The value of Homer as a recorder of antiquity, as opening a

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Transcriber's note:

Obvious printer's errors have been corrected. Hyphenation

and accentuation have been made consistent. All other

inconsistencies are as in the original. The author's

spelling has been retained.

Page 185, the date of the death of Rev. Tennyson is 1831,

not 1811 as written in the book.

GREAT MEN AND FAMOUS WOMEN

A Series of Pen and Pencil Sketches of

THE LIVES OF MORE THAN 200 OF THE MOST PROMINENT PERSONAGES IN HISTORY

VOL. VII.

[Illustration: The First Meeting of Dante and Beatrice.]

Copyright, 1894, by Selmar Hess

edited by Charles F. Horne

[Illustration: Publisher's arm.]

New-York: Selmar Hess Publisher

Copyright, 1894, by SELMAR HESS.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

SUBJECT AUTHOR PAGE

ROBERT BROWNING, 191

WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, _Richard Henry Stoddard_, 148

JOHN BUNYAN, _John Greenleaf Whittier_, 66

ROBERT BURNS, _Will Carleton_, 112

THOMAS CARLYLE, _W. Wallace_, 154

_Letter from Carlyle on the "Choice of a Profession,"_ 161

CERVANTES, _Joseph Forster_, 39

THOMAS CHATTERTON, _Colonel Richard Malcolm Johnston_, 107

GEOFFREY CHAUCER, _Alice King_, 29

JAMES FENIMORE COOPER, _President Charles F. Thwing_, 144

DANTE, _Archdeacon Farrar, D.D., F.R.S._, 19

DANIEL DE FOE, _Clark Russell_, 72

CHARLES DICKENS, _Walter Besant_, 186

RALPH WALDO EMERSON, _Moncure D. Conway_, 166

_Letter from Emerson to his child on the subject of "Health,"_ 173

GOETHE, _Rev. Edward Everett Hale_, 122

OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES, _Francis H. Underwood_, 196

HOMER, _William Ewart Gladstone_, 1

HORACE, _J. W. Mackail_, 16

VICTOR HUGO, _Margaret O. W. Oliphant_, 161

WASHINGTON IRVING, 140

SAMUEL JOHNSON, _Lord Macaulay_, 99

HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW, _Hezekiah Butterworth_, 174

JOHN MILTON, 60

MOLIERE, _Sir Walter Scott_, 50

PETRARCH, _Alice King_, 25

PLATO, _George Grote, F.R.S._, 7

ALEXANDER POPE, _Austin Dobson_, 82

SCHILLER, _B. L. Farjeon_, 116

SIR WALTER SCOTT, _W. C. Taylor, LL.D._, 130

_Letter of advice from Scott to his son_, 135

WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE, _Senator John J. Ingalls_, 44

DEAN SWIFT, _Samuel Archer_, 77

TORQUATO TASSO, 34

ALFRED TENNYSON, _Clarence Cook_, 182

VIRGIL, 12

VOLTAIRE, _M. C. Lockwood, D.D._, 92

WILLIAM WORDSWORTH, 136

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

VOLUME VII.

PHOTOGRAVURES

ILLUSTRATION ARTIST TO FACE PAGE

THE FIRST MEETING OF DANTE AND

BEATRICE, _Henry Holiday_ _Frontispiece_

PETRARCH AND LAURA INTRODUCED TO THE EMPEROR

AT AVIGNON, _Vacslav Brozik_ 28

A DINNER AT THE HOUSE OF MOLIERE

AT AUTEUIL, _Georges-Gaston Melingue_ 58

THE ARREST OF VOLTAIRE AND HIS NIECE BY FREDERICK'S

ORDER, _Jules Girardet_ 96

VICTOR HUGO, _From life_ 162

LONGFELLOW'S STUDY, _From photograph_ 178

WOOD-ENGRAVINGS AND TYPOGRAVURES

HOMER RECITING THE ILIAD. _J. Coomans_ 6

THE SCHOOL OF ATHENS, _Raphael_ 10

OCTAVIA OVERCOME BY VIRGIL'S

VERSES, _Jean Ingres_ 14

VIRGIL, HORACE, AND VARIUS AT THE

HOUSE OF MAECENAS, _Ch. F. Jalabert_ 18

CHAUCER AND THE CANTERBURY

PILGRIMS, _Corbould_ 32

TASSO AND THE TWO ELEANORS, _F. Barth_ 36

SHAKESPEARE ARRESTED FOR

DEER-STEALING, _J. Schrader_ 46

OLIVER CROMWELL VISITS JOHN MILTON, _David Neal_ 62

DEFOE IN THE PILLORY, _Eyre Crowe_ 74

DR. JOHNSON'S PENANCE, _Adrian Stokes_ 100

THE DEATH OF CHATTERTON, THE YOUNG

POET _H. Wallis_ 110

BURNS AND HIGHLAND MARY, 114

SCHILLER PRESENTED TO THE PRINCESS

OF SAXE-WEIMAR, _Mes_ 120

GOETHE AND FREDERIKE, _Hermann Kaulbach_ 124

SIR WALTER SCOTT AT ABBOTSFORD, _Sir William Allan_ 134

CARLYLE AT CHELSEA, _Mrs. Allingham_ 158

TENNYSON IN HIS LIBRARY, _Roberts_ 184

ARTISTS AND AUTHORS

Art is the child of nature; yes,

Her darling child in whom we trace

The features of the mother's face,

Her aspect and her attitude.

