_Domestic and Foreign Policy._
Letter from Rev. Mr. Robinson.--Defense of Captain Standish.--New
Policy Introduced.--Great Destitution.--Day of Fasting and
Prayer.--Answer to Prayer.--The First Thanksgiving.--The
Colony at Weymouth.--Worthless Character of the Colonists.--
Neat Cattle from England.--Captain Standish Sent to England.--
Captain Wollaston and His Colony.--Heroism of Captain
Standish.--Morton Vanquished.--Difficulty at Cape Ann.--
Increasing Emigration.--The Division of Property.
When the Rev. Mr. Robinson, the Pilgrims’ former pastor in Holland,
heard of these sanguinary scenes, he was greatly afflicted. Captain
Standish was not a church member, and Mr. Robinson feared that he had
acted with the impetuosity of the soldier, and not with the forbearance
of the Christian. He wrote to the Pilgrims:
“It is necessary to bear in mind the disposition of your captain, whom
I love, who is of a warm temper. I had hoped that the Lord had sent
him among you for good, if you used him right. He is a man humble and
meek among you, and towards all in ordinary course. But I doubt whether
there is not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after
God’s image, which is meet. O how happy a thing had it been that you
had converted some before you had killed any.”
[Illustration: _KITCHEN OF STANDISH HOUSE._]
To this it was replied that two of the Indians, Squantum and Hobbomak,
it was hoped, had already become Christians; that Captain Standish was
the military commander of the colony, and in a sense responsible for
its safety; that the measures he adopted were purely in self-defense,
and that in no other way could he possibly have saved the colonies from
massacre. Captain Standish took back with him the head of Wituwamat,
which was placed upon the fort as a warning to all hostile Indians.
This measure has been severely censured. But it is replied that the
savages, whose bloodthirsty desires were fully roused, could be
influenced by deeds only, and not by words; that no people should be
blamed for not being in advance of the age in which they lived, and
that more than a century after this, in the year 1747, in refined and
Christian England, the heads of the lords, who were implicated in the
Scots rebellion, were exposed upon Temple Bar, the most frequented
avenue between London and Westminster. Judge Davis, in his New
England’s Memorial, commenting upon Mr. Robinson’s letter, writes:
“These sentiments are honorable to Mr. Robinson. They indicate a
generous philanthropy, which must always gain our affection, and should
ever be cherished. Still the transactions, to which the strictures
relate, are defensible. As to Standish, Belknap places his defense on
the rules of duty imposed by his character as the military servant
of the colony. The government, it is presumed, will be considered as
acting under severe necessity, and will require no apology if the
reality of the conspiracy be admitted, of which there can be but little
doubt. It is certain that they were fully persuaded of its existence;
and with the terrible example of the Virginia massacre in fresh
remembrance, they had solemn duties to discharge. The existence of the
whole settlement was at hazard.”
As we have mentioned, the unintelligent Indians often behaved like
children. This energetic action seemed to overwhelm all those tribes
with terror, who were contemplating a coalition with the Massachusetts
Indians against the English. They acted as if bereft of reason,
forsaking their houses, fleeing to the swamps, and running to and fro
in the most distracted manner. Many consequently perished of hunger,
and of the diseases which exposure brought on. The planting season
had just come. In their fright they neglected to plant; and thus, in
the autumn, from want of their customary harvest of corn, many more
perished.
Tyanough, who, the reader will recollect, was sachem of the tribe at
Mattakiest, the country between Barnstable and Yarmouth harbors, had
been drawn into the conspiracy. He sent four men, in a boat, to the
Governor, at Plymouth, with a present, hoping to appease his anger. The
boat was cast away. Three were drowned. The one survivor went back, not
daring to show himself at Plymouth. The Indians regarded the disaster
as evidence of the anger of the Englishman’s God.
The month of April 1623 had arrived. It was necessary immediately to
prepare the ground for planting. The Pilgrims had but a scanty supply
of corn reserved for seed. Scarcely a kernel could be spared for food.
Until now necessity had compelled the Pilgrims to act in partnership,
having a common store of corn to be equally distributed, the fields
being cultivated in common. It was now deemed best that each man should
have his own lot, to possess whatever amount his industry might raise.
As the wants of the Colony rendered it necessary that some should
devote all their time to fishing, and there were certain other public
employments which would engross the time of individuals, a small tax,
in corn, was imposed, to defray these public expenses.
