DE PROFUNDIS
Charles fears for his own safety—Earl Marischal’s advice—Letter from
Goring—Charles’s danger—Charles at Coblentz—His changes of
abode—Information from Pickle—Charles as a friar—Pickle sends to England
Lochgarry’s memorial—Scottish advice to Charles—List of loyal
clans—Pickle on Frederick—On English adherents—‘They drink very
hard’—Pickle declines to admit arms—Frederick receives Jemmy Dawkins—His
threats against England—Albemarle on Dawkins—Dawkins an
archæologist—Explores Palmyra—Charles at feud with Miss
Walkinshaw—Goring’s Illness—A mark to be put on Charles’s
daughter—Charles’s _objets d’art_—Sells his pistols.
THE ill news of Archy Cameron’s arrest (March 20, 1753) soon reached
Charles. On April 15 he wrote to ‘Mr. Giffard’ (the Earl Marischal) in
Paris. He obviously feared that the intelligence which led to Cameron’s
capture might throw light on his own place of residence. His friends, at
least, believed that if he were discovered his life would be in danger.
He says:
_To Mr. Giffard_ (_Earl Marischal_), _from P._
‘April 13, 1763.
‘I am extremely unnesi by the accident that has hapened to a Certain
person. you Now [know] how much I was against people in that Service.
{208} My antipathi, iff possible, increses every day, which makes me
absolutely determined whatever hapens never to aproch their Country,
or have to do with anibody that comes with them. I have been on ye
point of leaving this place,—but thought it better to differ it
untill I here from you. My entention was to go to Francfor Sur Main
and from thence to Bal in Swise, but without ever trespassing in ye
F. Dominions, be pleased to send back by M. Dumon yr opinion of what
Town in ye Queen of H. D. [Hungary’s dominions] [Maria Theresa] would
be ye best for me to go to.—would not D’s Cuntry House be good:
perhaps I may get it for six months . . .
‘JOHN DOUGLAS.’
On April 29, misled it seems by a misapprehension of Lord Marischal’s
meaning, Charles had moved to Cologne, and notified the fact to Stouf
(Goring). Goring replied:
_From Stouf_.
‘Paris: May 8, 1753.
‘The message delivered to you by Mr. Cambell has been falsely
represented to you, or not rightly understood; the noble person Mr.
Cambell mentions to have sent you a positive message to leave Gand
and retire to Cologne, denies to have sent you any positive message
at all on that account. He was indeed very anxious for your safety,
and of opinion that since the taking of Mr. Cameron your person ran
an inevitable danger, if you staid where you then were, and gave as
his opinion only, that the dominions of the Elector of Cologne and
the Palatinate appeared to be the safest, by reason of those princes
being in interests opposite to the Court of Hanover, but was very far
from saying you would be safe there, or indeed anywhere. How is it
possible a man of his sense could think, much less a prince like you,
who have so many powerfull enemies, that any place could guard you
from them? No sir, he is of opinion that nothing can save your life
but by yr taking just measures and prudent precautions to hyde
yourself from them.
‘These are the sentiments of the noble person you mention in yours of
the 29th. whose name I do not put on paper, he having desired me
never to do it till he gave me leave. He told me further that it
would be more for your interest he should not know as yet where you
were; and bid me advise you to have a care how you walked out of town
near the Rhine, for in your taking such walks it would be easy for
five or six men to seise your person and put you in a boat, and Carry
you to Holland who have territories but one quarter of an hour
distant from ye town. . . . ’
The Elibank game can be played by two or more, and princes have been
kidnapped in our own day. The Earl Marischal thought Charles’s life in
danger from the English.
On May 5, young Edgar noted the safe return of Lochgarry from Scotland.
Charles went to Coblentz, but was anxious to return to Ghent. In June he
tried Frankfort-on-the-Maine: his letters to ‘La Grandemain’ show him in
correspondence with M. St. Germain, whether the General or the famous
‘deathless charlatan’ does not appear. In July he took a house in Liège.
He asks Dormer for newspapers: ‘I am a sedentary man: ye gazetes is en
amusement to me.’ On August 12 he desires an interview ‘with G’
(Glengarry), and here is Pickle’s account of the interview:
‘Before Pickle set out for France he writt to Loch Gairy, now Lieut.
