[63] Carajay is, according to Vidal y So_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

an earthenware jar, used for cooking by the Bicol natives in Camarines.

[64] According to an official report sent to the king in July, 1752,

the Dominican province of Santisimo Rosario had then only 83 religious,

who were in charge of 219,459 souls. Besides the missions of China and

Tun-kin, the province conducted in the Filipinas Islands seven missions

in Cagayan, two in Pangasinan, six in Ituy, one in Cauayan, and eight

in Paniqui; and one in the mountains of Oriong, in Bataan. "In all

these missions, or villages of new converts, there were reckoned 8,917

Christians, with many catechumens who were being prepared to receive

the holy sacrament of baptism. This number is not included in the

general administration of the province previously mentioned. Some of

these villages or missions were committed to religious appointed as

vicars in other and older villages, to which the former were added,

and considered as visitas or annexes--especially in Cagayan, where

there has not been any religious with only the title of missionary. The

number of souls who are today in charge of the province in the islands

of Luzon and Batanes, according to the general report of 1870, is

560,911." (Ferrando, Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, pp. 560, 561.)

[65] The fiscal Arroyo declared that he had been imprisoned in order

that he might not prosecute claims against the following persons in

their approaching residencias: Governor Valdés Tamón, for the enormous

sums which the royal treasury had lost during his government, which

amounted to a million and a half pesos; the Marqués de las Salinas and

the Marqués de Monte-Castro, confederates of the same Señor Valdés,

for having appropriated from the royal treasury and from the public

two and one-half million pesos; and Don Domingo de Otero Vermudez,

[who had taken] more than two hundred thousand. (Concepción, Hist. de

Philipinas, xi, p. 95.)

[66] See enumeration of these funds in the historical sketch of the

Misericordia, in VOL. XLVII.

[67] It is thus stated by Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, xi,

p. 280): "With the pretext that the fathers of the Society [of Jesus]

had usurped from them cultivated lands, and the untilled lands on

the hills, on which they kept enormous herds of horned cattle--for

which reason, and because the Jesuits said that these were their

own property, they would not allow the natives to supply themselves

with wood, rattans, and bamboos, unless they paid fixed prices--the

Indians committed shocking acts of hostility on the ranches of Lian and

Nasugbu, killing and plundering the tenants of those lands, with many

other ravages. Nor did they respect the houses of the [Jesuit] fathers,

but attacked and plundered them, and partly burned them, as well as

many other buildings independent of these." All was plundering, rapine,

destruction, and debauchery; the natives also rebelled against the

exactions from them of tribute and personal services. "The contagion

spread to the village of Taal, and more than sparks were discovered

in other places, although efforts were made to conceal the fire." The

alcalde-mayor and the Jesuits tried at first to pacify the Indians,

urging them to wait for the official visit of Auditor Calderon; but

they could do nothing, the natives being rendered only more daring

by this attempt. Troops were then sent from Manila against them;

in the battle mentioned in our text several were wounded, among them

the commanding officer, Sargento-mayor Juan Gonzalez de el Pulgar;

but he succeeded in routing the enemy. The chief of the insurgents,

one Matienza, took refuge in a church, but was captured and disarmed

therein. Reënforcements were sent from Manila, and the rebellion was

soon quelled. The leaders of the rebellion were punished in various

ways, according to their prominence or influence; some were shot,

others sent into exile or to the galleys; and amnesty was granted

to the insurgents who would lay down their arms and renew their

acknowledgment of vassalage.

To this may be added the following statements by Calderon himself:

"By commission of this royal Audiencia, I went to a village outside

the walls of this capital, to take measures for the completion of a

small bridge, which was being hindered by some dispute, and to pay

to Master Alarífe 250 pesos which had been offered to him for its

construction. I proceeded to make inquiries regarding the lands and

revenues belonging to the village; and I found that all the surrounding

estates (on which the people were working) belonged to a certain

[F., for Fulano] ecclesiastic, the Indians and mestizos paying him

rent not only for these, but for the land occupied by their cabins,

at the rate of three pesos a year for the married man, and one and

one-half pesos for the widow or the unmarried man. And as it seemed

to me that the person who, according to what was evident to my own

eyes, was collecting about 30 pesos of land-rent, independently of

the estates and houses belonging to him, was the one who rightfully

ought to bear the cost of the little bridge, I announced that this

cost should be collected from the persons who were owing rents for the

lands. Receipts therefor were to be given to them, and orders were

issued to the royal judges before whom such cases come first, that

they must, if the laymen who make these payments should be accused

before them, give the latter credit for these receipts; nor in all

this brief summary, and in the measures that I took, would I notice

the ecclesiastic who called himself the owner of all." "In regard to

the representations of the convenience for the Indian who has built

his hut in the grain-field, I believe that it is quite the contrary,

and that it would be more expedient for him and for the commonwealth

that he should not be allowed to build it there, or that he be

obliged to change his dwelling, for those huts generally serve as

refuge for persons bent on mischief; besides, as the Indian thus has

no watchful neighbor to inform the religious minister of his doings,

and no alcalde, he lives in too much freedom. But, granted that all

this comes to an end, what right has the owner of the land to more

than the rent from him who occupies it? And if with his pilapis,

or pathway, and his house he occupies no more than 50 brazas--for

which he has to pay the same as if he had rented a cabalita, which

is a thousand brazas--and if he must pay the same rent, then lease

to him the cabalita, including therein the house and pilapis; and

with this the Indian will have land for planting his young trees,

and for making some planting of grain."

These items are cited from a pamphlet issued (Manila, 1739) by the

auditor Pedro Calderón Henríquez, entitled: Discvrso ivridico, en

qve se defiende la real iurisdiccion, y se hace demonstracion de la

injusticia, que contiene el contrato de arrendamiento de solares en

estas islas; in it he "laments the great amount that the Filipinos

were paying to the ecclesiastical power." This seems to have brought

out a reply defending the ecclesiastics, Apología por la immvnidad

ecclesiastica, y por la licitvd de terrazgos, o alqvileres de

tierras segvn la forma, estilo de algvnas estancias de estas islas

Philipinas (Manila, 1739); it is significant that this was published

from the Jesuit printing-house, and the auditor's pamphlet from the

college of Santo Tomás. Regarding both these, see Vindel's Catálogo

bibl. filipina, nos. 1807, 1808; therein is cited the following

paragraph from the Apología:

"48. In the cultivated estates or farms which the Society of Jesus

possesses in these islands, the tenants pay nothing for the house-lot

which they occupy, with the little garden which their houses are

wont to have in addition; but they pay only for the other land which

they cultivate. There is, moreover, an order from the superiors that

no person shall be allowed on those farms unless he has the charge

of some grain-field--and rightly so, since this is the purpose for

which admission to the estates is granted to any one; although this

does not prevent entire justice being shown to the old men, widows,

and other people who are legitimately disabled, by allowing them

to remain, as they do, in their houses without paying anything for

these and without cultivating a field. Therefore, there is evident

falsehood in what is said by a certain [N., used when name is not to

be mentioned] author, at the beginning of no. 3, art. 2, in speaking

of these estates of the Society--that is, that the tenants pay for

the land which they cultivate and for the ground under the houses

which they occupy. In Santa Cruz the same observance was in use at

the beginning, and it still is followed among the tenants who work

on the lands of Mayhaligue adjoining the said village of Santa Cruz,

and have their houses in the grain-fields. But as in course of time

the Sangley mestizos increased in numbers, and devoted themselves

to other occupations--painters, gilders, and silver-smiths, etc.,

which trades they now exercise with dexterity--and many households

were formed, up to the number of about three hundred and eighty, which

they now reach, it became necessary to yield to their importunities;

and for this college of San Ignacio at Manila to condemn the splendid

orchards which it possessed there, and permit the said mestizos

to establish therein their dwellings. And, as it is not right that

the said college should suffer the heavy damage of losing the said

orchards, which had cost it many thousands of pesos, ..."