--LONGFELLOW

HOMER

By WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE

(ABOUT 1000 B.C.)

[Illustration: Homer.]

The poems of Homer differ from all other known poetry in this, that

they constitute in themselves an encyclopaedia of life and knowledge at

a time when knowledge, indeed, such as lies beyond the bounds of

actual experience, was extremely limited, but when life was singularly

fresh, vivid, and expansive. The only poems of Homer we possess are

the "Iliad" and the "Odyssey," for the Homeric hymns and other

productions lose all title to stand in line with these wonderful

works, by reason of conflict in a multitude of particulars with the

witness of the text, as well as of their poetical inferiority. They

evidently belong to the period that follows the great migration into

Asia Minor, brought about by the Dorian conquest.

The dictum of Herodotus, which places the date of Homer four hundred

years before his own, therefore in the ninth century B.C., was little

better than mere conjecture. Common opinion has certainly presumed him

to be posterior to the Dorian conquest. The "Hymn to Apollo," however,

which was the main prop of this opinion, is assuredly not his. In a

work which attempts to turn recent discovery to account, I have

contended that the fall of Troy cannot properly be brought lower than

about 1250 B.C., and that Homer may probably have lived within fifty

years of it.

The entire presentation of life and character in the two poems is

distinct from, and manifestly anterior to, anything made known to us

in Greece under and after that conquest. The study of Homer has been

darkened and enfeebled by thrusting backward into it a vast mass of

matter belonging to these later periods, and even to the Roman

civilization, which was different in spirit and which entirely lost

sight of the true position of Greeks and Trojans and inverted their

moral as well as their martial relations. The name of Greeks is a

Roman name; the people to whom Homer has given immortal fame are

Achaians, both in designation and in manners. The poet paints them at

a time when the spirit of national life was rising within their

borders. Its first efforts had been seen in the expeditions of Achaian

natives to conquer the Asiatic or Egyptian immigrants who had, under

the name of Cadmeians (etymologically, "foreigners"), founded Thebes

in Boeotia, and in the voyage of the ship Argo to Colchis, which was

probably the seat of a colony sprung from the Egyptian empire, and was

therefore regarded as hostile in memory of the antecedent aggressions

of that empire. The expedition against Troy was the beginning of the

long chain of conflicts between Europe and Asia, which end with the

Turkish conquests and with the reaction of the last three hundred

years, and especially of the nineteenth century, against them. It

represents an effort truly enormous toward attaining nationality in

idea and in practice. Clearing away obstructions, of which the cause

has been partially indicated, we must next observe that the text of

Homer was never studied by the moderns as a whole in a searching

manner until within the last two generations. From the time of Wolf

there was infinite controversy about the works and the authorship,

with little positive result, except the establishment of the fact that

they were not written but handed down by memory, an operation aided

and methodized by the high position of bards as such in Greece (more

properly Achaia, and afterward Hellas), by the formation of a separate

school to hand down these particular songs, and by the great

institution of the Games at a variety of points in the country. At

these centres there were public recitations even before the poems were

composed, and the uncertainties of individual memory were limited and

corrected by competition carried on in a presence of a people

eminently endowed with the literary faculty, and by the vast national

importance of handing down faithfully a record which was the chief

authority touching the religion, history, political divisions, and

manners of the country. Many diversities of text arose, but there was

thus a continual operation, a corrective as well as a disintegrating

process.

The Germans, who had long been occupied in framing careful monographs

which contracted the contents of the Homeric text on many particulars,

such as the Ship, the House, and so forth, have at length supplied, in

the work of Dr. E. Buchholz, a full and methodical account of the

contents of the text. This work would fill in English not less than

six octavo volumes.

The Greeks called the poet _poietes_, the "maker," and never was there

such a maker as Homer. The work, not exclusively, but yet

pre-eminently his, was the making of a language, a religion, and a

nation. The last named of these was his dominant idea, and to it all

his methods may be referred. Of the first he may have been little

conscious while he wrought in his office as a bard, which was to give

delight.