About the middle of April they began to plant, the weather being very
favorable. Each man took about an acre of land. Without ploughs, or the
aid of cattle, this was all one man could cultivate. Immediately the
advantages of individual property, instead of having a community of
interest, was manifest. All the boys and youth were ranged under some
family. This created a new scene of active industry. Much more corn was
planted, it is said, than would have been otherwise. Even the women
went willingly into the field to aid in planting, taking their little
ones with them. The situation of the colonists, at this time, seems to
have been deplorable. Governor Bradford writes:
“By the time our corn is planted our victuals are spent; not knowing,
at night, where to have a bit in the morning, and have neither bread
nor corn for three or four months together, yet bear our wants with
cheerfulness. Having but one boat left, we divide the men into several
companies, six or seven in each, who take their turns to go out with
a net and fish, and return not till they get some, though they be
five or six days out, knowing there is nothing at home, and to return
empty would be a great discouragement. When they stay long, or get
but little, the rest go a digging shell fish. And thus we live in the
summer, only sending one or two to range the woods for deer. They now
and then get one, which we divide among the company. In the winter we
are helped with fowl and ground nuts.”[35]
The friends in England sent a supply ship, the Paragon, to the
suffering colony. Three months passed, and no tidings were received
of her. But fragments of wreck were picked up, which indicated her
fate. It afterwards appeared that, having reached six hundred miles
from land, she encountered a terrible gale, by which she was so much
disabled as to be compelled to put back. Again she set sail, and again
put back, with all her upper works carried by the board. A disastrous
drouth, of six weeks continuance also ensued, which threatened the
utter destruction of their corn crop. Inevitable starvation seemed to
stare them in the face. Mr. Winslow writes:
“The most courageous were now discouraged, because God, who had
hitherto been our only shield and supporter, now seemed, in his anger,
to arm himself against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his
wrath?”[36]
In this extremity a day of fasting and prayer was appointed. It was the
middle of July. The morning was cloudless, without a sign of rain. The
sky was as brass, scarce a green herb was to be seen, and the earth was
as ashes. The exercises of devotion continued for eight hours. All felt
alike that there was no help but in God. Elder Brewster, an Israelite
indeed, in whom there was no guile, preached. Mr. Winslow writes:
“The exercises, on this special occasion, as of life and death, being
continued eight hours or more, ere their close the clouds gathered,
the heavens were overcast, and before the next morning passed, gentle
showers were distilling upon the earth, and so it continued some
fourteen days, with seasonable weather intervening. It were hard to say
whether our withered corn or drooping affections were most quickened
and revived, such was the bounty and goodness of our God.”
Unexpectedly the withered corn thrust out green leaves and gave promise
of a joyful harvest. Even the Indians were impressed with this evidence
of divine interposition. Hobbomak said feelingly:
“Now I see that the Englishman’s God is a good God, for he hath heard
you and sent you rain, and without storms, tempest or thunder beating
down your corn. Surely your God is a good God.”
In the mean time, Captain Standish was sent out, with the shallop, and
a few men, to explore the coast and purchase all the corn he could of
the Indians. Valiant as he was in fight, he was, in ordinary life, a
mild and gentle man, and eminently just in all his dealings. Much as
the Indians dreaded his avenging arm, they seemed to be fully conscious
that he would do them no wrong. Early in August he returned from this
trading-voyage, with his shallop well loaded down with corn, which
proved invaluable to the Pilgrims until their own harvest should come
in.
He brought back with him Mr. David Thompson, a Scotchman, who, with
a small party of emigrants, had commenced a plantation at the mouth
of the Piscataqua, where Portsmouth now stands. For these many tokens
of the divine goodness, Governor Bradford appointed another day of
thanksgiving. It may be instructive here to insert Governor Bradford’s
testimony respecting the effect of a community of goods, which
experiment was so fairly tried, and under such favorable circumstances,
at Plymouth:
“The experience which was had in this common course and condition,” he
writes, “tried sundry years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may
well evince the vanity of that conceit of Plato and other ancients, and
applauded by some of later times,--that the taking away of property,
and bringing a community into a commonwealth would make them happy and
flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For this community, so far
as it was such, was found to breed much confusion and discontent, and
to retard much employment which would have been to their benefit and
comfort. For the young men, who were the most able and fit for labor
and service, did repine that they should spend their time and strength
to work for other men’s wives and children, without any recompense.