[68] Concepción says (Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 278-280) that some

investigation of this report was made before Torre's death, and seven

of the wealthiest Chinese were arrested, "as being those most liable to

suspicion in the proposed disturbance." These men were kept in prison

for six months, the investigations being continued by Arrechedera and

indicating that the "plot" was but a malicious fabrication, intended

to harass Torre and thus cause his death. Finally, the governor, in

view of their long imprisonment and the failure to prove any charges

against them, released the Chinese prisoners, "under precautions and

securities." One of the prisoners proved, by a note from the warden

of the court prison, that the latter "had received the Chinaman as a

prisoner, without being told from whom or by whose order." The further

precaution was taken of sending back to China, in the champans that

went that year, "no small number of Chinese, of those who were known to

be strollers and without employment." Concepción states that Torre's

government was rendered odious largely by a certain man in Manila,

"who, on account of his rank and wealth, ambitiously lorded it over

the community, causing its government to be subject to his pleasure,

and did all that he could to cast infamy on the governor."

[69] In these ships came the royal situado for the current year

(1747), and 30,000 pesos on account of the arrearages due; moreover,

the returns from the cargo of the previous year were unusually large,

owing to successful sales at Acapulco. The vessels halted at the port

of Sisiran, where the silver was disembarked, being sent overland

to Manila; this was done through fear lest they might be attacked

by enemies at the Embocadero. The galleon "Rosario" was sent with a

cargo for Acapulco, but was driven back by contrary winds, because

it was poorly constructed and difficult to manage. This placed the

royal treasury again in great straits, because the situados were in

arrears for six remittances; Arrechedera appealed to the citizens and

the clergy, who responded liberally--especially the archbishop and his

chapter; "the Society of Jesus alone furnished 11,000 pesos--the royal

promise being pledged for payment; and the obras pías also contributed

to the common cause with their reserve funds." (Concepción, Hist. de

Philipinas, xii, pp. 36-38.)

[70] His family name was Martinez de Arizala; at this time he was

fifty-two years of age. He was a member of the Audiencia of Quito

in Peru (now in Ecuador) for seventeen years, and had been entrusted

with various important commissions by the king.

[71] Probably on account of his being a Dominican, the Chinese in

and near Manila being mostly in charge of that order in matters

of religion.

[72] A full account of this revolt and its cause and progress may be

found in Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, xiv, pp. 79-107; and of

its punishment by Lechuga, in xi, pp. 40-43. In writing the latter

volume, he had not any adequate information regarding the causes

of the rebellion; but later he obtained a detailed account of this

from the Recollect fathers in Bohol who took charge of the natives

after the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768. According to them, the