Careful observation of the text exhibits three powerful factors which

contribute to the composition of the nation. First, the Pelasgic name

is associated with the mass of the people, cultivators of the soil in

the Greek peninsula and elsewhere, though not as their uniform

designation, for in Crete (for example) they appear in conjunction

with Achaians and Dorians, representatives of a higher stock, and with

Eteocretans, who were probably anterior occupants. This Pelasgian name

commands the sympathy of the poet and his laudatory epithets; but is

nowhere used for the higher class or for the entire nation. The other

factors take the command. The Achaians are properly the ruling class,

and justify their station by their capacity. But there is a third

factor also of great power. We know from the Egyptian monuments that

Greece had been within the sway of that primitive empire, and that the

Phoenicians were its maritime arm, as they were also the universal and

apparently exclusive navigators of the Mediterranean. Whatever came

over sea to the Achaian land came in connection with the Phoenician

name, which was used by Homer in a manner analogous to the use of the

word Frank in the Levant during modern times. But as Egyptian and

Assyrian knowledge is gradually opened up to us we learn by degrees

that Phoenicia conveyed to Greece Egyptian and Assyrian elements

together with her own.

The rich materials of the Greek civilization can almost all be traced

to this medium of conveyance from the East and South. Great families

which stand in this association were founded in Greece and left their

mark upon the country. It is probable that they may have exercised in

the first instance a power delegated from Egypt, which they retained

after her influence had passed away. Building, metal-working,

navigation, ornamental arts, natural knowledge, all carry the

Phoenician impress. This is the third of the great factors which were

combined and evolved in the wonderful nationality of Greece, a power

as vividly felt at this hour as it was three thousand years ago. But

if Phoenicia conveyed the seed, the soil was Achaian, and on account

of its richness that peninsula surpassed, in its developments of human

nature and action, the southern and eastern growths. An Achaian

civilization was the result, full of freshness and power, in which

usage had a great sacredness, religion was a moral spring of no mean

force, slavery though it existed was not associated with cruelty, the

worst extremes of sin had no place in the life of the people, liberty

had an informal but very real place in public institutions, and

manners reached to much refinement; while on the other hand, fierce

passion was not abated by conventional restraints, slaughter and

bondage were the usual results of war, the idea of property was but

very partially defined, and though there were strong indeterminate

sentiments of right there is no word in Homer signifying law. Upon the

whole, though a very imperfect, it was a wonderful and noble nursery

of manhood.

It seems clear that this first civilization of the peninsula was sadly

devastated by the rude hands of the Dorian conquest. Institutions like

those of Lycurgus could not have been grafted upon the Homeric

manners; and centuries elapsed before there emerged from the political

ruin a state of things favorable to refinement and to progress in the

Greece of history; which though in so many respects of an unequalled

splendor, yet had a less firm hold than the Achaian time upon some of

the highest social and moral ideas. For example, the position of women

had greatly declined, liberty was perhaps less largely conceived, and

the tie between religion and morality was more evidently sundered.

After this sketch of the national existence which Homer described, and

to the consolidation of which he powerfully ministered, let us revert

to the state in which he found and left the elements of a national

religion. A close observation of the poems pretty clearly shows us

that the three races which combined to form the nation had each of

them their distinct religious traditions. It is also plain enough that

with this diversity there had been antagonism. As sources illustrative

of these propositions which lie at the base of all true comprehension

of the religion--which may be called Olympian from its central seat--I

will point to the numerous signs of a system of nature-worship as

prevailing among the Pelasgian masses; to the alliance in the war

between the nature-powers and the Trojans as against the loftier

Hellenic mythology; to the legend in Iliad, i., 396-412, of the great

war in heaven, which symbolically describes the collision on earth

between the ideas which were locally older and those beginning to

surmount them; and, finally, to the traditions extraneous to the poems

of competitions between different deities for the local allegiance of

the people at different spots, such as Corinth, to which Phoenician

influence had brought the Poseidon-worship before Homer's time, and

Athens, which somewhat later became peculiarly the seat of mixed

races. I have spoken of nature-worship as the Pelasgian contribution

to the composite Olympian religion. In the Phoenician share we find,

as might be expected, both Assyrian and Egyptian elements. The best

indication we possess of the Hellenic function is that given by the

remarkable prayer of Achilles to Zeus in Iliad, xvi., 233-248. This

prayer on the sending forth of Patroclus is the hinge of the whole

action of the poem, and is preceded by a long introduction (220-232)