Col. of Lord Ogleby’s Regiment in Garrison at Air, to meet him at
Calais. Upon Pickle’s arrivall at Calais, he met Loch Gairy there,
and it was agreed between them that Loch Gairy should next morning
set out to notify Pickle’s arrivall to the Young Pretender, and that
Pickle should move forward to see Sir James Harrington at _Simer_ [?]
near _Bulloighn_, and from thence to come to Ternan in about a week
to meet Loch Gairy. Soon after Pickle arrived at Ternan, Loch Gairy
came to him, and told him the youth [Prince Charles] would be there
next morning, and he came accordingly without any servant, having
with him only a French Gentleman, who has serv’d in the Army, but has
of late travell’d about with the Young Pretender; Loch Gairy left
them at Ternan and set out for Air. Soon after, the _Young
Pretender_, _the French Gentleman_, _and Pickle set out for Paris_,
the Young Pretender being disguis’d with a _Capouch_. The Young
Pretender shew’d Pickle Loch Gairy’s report of his late Expedition
with Dr. Cameron to Scotland, and also the List hereunto annex’d of
the numbers of the disaffected Clans that Doctor Cameron and he had
engaged in the Highlands, and also an Extract of a memorial or Scheme
sent over to the Pretender from some of his friends in England. The
Pretender seem’d fond of Loch Gairy’s paper; [he said] that he had
been of late hunted from place to place all over Flanders by a Jew
sent out of England to watch him. The Pretender talked very freely
with Pickle of affairs, but did not seem to like the Scheme sent him
out of England about the Parliament, that it would be very expensive,
and that he expected no good from the Parliament; that Loch Gairy was
trusted by him with most of his motions, and how to send to him; that
he has been a Rambling from one place to another about Flanders,
generally from near Brussells towards Sens, and on the Borders of
France down towards Air, except some small excursions he made; once
he went to Hamburgh. He told Pickle that another rising in Scotland
would not do untill a war broke out in the North, in that case he
expected great things from Sweden would be done for him, by giving
him Men, Arms and Ammunition: when Pickle talk’d to him of the King
of Prussia, he said he expected nothing thence, as the King of
Prussia is govern’d by his interest or resentment only—That he had
sent Mr. Goring to Sweden, where he had found he had many
friends—That Goring had also been at Berlin to propose a Match for
the Young Pretender, with the King of Prussia’s Sister, and that he
had since sent for Sir John Graham to Berlin to make the same
proposals, that they were both answer’d very civilly, that it was not
a proper time, but they had no encouragement to speak further upon
the Subject—The Pretender said that he beleiv’d he had many friends
in England, but that he had no fighting friends; the best service his
friends in England could do him at present was to supply him with
money—The night they arriv’d at Paris, the Pretender went to a
Bagnio—Pickle thinks it is call’d Gains’ Bagno, and from thence to
Sir John Graeme’s House, as Pickle believes, but where he went, or
how long he staid at Paris, he does not know. The Pretender said he
should now get quit of the Jew, as he intended going to Lorain; he
ask’d Pickle if he would go with him. Pickle says that Sir John
Graeme, Sir James Harrington, and Goring, and Loch Gairy are the
Pretender’s chief Confidents and Agents, and know of his motions from
place to place; that Goring is now ill, having been lately cut for a
Fistula. Pickle kept himself as private as he could at Paris, went
no where but to _Lord Marshall’s_, and once to wait upon Madame Pier
Cour, Monsr. D’Argenson’s Mistress, who offer’d to recommend him to
Monsr. D’Argenson if he inclin’d to return to the French Service.