“The strong, or man of parts, had no more in the division of victuals
and clothes, than he that was weak and not able to do a quarter the
other could. This was thought injustice. The aged and graver men to
be ranked and equalized in labors, victuals, clothes, etc., with the
meaner and younger sort, thought it some indignity and disrespect
unto them. As for men’s wives to be commanded to do service for other
men, as dressing their meat, washing their clothes, etc., they deemed
it a kind of slavery, neither could many husbands well brook it. Let
none object, this is men’s corruption, and nothing against the course
itself. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God, in
his wisdom, saw another course fitter for them.”[37]
Early in August two ships arrived, the Anne and the Little James. The
latter was a small vessel of about forty-four tons, which was built
for the company and was to remain at Plymouth. The two vessels brought
sixty passengers. Some of them were very worthy people and constituted
a valuable addition to the colony. Others were such sad miscreants that
the Pilgrims instructed by the disasters which the Weymouth colonists
had caused, refused to receive them into their colony. The thriftless
creatures, unable to establish a settlement of their own, were
compelled to return to England.
The corn harvest was not yet ripe, and the newcomers were greatly
surprised at the destitution in which they found the colonists. “The
best dish,” writes Bradford, “they could present them with, was a
lobster or a piece of fish, without bread or anything else but a cup
of fair spring water.” The new-comers were afraid that the hungry
colonists would eat up all the provisions they had brought with them.
On the other hand the colonists were fearful that the new-comers would
devour their harvest of corn, which was scarcely sufficient for so
large an addition to their numbers. They therefore decided that each of
the parties should rely upon its own resources.
On the 10th of September the Anne returned to England, laden with
clapboards and furs. Mr. Winslow also sailed in her, on business for
the colony. The harvest was now in, and there was comparative plenty.
Many had raised more corn than their own families would consume, and
thus they had a supply to sell to others. About the middle of this
month Captain Robert Georges arrived in Massachusetts Bay with a number
of families, to commence a new plantation there. His grant of land was
very indefinite. It embraced all the land lying on the northeast side
of Massachusetts Bay, together with all the shores and coasts, for ten
English miles, in a straight line towards the northeast, and thirty
miles into the main land. He selected for his settlement, the spot
at Weymouth which had been abandoned by the Weston Colony. Governor
Georges visited Governor Bradford, where he met with a very kind
reception.
Some of the seamen, carousing in one of the houses, built a great fire
on a cold and windy night, which was communicated to the thatch, and
four houses were burnt down. The store-house was greatly endangered.
Its loss would have been irreparable. The Little James went on a cruise
to the coast of Maine, and there, in a violent storm, was wrecked.
Mid-winter now frowned around the Pilgrims as they entered upon a new
year, the year 1624.
Mr. Winslow returned from England, bringing with him two heifers and
a bull, an invaluable acquisition to the colonists, being the first
cattle that were brought over. As they had no money, corn had become
the circulating medium. With the opening spring all hands set to work
to raise as much corn as possible. This led to a petition to the
Governor to have a portion of land assigned, in perpetuity, to each
individual. When assigned yearly, by lot, that field which one man,
by skill and industry, had brought into a good state of cultivation,
was often taken from him, and he received, perhaps, instead, a field
neglected and overrun with weeds. The request was manifestly so
reasonable, that one acre was given to every man, as near the village
as might be, to be held seven years. It was deemed necessary, for
safety against the Indians, to keep as close together as possible.
With some internal disorders, the affairs of the colony went on
prosperously during the year, nothing occurring to call the energies of
Captain Standish into requisition. The colony numbered one hundred and
eighty souls. They had some cattle and goats, quite a number of swine,
and numerous poultry. Thirty-two dwelling houses were now occupied. The
palisades which surrounded the village were half a mile in extent. A
well-built fort stood upon Burial Hill.
Mr. Winslow made a trading-voyage eastward one hundred and fifty miles,
in an open boat, “up a river called the Kennebec.” He brought home
seven hundred pounds of beaver and other furs, having exchanged corn
for them. It was mid-winter, and they encountered much tempestuous
weather. The boat was built by their ship carpenter, and had a small
deck over her midships to keep the corn dry. But the men were exposed,
unsheltered to winter on the coast of Maine. These furs were purchased
of the natives, at a small price, and were sold in London at a great
profit.