such as we nowhere else find. The tone is monotheistic; no partnership

of gods appears in it; and the immediate servants of Zeus are

described as interpreters, not as priests. From several indications it

may be gathered that the Hellenic system was less priestly than the

Troic. It seems to have been an especial office of Homer to harmonize

and combine these diverse elements, and his Thearchy is as remarkable

a work of art as the terrestrial machinery of the poem. He has

profoundly impressed upon it the human likeness often called

anthropomorphic, and which supplied the basis of Greek art. He has

repelled on all sides from his classical and central system the cult

of nature and of animals, but it is probable that they kept their

place in the local worships of the country. His Zeus is to a

considerable extent a monarch, while Poseidon and several other

deities bear evident marks of having had no superior at earlier epochs

or in the countries of their origin. He arranges them partly as a

family, partly as a commonwealth. The gods properly Olympian

correspond with the Boule or council upon earth, while the orders of

less exalted spirits are only summoned on great occasions. He

indicates twenty as the number of Olympian gods proper, following in

this the Assyrian idea. But they were far from holding an equal place

in his estimation. For a deity such as Aphrodite brought from the

East, and intensely tainted with sensual passions, he indicates

aversion and contempt. But for Apollo, whose cardinal idea is that of

obedience to Zeus, and for Athene, who represents a profound working

wisdom that never fails of its end, he has a deep reverence. He

assorts and distributes religious traditions with reference to the

great ends he had to pursue; carefully, for example, separating Apollo

from the sun, with which he bears marks of having been in other

systems identified. Of his other greater gods it may be said that the

dominant idea is in Zeus policy, in Here nationality, and in Poseidon

physical force. His Trinity, which is conventional, and his

Under-world appear to be borrowed from Assyria, and in some degree

from Egypt. One licentious legend appears in Olympus, but this belongs

to the Odyssey, and to a Phoenician, not a Hellenic, circle of ideas.

His Olympian assembly is, indeed, largely representative of human

appetites, tastes, and passions; but in the government of the world it

works as a body on behalf of justice, and the suppliant and the

stranger are peculiarly objects of the care of Zeus. Accordingly, we

find that the cause which is to triumph in the Trojan war is the just

cause; that in the Odyssey the hero is led through suffering to peace

and prosperity, and that the terrible retribution he inflicts has been

merited by crime. At various points of the system we trace the higher

traditions of religion, and on passing down to the classical period we

find that the course of the mythology has been a downward course.

The Troic as compared with the Achaian manners are to a great extent

what we should now call Asiatic as distinguished from European. Of the

great chieftains, Achilles, Diomed, Ajax, Menelaos, and Patroclus

appear chiefly to exhibit the Achaian ideal of humanity; Achilles,

especially, and on a colossal scale. Odysseus, the many-sided man, has

a strong Phoenician tinge, though the dominant color continues to be

Greek. And in his house we find exhibited one of the noblest among the

characteristics of the poems in the sanctity and perpetuity of

marriage. Indeed, the purity and loyalty of Penelope are, like the

humility approaching to penitence of Helen, quite unmatched in

antiquity.

The plot of the Iliad has been the subject of much criticism, on

account of the long absence of Achilles, the hero, from the action of

the poem. But Homer had to bring out Achaian character in its various

forms, and while the vastness of Achilles is on the stage, every other

Achaian hero must be eclipsed. Further, Homer was an itinerant

minstrel, who had to adapt himself to the sympathies and traditions of

the different portions of the country. Peloponnesus was the seat of

power, and its chiefs acquired a prominent position in the Iliad by

what on the grounds we may deem a skilful arrangement. But most

skilful of all is the fine adjustment of the balance as between Greek

and Trojan warriors. It will be found on close inspection of details

that the Achaian chieftains have in truth a vast military superiority;

yet by the use of infinite art, Homer has contrived that the Trojans

shall play the part of serious and considerable antagonists, so far

that with divine aid and connivance they reduce the foe to the point

at which the intervention of Achilles becomes necessary for their

deliverance, and his supremacy as an exhibition of colossal manhood is

thoroughly maintained.

The plot of the Odyssey is admitted to be consecutive and regular in

structure. There are certain differences in the mythology which have

been made a ground for supposing a separate authorship. But, in the

first place, this would do nothing to explain them; in the second,

they find their natural explanation in observing that the scene of the

wanderings is laid in other lands, beyond the circle of Achaian

knowledge and tradition, and that Homer modifies his scheme to meet

the ethnical variations as he gathered them from the trading

navigators of Phoenicia, who alone could have supplied him with the

information required for his purpose.

That information was probably colored more or less by ignorance and by

fraud. But we can trace in it the sketch of an imaginary voyage to the

northern regions of Europe, and it has some remarkable features of

internal evidence, supported by the facts, and thus pointing to its

genuineness. In latitudes not described as separate we have reports of

the solar day apparently contradictory. In one case there is hardly

any night, so that the shepherd might earn double wages. In the other,

cloud and darkness almost shut out the day. But we now know both of

these statements to have a basis of solid truth on the Norwegian coast

to the northward, at the different seasons of the midnight sun in

summer, and of Christmas, when it is not easy to read at noon.

[Illustration: Homer reciting the Iliad.]

The value of Homer as a recorder of antiquity, as opening a large and

distinct chapter of primitive knowledge, is only now coming by degrees

into view, as the text is more carefully examined and its parts

compared, and as other branches of ancient study are developed,

especially as in Assyria and Egypt, and by the remarkable discoveries

of Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik and in Greece. But the appreciation of

him as a poet has never failed, though it is disappointing to find

that a man so great as Aristophanes should describe him simply as the

bard of battles, and sad to think that in many of the Christian

centuries his works should have slumbered without notice in hidden

repositories. His place among the greatest poets of the world, whom no

one supposes to be more than three or four in number, has never been

questioned. Considering him as anterior to all literary aids and

training, he is the most remarkable phenomenon among them all. It may

be well to specify some of the points that are peculiarly his own. One

of them is the great simplicity of the structure of his mind. With an

incomparable eye for the world around him in all things, great and

small, he is abhorrent of everything speculative and abstract, and

what may be called philosophies have no place in his works, almost the

solitary exception being that he employs thought as an illustration of

the rapidity of the journey of a deity. He is, accordingly, of all

poets the most simple and direct. He is also the most free and genial

in the movement of his verse; grateful nature seems to give to him

spontaneously the perfection to which great men like Virgil and

Milton had to attain only by effort intense and sustained. In the high

office of drawing human character in its multitude of forms and colors

he seems to have no serious rival except Shakespeare. We call him an

epic poet, but he is instinct from beginning to end with the spirit of

the drama, while we find in him the seeds and rudiments even of its

form. His function as a reciting minstrel greatly aided him herein.