{213} Pickle believes Monsr. D’Argenson and Monsr. Paris Mont
Martell are the Pretenders chiefest friends at the Court of France;
_he says that Mrs. Walkingshaw is now at Paris big with child_, that
the Pretender keeps her well, and seems to be very fond of her—He
told Pickle that he hath seen the Paper that was in Lord Marshall’s
hands, No. 2; which Lord Marshall return’d to Sir John Graeme,
declaring that he would not meddle whatever his Brother [Marshal
Keith] might do, that Lord Marshall would receive no papers from
little people. Pickle believes that the paper was given to Lord
Marshall by Mr. Swimmer, or a Knight that has lately been abroad, who
is now in Parliament—Pickle has been told that the Pension lately
given to the Cardinal out of the Abbey of St. Aman, ’twas for the
Young Pretender’s behoof, and that Mr. O’brien, commonly call’d Lord
Lismore, and Mr. Edgar, are the chief people about the Old Pretender
at Rome—Pickle says that all the disaffected people that come over
from France call upon Sir James Harrington near Bulloign, but the
Young Pretender has a Correspondence with England, by means of one
Dormer, a Merchant at Antwerp, who Pickle believes is Brother to a
Lord Dormer.’
Pickle, of course, forwarded to the English Government a copy of
Lochgarry’s report and list of clans. These follow.
‘Partly extracted from Loch Gairy’s Memorial to the Pretender after
his return from Scotland, 1749 or 1750.
‘It is the greatest consequence to your R.H. not to delay much longer
making at attempt in Scotland. Otherwise it will be hardly possible
to bring the Clans to any head, it would be no difficult matter at
this instant to engage them once more to draw their swords.
‘Because, besides their natural attachment to Your R.H. there is,
most undoubtedly such a spirit of revenge still subsisting amongst
the Clans who suffer’d, and such a general discontent amongst the
others who have been scandalously slighted by the Government, that if
made a right use of, before it extinguishes, must unavoidably produce
great and good effects.
‘In the present situation of your R.H. it is evident that the most
simple scheme, and that in which the whole plan is seen at once is
most proper for your R.H. to take in hand. It is without doubt that
London would be the most proper place for the first scene of action,
because it is the Fountain and Source of power, riches and influence.
But the eye of the Government is so watchfull at the Fountain head
that one can’t easily comprehend, what they [the Jacobites] can be
able to shew against six thousand of the best Troops in Britain which
can be brought together against them upon the first alarm. That
England will do nothing, or rather can do nothing without a foreign
Force, or an appearance in Scotland, such as was in 45. In either of
these cases there is all the reason to believe that England would do
wonders. But am afraid its impossible for your R.H. to procure any
Foreign assistance in the present situation of Europe, therefore the
following Proposals are most humbly submitted to your R.H.
‘That your R.H. emply such persons as will be judg’d most proper to
negotiate a sum of money at Paris, London and Madrid, which is very
practicable to be accomplish’d by known and skilfull persons, the sum
may be suppos’d to be 200,000_l._, to be directly remitted to one
centrical place (suppose Paris), this money to be lodg’d in the hands
of Mons. De Montmartell, who can easily remitt any sum as demanded to
any trading town in Europe. Sufficient quantity of Arms, Ammunition,
etc. to be purchas’d, which can be done in some of the Hans Towns in
the North, which can be done without giving any umbrage, supposing
them bought for some Plantation, which is, now a common Transaction,
especially in these Towns.
‘Two stout ships to be purchas’d which is so common a transaction in
Trade, more so now than ever, so much that I am told it might even be
done at London, the Ships is absolutely necessary to batter down the
small Forts on the Western Coast of the Highlands, which your R.H.
knows greatly annoy’d us in 45, and prevented several Clans joining
with their whole strength. When every thing is ready, your R.H. to
pitch upon a competent number of choice Officers, of whom there are
plenty, both in France, Holland, Germany and Spain, all Scots, or of
Scots extraction, eminent for their loyalty and military capacity.
Your R.H. to land where you landed before, or rather in Lochanuie.
Your R.H. will have an army by the management and influence of
yourself, and by their Concertion already agreed upon with me before
you are twenty days landed, of at least six thousand Men, and there
is actually but six Batallions of Foot, and two Regiments of Dragoons
in Scotland, and your R.H. can have 2,000 good men ere you are eight
and forty hours landed.