The Pilgrims wished to hire money with which to purchase in England
the commodities which the Indians greatly prized, and which they could
exchange with them for furs. Captain Standish was sent to England to
adjust certain difficulties which had arisen between the colonists and
their partners in London, and also to hire money with which to purchase
goods to trade with the Indians. But the Captain arrived in London at a
very unfortunate hour. The city was then desolated by that awful plague
which was sweeping thousands into the grave. It would also appear that
the credit of the colony was far from good. With great difficulty
Captain Standish succeeded in raising seven hundred and fifty dollars,
for which he paid the enormous interest of fifty per cent. The risk to
the lender was indeed great. The only chance the colonists had to pay
the debt, was mainly in sending home furs. But the ships thus laden had
to run the gauntlet of the hostile fleets of France and Turkey, with
both of which powers England was then at war.
Captain Standish expended the small sum he had raised, in trading
commodities. He also brought back the mournful intelligence of the
death of the Reverend Mr. Robinson, who died at Leyden the 1st of
March, 1625. There were so many vessels sent from England to the coast
of Maine, engaged in the fishing business, that the colonists, in
consequence of the competition, relinquished the fisheries, and engaged
in trading and planting, both of which had now become profitable.
Immense numbers of fishes were, however, taken at their very door,
which were used to enrich the fields.
The rapid brook of fresh water, which ran at the south side of the
town, took its rise in several lakes in the land above. Early in
May vast shoals of herring darkened the waters as they ascended the
brook from the sea to deposit their spawn in the lakes. The colonists
constructed, at the mouth of this brook, a sort of net, made of planks
and trellis work, so that at one tide they would often take twelve
thousand fishes. Three or four were deposited in each hill of corn,
which promoted a luxuriant growth. This corn was eagerly purchased by
the Indians, they paying one pound of beaver skin for one bushel of
corn. Fishing vessels occasionally called and purchased their corn at
six shillings a bushel. Several other colonies were also established,
which needed supplies. Thus days of prosperity dawned upon the colony,
which had so long struggled with adversity. But little occurred during
the year 1626 worthy of especial notice. The coasting-trade was
becoming increasingly important. Governor Bradford writes:
“Finding they ran a great hazard to go so long voyages in a small,
open boat, especially in the winter season, they began to think how
they might get a small pinnace. They had no ship carpenter among them,
neither knew how to get one at present. But they having an ingenious
man, who was a house carpenter, who had also wrought with the ship
carpenter that was dead, when he built their boats, at their request,
he put forth himself to make a trial that way, of his skill, and took
one of the biggest of the shallops and sawed her in the middle, and
so lengthened her some five or six feet, and strengthened her with
timbers, and so built her up and laid a deck on her, and so made her
a convenient and wholesome vessel, very fit and comfortable for their
use, which did them service seven years. And thus passed the affairs of
this year.”[38]
The prospects of the colony had so far brightened that Mr. Allerton,
who had been sent to England this year, succeeded in raising one
thousand dollars at thirty per cent interest. During the year 1625
Captain Wollaston, with thirty emigrants, commenced a settlement at a
place they named Mount Wollaston, in the northerly part of Braintree,
now Quincy, in Massachusetts. Most of these emigrants were men
of low condition, the hired laborers of Wollaston. He soon became
discontented, and took a large portion of his servants to Virginia,
where he disposed of their labor as best he could. He left a man by
the name of Fitcher to guide the labor of those who remained until
his return. In the mean time one Thomas Morton, “a pettifogging
attorney of Furnival’s Inn, a man of low habits,” succeeded in
persuading those who were left to renounce the authority of Fitcher,
and to live on terms of perfect equality and freedom, without any
laws whatever. He arranged a great feast, and induced the men, in the
frenzy of intoxication, to drive Fitcher from the settlement. They then
entered upon an astonishing course of rioting and drunkenness. They
prosecuted vigorously a trade with the natives, which was forbidden
by royal charter, of muskets, powder and bullets. This trade was very
profitable. The Indians, eager to obtain muskets, would pay almost any
sum for them. Morton taught them how to use the guns, and employed them
to hunt, purchasing their furs.