Again, he had in his language an instrument unrivalled for its

facility, suppleness, and versatility, for the large range of what

would in music be called its register, so that it embraced every form

and degree of human thought, feeling, and emotion, and clothed them

all, from the lowest to the loftiest, from the slightest to the most

intense and concentrated, in the dress of exactly appropriate style

and language. His metre also is a perfect vehicle of the language. If

we think the range of his knowledge limited, yet it was all that his

country and his age possessed, and it was very greatly more than has

been supposed by readers that dwelt only on the surface. So long as

the lamp of civilization shall not have ceased to burn, the Iliad and

the Odyssey must hold their forward place among the brightest

treasures of our race.

PLATO

Extracts from "Plato," by GEORGE GROTE, F.R.S.

(427-347 B.C.)

Of Plato's biography we can furnish nothing better than a faint

outline. We are not fortunate enough to possess the work on Plato's

life composed by his companion and disciple, Xenocrates, like the life

of Plotinus by Porphyry, or that of Proclus by Marinus. Though Plato

lived eighty years, enjoying extensive celebrity, and though Diogenes

Laertius employed peculiar care in collecting information about him,

yet the number of facts recounted is very small, and of those facts a

considerable proportion is poorly attested.

Plato was born at Aegina (in which island his father enjoyed an estate

as clerouch or out-settled citizen) in the month Thargelion (May), of

the year B.C. 427. His family, belonging to the Deme Collytus, was

both ancient and noble, in the sense attached to that word at Athens.

He was son of Ariston (or, according to some admirers, of the God

Apollo) and Perictione; his maternal ancestors had been intimate

friends or relatives of the law-giver Solon, while his father belonged

to a gens tracing its descent from Codrus, and even from the God

Poseidon. He was also nearly related to Charmides and to

Critias--this last the well-known and violent leader among the

oligarchy called the Thirty Tyrants. Plato was first called

Aristocles, after his grandfather, but received when he grew up the

name of Plato, on account of the breadth (we are told) either of his

forehead or of his shoulders. Endowed with a robust physical frame,

and exercised in gymnastics, not merely in one of the palaestrae of

Athens (which he describes graphically in the Charmides), but also

under an Argeian trainer, he attained such force and skill as to

contend (if we may credit Dicaearchus) for the prize of wrestling among

boys at the Isthmian festival. His literary training was commenced

under a schoolmaster named Dionysius, and pursued under Draco, a

celebrated teacher of music in the large sense then attached to that

word. He is said to have displayed both diligence and remarkable

quickness of apprehension, combined too with the utmost gravity and

modesty. He not only acquired great familiarity with the poets, but

composed poetry of his own--dithyrambic, lyric, and tragic; and he is

even reported to have prepared a tragic tetralogy, with the view of

competing for victory at the Dionysian festival. We are told that he

burned these poems, when he attached himself to the society of

Socrates. No compositions in verse remain under his name, except a few

epigrams--amatory, affectionate, and of great poetical beauty. But

there is ample proof in his dialogues that the cast of his mind was

essentially poetical. Many of his philosophical speculations are

nearly allied to poetry and acquire their hold upon the mind rather

through imagination and sentiment than through reason or evidence.

According to Diogenes (who on this point does not cite his authority),

it was about the twentieth year of Plato's age (407 B.C.) that his

acquaintance with Socrates began. It may possibly have begun earlier,

but certainly not later, since at the time of the conversation

(related by Xenophon) between Socrates and Plato's younger brother

Glaucon, there was already a friendship established between Socrates

and Plato; and that time can hardly be later than 406 B.C., or the

beginning of 405 B.C. From 406 B.C. down to 399 B.C., when Socrates

was tried and condemned, Plato seems to have remained in friendly

relation and society with him, a relation perhaps interrupted during

the severe political struggles between 405 B.C. and 403 B.C., but

revived and strengthened after the restoration of the democracy in the

last-mentioned year.

