retained it afterwards

perfectly, but did not know who it was. The next day, going down into

the Campus Martius, he met the boys returning from their gymnastic

exercises, and the first was he, just as he had appeared to him in his

dream. Being astonished at it, he asked him who were his parents. And

it proved to be this young Caesar, whose father was a man of no great

eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia, Caesar's sister's daughter;

for which reason, Caesar, who had no children, made him by will the

heir of his house and property. From that time, it is said that Cicero

studiously noticed the youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly

received the civility; and by fortune he happened to be born when Cicero

was consul.

These were the reasons spoken of; but it was principally Cicero's hatred

of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honor, which fastened him to

Caesar, with the purpose of getting the support of Caesar's power for

his own public designs. For the young man went so far in his court

to him, that he called him Father; at which Brutus was so highly

displeased, that, in his epistles to Atticus he reflected on Cicero

saying, it was manifest, by his courting Caesar for fear of Antony,

he did not intend liberty to his country, but an indulgent master

to himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then studying

philosophy at Athens, gave him a command, and employed him in various

ways, with a good result. Cicero's own power at this time was at the

greatest height in the city, and he did whatsoever he pleased; he

completely overpowered and drove out Antony, and sent the two consuls,

Hirtius and Pansa, with an army, to reduce him; and, on the other

hand, persuaded the senate to allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns of a

praetor, as though he were his country's defender. But after Antony was

defeated in battle, and the two consuls slain, the armies united, and

ranged themselves with Caesar. And the senate, fearing the young man,

and his extraordinary fortune, endeavored by honors and gifts, to call

off the soldiers from him, and to lessen his power; professing there was

no further need of arms, now Antony was put to flight.

This gave Caesar a fright, and he privately sent friends to entreat

Cicero to procure the consular dignity for them both together; saying

that he should manage the affair as he pleased, should have the supreme

power, and govern the young man who was only desirous of name and glory.

And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be carried away

and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasions of a boy. He joined

him in soliciting votes, and procured the good-will of the senate, not

without blame at the time on the part of his friends; and he, too, soon

enough after, saw that he had ruined himself, and betrayed the liberty

of his country. For the young man, once established, and possessed of

the office of consul, bade Cicero farewell; and reconciling himself

with Antony and Lepidus, joined his power with theirs, and divided the

government, like a piece of property, with them. Thus united, they made

a schedule of above two hundred persons who were to be put to death.

But the greatest contention in all their debates was on the question of

Cicero's case. Antony would come to no conditions, unless he should be

the first man to be killed. Lepidus held with Antony, and Caesar opposed

them both. They met secretly and by themselves, for three days together,

near the town of Bononia. The spot was not far from the camp, with a

river surrounding it. Caesar, it is said, contended earnestly for Cicero

the first two days; but on the third day he yielded, and gave him up.

The terms of their mutual concessions were these; that Caesar should

desert Cicero, Lepidus his brother Paulus, and Antony, Lucius Caesar,

his uncle by his mother's side. Thus they let their anger and fury take

from them the sense of humanity, and demonstrated that no beast is more

savage than man, when possessed with power proportioned to his rage.

While these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother at his

country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the proscriptions, they

determined to pass to Astura, a villa of Cicero's near the sea, and to

take shipping from there for Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in

that province news had already been heard. They traveled together in

their separate litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on

the way till their litters came together, condoled with one another.

But Quintus was the more disheartened, when he reflected on his want of

means for his journey; for, as he said, he had brought nothing with him

from home. And even Cicero himself had but a slender provision. It was

judged therefore most expedient that Cicero should make what haste he

could to fly, and Quintus return home to provide necessaries, and thus

resolved, they mutually embraced, and parted with many tears.

Quintus, within a few days after, was betrayed by his servants to those

who came to search for him, and slain, together with his young son. But

Cicero was carried to Astura, where, finding a vessel, he immediately

went on board of her, and sailed as far as Circaeum with a prosperous

gale; but when the pilots resolved immediately to set sail from there,

whether he feared the sea, or did not wholly lose faith in Caesar, he

went on shore, and passed by land a hundred furlongs, as if he was going

to Rome. But losing resolution and changing his mind, he again returned

to the sea, and there spent the night in fear and perplexity. Sometimes

he resolved to go into Caesar's house privately, and there kill himself

upon the altar of his household gods, to bring divine vengeance upon

him; but the fear of torture restrained him. And after passing through a

variety of confused and uncertain counsels, at last he let his servants

carry him by sea to Capitae, where he had a house, an agreeable place to

retire to in the heat of summer, when the Etesian winds are so pleasant.

There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the sea-side,

from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise, and made towards

Cicero's vessel as it rowed to land, and lighting on both sides of the

yard, some croaked, others pecked the ends of the ropes. This was looked

upon by all as an evil omen; and, therefore, Cicero went again ashore,

and entering his house, lay down upon his bed to compose himself at

rest. Many of the crows settled about the window, making a dismal

cawing; but one of them alighted upon the bed where Cicero lay covered

up, and with its bill, little by little pecked off the clothes from his

face. His servants, seeing this, blamed themselves that they should

stay to be spectators of their master's murder, and do nothing in his

defence, while the brute creatures came to assist and take care of him

in his undeserved affliction; and therefore, partly by entreaty, partly

by force, they took him up, and carried him in his litter toward the

sea-side.

But in the meantime the assassins had come with a band of

soldiers--Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom Cicero

had formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of his father.

Finding the door shut, they broke them open, and when Cicero did not

appear and those within said they did not know where he was, it is

stated that a youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the liberal arts

and sciences, an emancipated slave of his brother Quintus, Philologus

by name, informed the tribune that the litter was on its way to the sea

through the close and shady walks. The tribune, taking a few with

him, ran to the place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving

Herennius running in the walks, commanded his servants to set down the

litter; and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he

looked steadfastly upon his murderers, his person covered with dust, his

beard and hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles. So that

the greatest part of those that stood by covered their faces whilst

Herennius slew him. And thus was he murdered, stretching forth his neck

out of the litter, being now in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut

off his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands also, by which his

Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those orations he wrote

against Antony, and so they are called to this day.

When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was holding

an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he heard it, and

saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an end of our proscriptions."

He commanded his head and hands to be fastened up over the Rostra, where

the orators spoke; a sight which the Roman people shuddered to behold,

and they believed they saw there not the face of Cicero, but the image

of Antony's own soul.

A long time after, Augustus, when visiting one of his daughter's

sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hand. The boy for fear

endeavored to hide it under his gown; but Caesar took it from him, and

turning over a great part of the book standing, gave it to him again,

and said, "My child, this was a learned man, and a lover of his

country." And immediately after he had vanquished Antony, being then

consul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in the office; and, under

that consulship, the senate took down all the statues of Antony, and

abolished all the other honors that had been given him, and decreed that

none of that family should thereafter bear the name of Marcus; and thus

the final acts of the punishment of Antony were, by the divine powers,

devolved upon the family of Cicero.