Thus they rioted in abundance, and disgraced themselves with the most
shameless indulgence in profanity and profligacy. They erected a
May-pole, and danced around it with the Indian women. In accordance
with these scenes of revelry, they changed the name of the place to
Merry Mount. Morton was an Atheist: teaching that this was the only
life; that there was no responsibility to God, and that it was the part
of wisdom to indulge freely in all one’s desires.
This state of things created great alarm, in all the various
settlements, which had by this time been established. The Indians, if
once supplied with European weapons of war, could easily, by combining,
destroy all the colonies. Governor Bradford complains very bitterly of
the peril. The Indians had muskets in abundance; they were taught how
to repair their muskets when injured; they were furnished with moulds
for running bullets of various sizes.
“Yea,” writes Governor Bradford, “some have seen them have their
screw-plates to make screw-pins themselves, when they want them, with
sundry other implements, wherewith they are ordinarily better fitted
and furnished than the English themselves. It is well known that they
will have powder and shot when the English want it, and cannot get it;
and yet in a time of war or danger, as experience hath manifested,
when lead hath been scarce, and men for their own defense would gladly
have given four pence a pound, which is dear enough, yet hath it been
bought up and sent to other places, and sold to such as trade it with
the Indians at twelve pence a pound. And it is likely the Indians give
three or four shillings the pound, for they will have it at any rate.
“And these things have been done in the same times when some of their
neighbors and friends are daily killed by the Indians, or are in danger
thereof, and live but at the Indians’ mercy. Yea, some have told them
how gunpowder is made, and all the materials in it, and that they
are to be had in their own land; and I am confident that could they
attain to make saltpetre they would teach them to make powder. Oh
the horribleness of this villainy! How many, both Dutch and English,
have been lately slain by those Indians thus furnished! And no remedy
provided, nay the evil more increased, and the blood of their brethren
sold for gain; and in what danger all these colonies are is too well
known.
“Oh! that princes and parliaments would take some timely order to
prevent this mischief and, at length to suppress it, by some exemplary
punishment upon some of those gain-thirsty murderers, for they deserve
no better title, before their colonies in these parts be overthrown by
these barbarous savages, thus armed with their own weapons, by these
evil instruments and traitors to their neighbors and country.
“But I have forgotten myself, and have been too long in this
digression; but now to return. This Morton having thus taught them
the use of muskets he sold them all he could spare; and he and his
consorts determined to send for many out of England, and had, by some
of the ships, sent for above a score. The which being known, and his
neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods, armed with guns in this
sort, it was a terror unto them who lived strugglingly and were of no
strength in any place. And other places, though more remote, saw that
this mischief would quickly spread over all if not prevented. Besides,
they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertain any,
how vile soever, and all the scum of the country, or any discontents
would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and
they would stand in more fear of their lives and goods, in a short
time, from this wicked and debauched crew, than from the savages
themselves.”
The leading men of several settlements met together to deliberate upon
what measures to adopt in this emergence. The Plymouth colony was
stronger than all the rest united.
The delegates came from Plymouth, from the trading-house at the
Kennebec, from the small settlement at Salem, from Weymouth, and from
several other places where infant settlements had been commenced. They
decided to write a joint and friendly letter to Morton, informing him
of the danger to which he was exposing all the English, and entreating
him, out of regard to the common safety, to change his course. A
messenger was sent with this letter, and to bring back an answer.
Morton replied insultingly and defiantly, saying that they were
meddling with that which they had no concern; that he should continue
trade with the Indians just as he pleased, selling them muskets, powder
and shot, without asking any one’s advice. The answer throughout was
couched in the most insulting terms.
Again, with the most singular moderation, a messenger was sent to him
with another friendly letter, saying that they were consulting, not for
selfish interests, but for the good of all alike; that the lives of all
were endangered, and that the King’s proclamation had forbidden the
sale of fire-arms to the savages. Another insolent answer was returned.
He assured them that he cared neither for the King’s proclamation nor
for them; and that if they thought they could coerce him, they might
come on as soon as they pleased; he was ready for them.