Whether Plato ever spoke with success in the public assembly we do not

know; he is said to have been shy by nature, and his voice was thin

and feeble, ill adapted for the Pnyx. However, when the oligarchy of

Thirty was established, after the capture and subjugation of Athens,

Plato was not only relieved from the necessity of addressing the

assembled people, but also obtained additional facilities for rising

into political influence, through Critias (his near relative) and

Charmides, leading men among the new oligarchy. Plato affirms that he

had always disapproved the antecedent democracy, and that he entered

on the new scheme of government with full hope of seeing justice and

wisdom predominant He was soon undeceived. The government of the

Thirty proved a sanguinary and rapacious tyranny, filling him with

disappointment and disgust. He was especially revolted by their

treatment of Socrates, whom they not only interdicted from continuing

his habitual colloquy with young men, but even tried to implicate in

nefarious murders, by ordering him along with others to arrest Leon

the Salaminian, one of their intended victims; an order which

Socrates, at the peril of his life, disobeyed.

Thus mortified and disappointed, Plato withdrew from public functions.

What part he took in the struggle between the oligarchy and its

democratical assailants under Thrasybulus we are not informed. But

when the democracy was re-established his political ambition revived

and he again sought to acquire some active influence on public

affairs. Now, however, the circumstances had become highly unfavorable

to him. The name of his deceased relative, Critias, was generally

abhorred, and he had no powerful partisans among the popular leaders.

With such disadvantages, with anti-democratical sentiments, and with a

thin voice, we cannot wonder that Plato soon found public life

repulsive, though he admits the remarkable moderation displayed by the

restored Demos. His repugnance was aggravated to the highest pitch of

grief and indignation by the trial and condemnation of Socrates (399

B.C.) four years after the renewal of the democracy. At that moment

doubtless the Socratic men or companions were unpopular in a body.

Plato, after having yielded his best sympathy and aid at the trial of

Socrates, retired along with several others of them to Megara. He made

up his mind that for a man of his views and opinions it was not only

unprofitable, but also unsafe, to embark in active public life, either

at Athens or in any other Grecian city. He resolved to devote himself

to philosophical speculation and to abstain from practical politics,

unless fortune should present to him some exceptional case of a city

prepared to welcome and obey a renovator upon exalted principles.

At Megara Plato passed some time with the Megarian Eucleides, his

fellow-disciple in the society of Socrates and the founder of what is

termed the Megaric school of philosophers. He next visited Cyrene,

where he is said to have become acquainted with the geometrician

Theodorus and to have studied geometry under him. From Cyrene he

proceeded to Egypt, interesting himself much in the antiquities of the

country as well as in the conversation of the priests. In or about 394

B.C., if we may trust the statement of Aristoxenus about the military

service of Plato at Corinth, he was again at Athens. He afterward went

to Italy and Sicily, seeking the society of the Pythagorean

philosophers, Archytas, Echecrates, Timaeus, etc., at Tarentum and

Locri, and visiting the volcanic manifestations of Aetna. It appears

that his first visit to Sicily was made when he was about forty years

of age, which would be 387 B.C. Here he made acquaintance with the

youthful Dion, over whom he acquired great intellectual ascendancy. By

Dion Plato was prevailed upon to visit the elder Dionysius at

Syracuse; but that despot, offended by the free spirit of his

conversation and admonitions, dismissed him with displeasure, and even

caused him to be sold into slavery at Aegina on his voyage home. Though

really sold, however, Plato was speedily ransomed by friends. After

farther incurring some risk of his life as an Athenian citizen, in

consequence of the hostile feelings of the Aeginetans, he was conveyed

away safely to Athens, about 386 B.C.

It was at this period, about 386 B.C., that the continuous and formal

public teaching of Plato, constituting as it does so great an epoch in

philosophy, commenced. But I see no ground for believing, as many

authors assume, that he was absent from Athens during the entire

interval between 399-386 B.C.

The spot selected by Plato for his lectures or teaching was a garden

adjoining the precinct sacred to the hero Hecademus or Acedemus,

distant from the gate of Athens called Dipylon somewhat less than a

mile, on the road to Eleusis, toward the north. In this precinct there

were both walks, shaded by trees, and a gymnasium for bodily exercise;

close adjoining, Plato either inherited or acquired a small

dwelling-house and garden, his own private property. Here, under the

name of the Academy, was founded the earliest of those schools of

philosophy, which continued for centuries forward to guide and

stimulate the speculative minds of Greece and Rome.

We have scarce any particulars respecting the growth of the School of

Athens from this time to the death of Plato, in 347 B.C. We only know

generally that his fame as a lecturer became eminent and widely

diffused; that among his numerous pupils were included Speusippus,

Xenocrates, Aristotle, Demosthenes, Hyperides, Lycurgus, etc.; that

he was admired and consulted by Perdiccas in Macedonia, and Dionysius

at Syracuse; that he was also visited by listeners and pupils from all

parts of Greece.