‘If the enemy take the field they will make but a feint resistance
against such a resolute determined set of men. Your R.H. has all
advantages over the regular Troops in Scotland, you can always attack
them and force them to Battle without ever being forct but when its
judg’d advantageous—this is certain you can move your Army across the
Country in three or four days, which will take the regular Troops as
many weeks. You can make them starve and rot with cold and fluxes,
and make them dwindle away to nothing if they were triple your
Number, and without striking a stroak, if we take the advantage the
Countrey and Climate affords—the renown’d King Robert Bruce, Sir
William Wallace, and the late Marquis of Montrose, of which your R.H.
is a perfect model, made always use of this advantage with infallible
success against their Enemys.
‘It is a truth not disputed by any who knows the nature of the
affair, that if your R.H. had oblig’d the regular forces in Scotland
in 1746 to make one other Winter Campain without giving then battle
(than which nothing was more easy) two thirds of them at least had
been destroyed, whilst ten such Campains would have only more and
more invigorated our R.H.’s Army. If this project be not long
delayed, and that your R.H. persists in putting it into Execution,
you will in all human probability drive your Enemys before you like a
parcel of Sheep.’
There follows:
‘_A List of the Clans given by Loch Gairy to the Pretender in
consequence of their agreement with him_.
‘Your R.H. arriving with money, Arms, and a few choice Officers, will
find the following Clans ready to join, this Computation of them
being very moderate, and most of them have been always ready to join
the R. Strd under the most palpable disadvantages.
‘The Mackdonells, as matters stand at present, by Young G— 2,600
[Glengarry’s] concurrence only
By G— Interest the Bearer [Lochgarry] can answer for the 700
Mackleans at least
There is little doubt but the Mackkenzies would all join 900
G— as related to the most considerable Gentlemen of this
Clan, and the Bearer can answer for at least
The Bearer having sounded several Gentlemen of the name of 450
MacLeod over whom G— as being nearly connected has great
influence, the Bearer can answer for at least
The Bearer answers for the MackInnans, MackLeods of 300
Rasa—at least
The Bearer answers for the Chisolms 200
The Bearer answers for the Robertsons 250
Camerons 500
Stuart of Alpin 250
McNeals of Barra 150
MackPhersons 350
McIntoshes 350
Frazers 400
MackGregors 200
Athol men, at least 500
Out of Brodulbin 300
Duke of Gordon’s Interest Glenlivat and Strathdon, at 500
least
M‘Dugalls, McNobbs and McLouchlins 250
The Bearer has tamper’d with the Grants, and if properly 500
managed, at least
Good men 9,660
‘Besides the great Dependance on the Low Countreys and of other Clans
that in all probability will join your R.H. the above mentioned Clans
have not lost a thousand men during the transactions of 45 and 46,
and by consequence are most certainly as numerous as they were then,
and for the reasons already given they are readier and more capable
for action at present than they were in 45. One reason in particular
is worth your R.H.’s Observation, that since the end of the late War
there has been by an exact Computation, between six and seven
thousand men reform’d out of the British and Dutch Service, most of
whom were of the Loyal Clans, and are now at home.’
We have provisionally dated this communication of Pickle’s in August or
September, when Charles wished to see ‘G.’ A date is given by the
reference to Miss Walkinshaw’s condition. Her child, born in Paris, was
baptized at Liège in October 1753. So far, according to Pickle, Charles
seemed ‘very fond of her.’ This did not last.
It may be observed that Lochgarry’s Memorial shows how great was the
influence of Young Glengarry. Nearly 5,000 men await his word. And
Young Glengarry, as Pickle, was sending the Memorial to Henry Pelham!
On his return to London, Pickle gave the following information, in part a
repetition of what he had already stated:
‘ . . . Pickle, since he has been in England, generally heard of the
Young Pretender by Lochgary who requested him by directions from the
Young Pretender, to make the last trip that he went upon to France,
the intent of which was to communicate to Pickle the scheme that he
[Lochgarry] and Dr. Cameron had concerted in the Highlands, and to
offer him some arms to be landed at different times upon any part of
his estate that he should appoint, but which Pickle absolutely
refus’d to consent to, as he might be ruind by a discovery, and which
could hardly be avoided, as the country was so full of Troops, and
_nobody as yet knowing in what manner the forfeited estates would be
settled_;—Pickle believes that some friends of P. Charles of Lorraine
in Hainault, often harbour the Young Pretender, and favor him in his
rambles;—that at the Court of France, Monsr. D’Argenson {219} is his
chief friend in the Ministry, that Monsr. Puysieux was his enemy, as
was also Monsr. St. Contest, who is a creature of Puysieux. Pickle
looks upon the Duke of Richlieu, and all that are related to the
family of Lorraine, to be friends of the Pretender’s that Monsr.