It was now manifestly time to summon the energies of Captain Standish
to the rescue. He was exactly the man for the occasion. With a small
body of armed men, eight in number, as valiant as himself, Captain
Standish set out for Merry Mount. In some way, Morton had heard of his
approach. With his desperate men he had barricaded himself in a strong
log house, with an ample supply of powder and balls. They well knew the
reputation of the foe they were to encounter, and in order to stimulate
their waning courage, had all become drunk. From their fortress, which
they deemed impregnable, they shouted their scurrilous defiance to the
Captain and his little band. There are men with whom apparently the
most reckless bravery is combined with prudence and sound judgment; who
seem to be endowed with a sort of instinct which teaches them when an
act of seeming desperation may be demanded by wisdom. Captain Standish
was such a man.
He was making arrangements to carry the house, perhaps by approaching
it from some unguarded point, and setting it on fire, when Morton,
drunk as he was, saw his danger. Selecting a few of his men, he
emerged from his fortress, with the intention of making a sudden and
simultaneous rush upon Captain Standish, and shooting him. Morton
himself was so intoxicated that, as afterwards found, his carbine was
overloaded, being nearly half filled with powder and shot.
The captain, though of short stature, possessed dignity of character
and authority of bearing which often overawed his foes. Without a
moment’s hesitation, he advanced with stately tread upon Morton,
totally regardless of his weapon, seized him by the collar, wrenched
the gun from his hands, and delivered him over to his men, a humiliated
and helpless captive. The rest of the drunken crew, deprived of their
leader, were deemed powerless. The culprit was taken to Plymouth, and
was sent to England by the first vessel that sailed, there to be tried
for his crimes.
The Pilgrims, at Plymouth, had for some time been in the habit of
sending yearly to the fishing-grounds off Cape Ann for a supply of
cod. They had erected quite a commodious stage upon the cape, where
they dressed and dried their fish. Some London adventurers fitted out
a fishing vessel for the cape, and arriving there before the Plymouth
people, took possession of their stage, which they refused to surrender
when the Pilgrims came and demanded their own.
The code militaire was, at this time, the rule of life with Captain
Standish. He would do no wrong; and he would submit to no wrong. He was
immediately sent to Cape Ann to adjust the difficulty. There was no
room for question about the right and wrong in the case. The new-comers
had stolen the property of the Pilgrims. Captain Standish peremptorily
demanded its restoration. The thieves barricaded themselves on the
stage. Captain Standish prepared for battle, and would doubtless have
recovered the stage by force. “But Mr. Conant,” writes Baylies, “who
dwelt there, and who was a man of a mild and conciliatory disposition,
and Captain Pierce, a fast friend of the Plymouth people, also
happening to be there with his ship, interposing their good offices,
the dispute was compromised, the ship’s crew having promised to build
another stage.”[39]
Emigration to the New World was now rapidly increasing. Many new
settlements sprang up and many worthless characters came over, lured
by the love of adventure. Not a few of these came to the flourishing
Plymouth colony. This led to a new organization of the colony, the
details of which it is not necessary to enter into here. The company
in London, who had obtained the charter from the King and held the
territory, sold out their whole property to the colonists, for nine
thousand dollars, to be paid in nine annual instalments of one thousand
dollars. The general features of this important change is thus given by
Baylies.
“Every head of a family, and every prudent young man who was of age,
both of the first and later comers, were admitted into a general
partnership; and all agreed that the trade should be managed as usual,
devoting all its profits to the payment of the debt; that every single
freeman should have a single share, and that every father of a family
should have leave to purchase a share for himself, another for his
wife, and one for each of his children who lived with him, and that
every one should pay his share of the debts, according to his number of
shares. One cow and two goats were divided by lot to every six shares,
and the swine in proportion. And to every share, in addition to the
acre lots, which they already held, and the gardens and homestead of
which they were possessed, twenty acres of tillage land was assigned
by lot, which were to be five acres broad on the water and four acres
deep.”
The meadow lands, for mowing, being quite small in extent, were held
in common, mowing places being assigned, as the seasons came around,
to all the families, according to their number of cattle. As the
Pilgrims were living in constant apprehension of a combination of the
Indians against them, it was deemed important that they should not be
widely scattered in their fields of labor. A sudden attack might expose
them to destruction, unless they could be speedily rallied. Twenty
acres of land was much more than any one man could cultivate with the
agricultural facilities then at their control. It was therefore agreed,
before any lots were cast, that those whose lots should fall next to
the town, should take a neighbor or two, whom they best liked, to plant
corn with them for four years. By that time it was supposed the colony
would be out of danger from any hostile attack. This arrangement gave
general satisfaction, and inspired the colonists with new energies.