It was in the year 367-366 that Plato was induced, by the earnest

entreaties of Dion, to go from Athens to Syracuse, on a visit to the

younger Dionysius, who had just become despot, succeeding to his

father of the same name. Dionysius II., then very young, had

manifested some disposition toward philosophy and prodigious

admiration for Plato, who was encouraged by Dion to hope that he would

have influence enough to bring about an amendment or thorough reform

of the government at Syracuse. This ill-starred visit, with its

momentous sequel, has been described in my "History of Greece." It not

only failed completely, but made matters worse rather than better;

Dionysius became violently alienated from Dion and sent him into

exile. Though turning a deaf ear to Plato's recommendations, he

nevertheless liked his conversation, treated him with great respect,

detained him for some time at Syracuse, and was prevailed upon, only

by the philosopher's earnest entreaties, to send him home. Yet in

spite of such uncomfortable experience, Plato was induced, after a

certain interval, again to leave Athens and pay a second visit to

Dionysius, mainly in hopes of procuring the restoration of Dion. In

this hope, too, he was disappointed, and was glad to return, after a

longer stay than he wished, to Athens.

[Illustration: The School of Athens.]

The visits of Plato to Dionysius were much censured and his motives

misrepresented by unfriendly critics, and these reproaches were still

further embittered by the entire failure of his hopes. The closing

years of his long life were saddened by the disastrous turn of events

at Syracuse, aggravated by the discreditable abuse of power and

violent death of his intimate friend, Dion, which brought dishonor

both upon himself and upon the Academy. Nevertheless, he lived to the

age of eighty, and died in 348-347 B.C., leaving a competent property,

which he bequeathed by a will still extant. But his foundation, the

Academy, did not die with him. It passed to his nephew Speusippus, who

succeeded him as teacher, conductor of the school, or scholarch, and

was himself succeeded after eight years by Xenocrates of Chalcedon;

while another pupil of the Academy, Aristotle, after an absence of

some years from Athens, returned thither and established a school of

his own at the Lyceum, at another extremity of the city.

The latter half of Plato's life in his native city must have been one

of dignity and consideration, though not of any political activity. He

is said to have addressed the Dicastery as an advocate for the accused

general Chabrias; and we are told that he discharged the expensive and

showy functions of Choregus with funds supplied by Dion. Out of Athens

also his reputation was very great. When he went to the Olympic

festival of B.C. 360 he was an object of conspicuous attention and

respect; he was visited by hearers, young men of rank and ambition,

from the most distant Hellenic cities.

Such is the sum of our information respecting Plato. Scanty as it is

we have not even the advantage of contemporary authority for any

portion of it. We have no description of Plato from any contemporary

author, friendly or adverse. It will be seen that after the death of

Socrates we know nothing about Plato as a man and a citizen, except

the little which can be learned from his few epistles, all written

when he was very old and relating almost entirely to his peculiar

relations with Dion and Dionysius. His dialogues, when we try to

interpret them collectively, and gather from them general results as

to the character and purposes of the author, suggest valuable

arguments and perplexing doubts, but yield few solutions. In no one of

the dialogues does Plato address us in his own person. In the Apology

alone (which is not a dialogue) is he alluded to even as present; in

the Phaedon he is mentioned as absent from illness. Each of the

dialogues, direct or indirect, is conducted from beginning to end by

the persons whom he introduces. Not one of the dialogues affords any

positive internal evidence showing the date of its composition. In a

few there are allusions to prove that they must have been composed at

a period later than others, or later than some given event of known

date; but nothing more can be positively established. Nor is there any

good extraneous testimony to determine the date of any one among them;

for the remark ascribed to Socrates about the dialogue called Lysis

(which remark, if authentic, would prove the dialogue to have been

composed during the lifetime of Socrates) appears altogether

untrustworthy. And the statement of some critics, that the Phaedrus was

Plato's earliest composition, is clearly nothing more than an

inference (doubtful at best, and in my judgment erroneous) from its

dithyrambic style and erotic subject.

VIRGIL

(70-19 B.C.)

[Illustration: Virgil.]

Next to Homer on the roll of the world's epic poets stands the name of

Virgil. Acknowledged by all as the greatest of Roman poets, he

entered, as no other Roman writer did, into Christian history and

mediaeval legend. Constantine, the first Christian emperor, professed

to have been converted by the perusal of one of Virgil's "Eclogues,"

and Dante owned him as his master and model, and his guide through all

the circles of the other world, while Italian tradition still regards

him a great necromancer, a prophet, and a worker of miracles. From the

date of his death till to-day, in every country, his works have been

among the commonest of school-books, and editions, commentaries and

translations are countless.

Publius Vergilius Maro--for the manuscripts and inscriptions of

antiquity spell his name Vergilius, not Virgilius, as is

customary--was born near the present city of Mantua, in Upper Italy,

in the year 70 B.C., at a little village called Andes, which has been

identified with the modern Italian hamlet of Pietola. At the time of

his birth this region was not included in the term "Italy," but was a

part of Cisalpine Gaul, where the inhabitants did not obtain Roman

citizenship till the year B.C. 49. Thus the writer whose greatest work

is devoted to immortalizing the glories of Rome and the deeds of its

founder, was not a Roman by birth, and was over twenty before he

became a citizen.

His father seems to have been in possession of a small property at

Andes which he cultivated himself, and where the poet acquired his

love for nature, and the intimate practical acquaintance with farm

labors and farm management, which he used so effectively in his most

carefully polished work, his "Georgics." His first education was

received at the town of Cremona, and the larger city of Milan, and he

was at the former place in his sixteenth year on the day when the poet

Lucretius died.