Paris Montmartell is the Pretender’s great friend, and told Pickle he
would contrive to raise 200,000_l._ for his Service, upon a proper
occasion. Pickle was told by the Pretender himself, that Madame
Pompadour was not his friend, for that she had been gaind over by
considerable sums of money from England, and had taken offence at
him, for his slighting two Billetts that had been sent by her to him,
which he had done for fear of giving umbrage to the Queen of France
and her relations; as to the French King, Pickle has had no
opportunity of knowing much of his disposition, but does not look
upon him as a well wisher to the Pretender’s Cause, unless it be at
any time to serve his own purpose.
‘As to the King of Prussia, Pickle can say but little about him,
having never been employd in that Quarter, and knows no more than
what he has been told by the Young Pretender, which was, that he had
sent Collonel Goring to Berlin to ask the K. of Prussia’s Sister in
marriage; that Goring had been received very cooly, and had had no
favourable answer; that he afterwards had sent Sir John Graeme, whose
reception was better, and that he soon went himself to Berlin, where
he was well received, but the affair of the marriage was declin’d.
That the K. of Prussia advised him to withdraw himself privately from
Berlin, and retire to Silesia, and to keep himself conceal’d for some
time, in some Convent there. That the K. of Prussia told the
Pretender he would assist him in procuring him six thousand Swedes
from Gottenburgh, with the Collusion of the Court of France, but
Pickle understood that this was to take place in the Event only of a
War breaking out.
‘Pickle since his return to England, has been but once at a Club in
the City, where they drink very hard, but at which, upon account of
the expence, _he cannot be as frequently as he would wish to be_, nor
can he afford to keep company with people of condition at this end of
the Town. The Jacobites in England don’t choose to communicate any
of their schemes to any of the Irish or Scots, from the latter of
whom all that they desire, is a rising upon a proper occasion;—That
he does not personally know much of the heads of the Party in
England—only as he has seen lists of their names in the Pretender’s
and Ld. Marishall’s hands;—such as he knows of them would certainly
introduce him to others were he in a condition of defraying the
expence that this would be attended with, which he is not, being
already endebted to several people in this Town and has hitherto had
no more than his bare expences of going backwards and forwards for
these three years past . . . ’
It is needless to say that this piece deepens the evidence connecting
Pickle with Glengarry. Poor James Mohr had no estates and no seaboard
whereon to land arms. At the close of the letter, in autumn 1753, Pickle
speaks of his three years’ service. He had, therefore, been a spy since
1750, when he was in Rome. Now James Mohr, off and on, had been a spy
since 1745, at least.
We may now pursue the course of intrigues with Prussia. Frederick, on
June 6, 1753, the day before Cameron’s execution, wrote to the Earl
Marischal. He wished that Jemmy Dawkins’s affair was better organised.
But, ‘in my present situation with the King of England, and considering
his action against me, it would be for the good of my service that you
should secretly aid by your good advice these people’ (the Dawkins
conspirators). {222a} So the Cham of Tartary _does_ interfere in the
Bangorian Controversy, despite Mr. Carlyle! It is easy to imagine how
this cautious encouragement, _sous main_, would be exaggerated in the
inflamed hopes of exiles. The Earl Marischal had in fact despatched
Dawkins to Berlin on May 7, not letting him know that Frederick had
consented to his coming. {222b} Dawkins was to communicate his ideas to
Marshal Keith. The Earl did not believe in a scheme proposed by Dawkins,
and was convinced that foreign assistance was necessary. This could only
come from Prussia, Sweden, France, or Spain. Prussia has no ships, but
few are needed, and merchant vessels could be obtained. The Earl would
advise no Prussian movement without the concurrence of France. But
France is unlikely to assent, and Sweden is divided by party hatreds. He
doubts if France was ever well disposed to the House of Stuart. The
Spanish have got the ships and got the men, but are hampered by
engagements with Austria and Savoy.
Frederick saw Dawkins at Berlin, but did not think his plans well
organised. He preferred, in fact, to await events, and to keep up
Jacobite hopes by vague encouragement. On June 16, 1753, Frederick
writes to his agent, Michell, in London. He does not believe that
England will go to war with him for a matter of 150,000 crowns, ‘which
they refuse to pay to my subjects,’ on account of captures made by
English privateers. But, ‘though the English King can do me much harm,
_I can pay him back by means which perhaps he knows nothing of and does
not yet believe in_ . . . I command you to button yourself up on this
head’ (_de vous tenir tout boutonné_), ‘because these people must not see
my cards, nor know what, in certain events, I am determined to do.’ {223}
He was determined to use the Jacobites if he broke with England. On
August 25, 1753, Frederick wrote to Klinggraeffen, at Vienna, that the
English Ministry was now of milder mood, but in September relations were
perilous again. On July 4, 1753, the Earl told Marshal Keith that a
warrant was out against Dawkins. {224a} In fact, to anticipate dates a
little, the English Government knew a good deal about Jemmy Dawkins, the
explorer of Palmyra, and envoy to His Prussian Majesty. Albemarle writes
from Paris to Lord Holdernesse (December 12, 1753): {224b}
‘As yet my suspicions of an underhand favourer of their cause being
come from England, and addressing himself to the late Lord Marshall,
can only fall on one person, and that is Mr. Dawkins, who has a
considerable property in one of our settlements in the West Indies.
This is the gentleman who travelled in Syria with Mr. Bouverie (since
dead) and Mr. Wood, who is now with the Duke of Bridgewater, and who
are publishing an account of their view of the Antiquities of
Palmeyra. Mr. Dawkins came from England to Paris early the last
spring (1753), and was almost constantly with the late Lord Marshall.
He used sometimes to come to my house too. In May he obtained a pass
from this Court to go to Berlin, by the late Lord Marshall’s means,
as I have the greatest reason to believe, for he never applied to me
to ask for any such, nor ever mentioned to me his intention of taking
that journey, and by a mistake, Monsr. de St. Contest put that pass
into my hands, as it was for an Englishman, which I have kept, and
send it enclosed to your Lordship. But whether Mr. Dawkins never
knew that it had been delivered to me, or was ashamed to ask it of
me, as it had not been obtained through my Channell, or was afraid of
my questioning him about it, or about his journey, I cannot say;
however he went away without it, not long after its date, which is
the 2d. of May. And he returned from thence to Compiègne, the latter
end of July, which was a few days before the Court left that place.
‘Since that he went to England, where, I believe, he now is, having
had the Superintendency of the Publication of the work above
mentioned [on Palmyra]. Mr. Dawkins, as well as his Uncle, who lives
in Oxfordshire [near Chipping Norton], is warmly attached to the
Pretender’s interest, which with the circumstances I have related of
him, which agree with most of those hinted at in Your Lordship’s
letter, particularly as to times, are very plausible grounds of my
mistrusts of him. I shall make the strictest inquiries concerning
him, as he is the only person of note, either British or Irish, who
to my knowledge came here from England about the time your Lordship
mentions—who frequented assiduously the late Lord Marshall
[attainted, but alive!] who passed from thence to Berlin—and in short
whose declared principles in the Jacobite Cause, and whose abilities,
made him capable of the commission he may be supposed to be engaged
in.
‘I shall not be less attentive to get all the intelligence I can, of
any other person under this description, who may at any time,
frequent the late Lord Marshall, and to give Your Lordship an exact
account of what shall come to my knowledge. If, on Your Lordship’s
part, you could come at any further discovery concerning Mr. Dawkins,
I hope you will inform me of so much of it as may be of any service
to me in my inquiries. The extreme caution and prudence with which,
Your Lordship informs me, the late Lord Marshall conducts himself,
for fear of risking the secret, will, I apprehend, make it impossible
for me to penetrate into the instruction he may be charged with, in
this respect, from his master, or how far he is intrusted with His
Prussian Majesty’s intentions. I have not the least doubt of the
late Lord Marshall’s being in correspondence with the Pretender’s
elder Son, who was lately (as I was informed some time after he left
it) at the Abbaye of S. Amand, not far from Lisle, which is most
convenient for him, his brother, the Cardinal, being, as I am
assured, Abbot of that Monastery. As for the lady described under
the character of _la bonne amie de Monsieur de Cambrai_, that is Mrs.