Greek in those days was not only the language of poetry and

philosophy, but the language of polite society and commercial usage.

It was the common medium of communication throughout the Roman world,

and a knowledge of it was indispensable. Hence, after studying his

native language in Northern Italy, Virgil was sent to Naples, a city

founded by Greeks, and possessing a large Greek population. Here he

studied under Parthenius for some time, and then proceeded to Rome,

where he had as his instructor, Syron, a member of the Epicurean

school, of whose doctrines Virgil's poems bear some traces.

Rome, however, offered no career to a youth who was not yet a citizen,

and Virgil seems to have returned to his paternal farm, and there

probably he composed some of his smaller pieces, which bear marks of

juvenile taste. Among those that have been assigned to this early part

of his life, is one of considerable interest to Americans, for in it

occurs our national motto, "_E pluribus unum_." The short poem--it

consists of only one hundred and twenty-three lines--describes how a

negro serving-woman makes a dish called _Moretum_, a kind of salad, in

which various herbs are blended with oil and vinegar, till "out of

many one united whole" is produced. To the same period critics have

assigned his poem on a "Mosquito," and some epigrams in various

metres. The home in the country had, however, soon to experience, like

thousands of others, a sad change. The battle of Philippi took place,

and Marc Antony and Octavius Caesar, the future emperor, known to later

ages as Augustus, were masters of the world. We have no hints that

Virgil had been, like Horace, engaged in the civil war in a military

or any other capacity, or that his father had taken any part in the

struggle, but the country in which his property lay was marked out for

confiscation. The city of Cremona had strongly sympathized with the

cause of Brutus and the republic, and in consequence, the doctrine

that "to the victors belong the spoils," having a very practical

application in those days, its territory was seized and divided among

the victorious soldiers, and with it was taken part of the territory

of its neighbor, Mantua, including Virgil's little farm. According to

report the new occupier was an old soldier, named Claudius, and it was

added that by the advice of Asinius Pollio, the governor of the

province, Virgil applied to the young Octavius for restitution of the

property. The request was granted, and Virgil, in gratitude, wrote his

first "Eclogue," to commemorate the generosity of the emperor. These

facts, if at all true, indicate that the young poet had already become

favorably known to men of high position and great influence. Pollio

was eminent not only as a soldier and statesman who played an

important part in politics, but as an orator, a poet, and an

historian, and above all as an encourager of literature. It was a

fortunate day when a governor of such power to aid, and such taste to

recognize talent, discovered the young poet of Andes, and saved him

from a life of struggling poverty. Virgil's health was always feeble,

and his temper seems to have been rather melancholy; he had had little

experience of life except in his remote country town, and would, we

may plausibly conjecture, have succumbed in a contest from which the

more worldly-wise Horace emerged in triumph.

Pollio remained a steadfast friend, and Augustus and Maecenas took him

under their protection. He was on terms of close intimacy with the

latter, and introduced Horace to that great minister and patron of

letters. The two poets were close friends, and Horace mentions Virgil

as being in the party which accompanied Maecenas from Rome to

Brundisium about the year 41 B.C. Between 41 B.C. and 37 B.C., he

composed, as already stated, his "Eclogues" or "Bucolics." In these

idylls we find many simple and natural touches, great beauty of metre

and language, and numerous allusions to the persons and circumstances

of the time. The fourth of these ten short poems is dedicated to

Pollio, and is to be noted as the one quoted by Constantine as leading

to his conversion to Christianity. "It is bucolic only in name, it is

allegorical," writes George Long, "mystical, half historical, and

prophetical, enigmatical, anything in fact but bucolic." The

best-known imitation of his idyll is Pope's "Messiah." Pleasing as all

these poems are, they do not represent rural life in Italy, they are

in most part but echoes of Theocritus.

It is to the suggestion of Maecenas that we owe Virgil's most perfect

poem, his "Georgics," which he commenced after the publication of the

"Bucolics." To suppose these four books of verses on soils,

fruit-trees, horses and cattle, and finally on bees, as a practical

treatise to guide and instruct the farmer, is absurd. Few farmers have

time or inclination to read so elaborate a work. It is probable that

Maecenas, while recognizing the talent of the "Bucolics," saw likewise

the unreality of their pictures of life, and gave him the subject of

the "Georgics" as being in the same line as that the poet seemed to

have chosen for himself, and yet as less liable to lead to imitations

and pilferings from Greek originals. In fact there was no work that he

could follow. In this work we find great improvement in both taste and

versification, and the rather uninviting subject is treated and

embellished in a way that makes his fame rest in great part on the

poem. The fourth book, especially, with its episode of Orpheus and

Eurydice will live forever for its plaintive tenderness. The work was

completed at Naples, after the battle of Actium, 31 B.C., while

Augustus was in the East.

[Illustration: Octavia overcome by Virgil's Verses.]

Great Men and Famous Women, Vol. 7 A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History · 第 1 / 25 段