Obrian, whose husband is, by the Pretender’s favour, the mock Earl of
Lismore, a follower of his fortunes, and supposed to have a
considerable share in his confidence.’
_From the Same_.
‘Paris: Tuesday, December 18, 1753.
‘ . . . I must take this opportunity to rectify a small mistake in my
last letter, relating to the Abbaye of St. Amand, of which I had been
informed that the Pretender’s younger Son, the Cardinal, was Abbot.
It is the Abbaye of Aucline of which he is Commendatory, and which is
at much about the same distance from Lille as the other. It is the
more probable that the Pretender’s Elder Son was there last autumn,
as he might take that opportunity of seeing the Princess of Rohan [a
relation of the Prince of Soubise], an ancient flame of his who went
to Lille at the time of the encampment in Flanders, under that
Prince’s command.’
Apparently the warrant against Jemmy Dawkins was not executed. We shall
meet him again. Meanwhile there were comings and goings between Goring
and the Earl Marischal in July 1753. In September, Goring was ill, and
one Beson was the Prince’s messenger (July 2, September 5, 1753). On
September 5, Charles made a memorandum for Beson’s message to the Earl
Marischal. ‘I will neither leave this place, nor quit ye L. [the lady,
Miss Walkinshaw]. I will not trust myself to any K. or P. I will never
go to Paris, nor any of the French dominions.’ The rest is confused,
ill-spelled jottings about money, which Beson had failed to procure in
London. {227} On September 12; Charles scrawls a despairing kind of note
to Goring. He writes another, underscored, dismissing his Avignon
household, that is, ‘my Papist servants!’ ‘My mistress has behaved so
unworthily that she has put me out of patience, and as she is a Papist
too, I discard her also! . . . Daniel is charged to conduct her to
Paris.’
This was on November 12. On October 29, Miss Walkinshaw’s child,
Charlotte, had been baptized at Liège. Charles’s condition was evil. He
knew he was being tracked, he knew not by whom. Hope deferred, as to
Prussia, made his heart sick. Moreover, on August 19, 1752, Goring had
written from Paris that he was paralysed on one side (Pickle says that
his malady was a fistula). Goring expressed anxiety as to Charles’s
treatment of an invalided servant. ‘You should know by what I have often
expressed to you [Charles answered on November 3] that iff I had but one
Lofe of Bred, I would share it with you. The little money that I have
deposed on my good friend’s hands you know was at your orders, and you
would have been much in ye rong to have let yourself ever want in ye
least.’
Again, on November 12, he writes to Goring:
_To Mr. Stouf_.
‘November 12.
‘I am extremely concerned for yr health, and you cannot do me a
greater Cervice than in taking care of yrself for I am not able to
spare any of my true friends.’
Dr. King, as we have said, accuses Charles of _avarice_. Charles II., in
exile, would not, he says, have left a friend in want. Though distressed
for money, the Prince does not display a niggardly temper in these
letters to Goring. He had to defray the expenses of many retainers; he
intended to dismiss his Popish servants, his household at Avignon, and to
part with Dumont. We shall read Goring’s remonstrances. But the affair
of Daniel’s ‘close’ proves how hardly Charles was pressed. On December
16, 1752, he indulged in a few books, including Wood and Dawkins’s ‘Ruins
of Palmyra,’ a stately folio. One extraordinary note he made at this
time: ‘A marque to be put on ye Child, iff i part with it.’ The future
‘Bonny Lass of Albanie’ was to be marked, like a kelt returned to the
river in spring. ‘I am pushed to ye last point, and so won’t be cagioled
any more.’ He collected his treasures left with Mittie, the surgeon of
Stanislas at Lunéville. Among these was a _couteau de chasse_, with a
double-barrelled pistol in a handle of jade. D’Argenson reports that the
Prince was seen selling his pistols to an armourer in Paris. Who can
wonder if he lost temper, and sought easy oblivion in wine!