immediate occasion of the revolt was the arbitrary conduct of the

Jesuit, Father Morales, who was, in 1744, in charge of the district

of Inabangan. He sent out a native constable to arrest a renegade

Indian, but the latter slew the constable, whose brother, Francisco

Dagóhoy, obtained the corpse, and carried it into his village. Morales

refused to bury it in consecrated ground, and it lay for three days

unburied and rotting. Angered at this arbitrary and harsh treatment,

especially as Morales had been the cause of the constable's death,

Dagóhoy swore vengeance on the Jesuit, and persuaded the natives

of his district to join him therein; 3,000 of them followed him,

abandoning their homes and fortifying an inaccessible retreat in the

mountains. On their way they plundered a large and valuable estate

in that vicinity, named San Xavier, belonging to the Jesuits, which

was well stocked with cows, carabaos, horses, and other animals. Soon

afterward, Dagóhoy bribed an Indian to kill the Jesuit minister of

Hagna, Father Lamberti; and afterward Morales was also assassinated

by natives. The insurgents were numerously recruited through various

acts of injustice and tyranny by the Spaniards, and the rebellion was

assuming dangerous proportions. Bishop Espeleta of Cebú endeavored to

persuade the insurgents to return to their allegiance, and offered them

secular priests instead of the Jesuits; but they took this for timidity

on the part of the government, and became only more emboldened. Twenty

years later, Recollect missionaries were sent to Bohol in place of the

expelled Jesuits, and in the district of Baclayon was stationed Fray

Pedro de Santa Barbara; he laid plans for reclaiming and reconciling

the insurgents, and was partially successful; Dagóhoy and several other

datos "returned to God and to the church" with their followers, several

hundred being baptized and making then confessions. Nevertheless,

they did not go much further, and although Bishop Espeleta endeavored

in person to secure their Christian administration, "he could not

secure from Dagóhoy any more than that he would build a church,

in order to comply with his Christian obligations; but, as he

was attracted by the lawless life which he had led during so many

years, and by the gratification of being obeyed, the undertaking was

delayed until the present time. Nothing was done save to erect the

foundation posts, which had to serve for the present church." This

last volume of Concepción's was published in 1792, and his later

information was obtained probably in 1789, in which year he wrote

this account. (Espeleta's last remonstrance with Dagóhoy was made,

as stated by our writer, "in the year sixty-two;" but the context

would indicate that it occurred after the labors of the Recollects

began, and therefore the date is more probably "seventy-two," the

word sesenta being printed for setenta, by one of the typographical

errors so frequent in Conception's pages.) Fray Pedro de Santa Barbara

was so delighted at his first success that he persuaded the civil

authorities to withdraw the troops from most of the Bohol stations,

and to publish a general amnesty (this was not later than 1770);

but the result was, that the insurgent chiefs would not allow any

of their followers to leave their strongholds under pain of death,

and continued their habits of raids on their neighbors, plundering,

and murder. Concepción expresses indignant surprise that this rebellion

had been allowed to go long unpunished, with so great loss and injury

to the peaceable part of the population.

[73] These ambassadors were: for Mindanao, Father Francisco Isasi,

rector of the Jesuit college at Zamboanga, and the sargento-mayor

there, Don Thomas de Arrevillaga. For Joló, Isasi was also designated;

but on his return from Tamontaca his health was so broken that in his

place was appointed Father Sebastian Ignacio de Arcada, then in charge

of the district of Siocon; he went thither accompanied by Arrevillaga,

having been sent by Juan Gonzalez de el Pulgar, then governor of

Zamboanga. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xii, pp. 75-106.)

[74] The missionaries appointed to the Mindanao mission were the

Jesuits Juan Moreno and Sebastian Arcada; but the latter was ill

at the time, and died soon afterward; in his place was substituted

Ignacio Malaga. See account of their mission in Concepción, xii,

pp. 110-112, 138-141.

Those who went to Joló were Juan Ang[e]les and Patricio de el Barrio;

they left Zamboanga on June 3, 1748, in company with Alimudin. For

account of their mission, see Concepción, xii, pp. 114-138;

he cites a diary and letters written by Father Angeles, and the

report of Commandant Pulgar. He blames the Jesuits (pp. 146, 147)

for misrepresenting the Moro sultans to the governor, and Pulgar (as

being under their influence) for an unnecessarily hostile attitude

toward the Moros.

[75] Concepción states (xii, p. 134) that Alimudin was so infatuated

for one of his concubines that he neglected his duties of government;

and that his brother Bantilan bribed a man to assassinate the sultan,

giving him six slaves and a thousand pesos.

[76] Ferrando speaks (Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, p. 535) of "this

sedition, actual or feigned (but on this point history has not made

its final utterance)."

[77] Forrest says (Voyage, p. 334) of Alimudin's visit to Samboangan:

"He bought goods from Don Zacharias the governor, giving the Don his

own price, made presents to the officers of the garrison, and lost

his money to them, as if accidentally, by gaming with dice. Still

resolved to ingratiate himself with the governor, the Sultan wanted

to make him a present of forty male slaves, whom he had drest in rich

liveries on the occasion. Many of them were natives of Papua or New

Guinea. Zacharias refused the presents, suspecting the Sultan of some

design. The Sultan then asked leave to go to Manila. He went thither,

and said to the archbishop, 'I will turn Christian, let the Spaniards

take Sooloo, send the stubborn Datoos to Samboangan; make me king

there, I then will oblige every one to embrace your religion.' The

Spaniards listened to him, and he returned to Samboangan with an

armada."

[78] See letter of the Jesuit Masvesi regarding this visit of the

Joloan ruler, in VOL. XLVII, pp. 243-250; also account of it (1750),

ascribed to Arrechedera, in Retana's Archivo, i, no. v.

[79] Ferrando says (iv, pp. 538, 539) that Arrechedera sent the sultan

to Binalatongan (in Pangasinan) for baptism; but that Alimudin was

taken ill at Paniqui, on his journey, and it was therefore decided

to baptize him there.

[80] This catastrophe, one of the most ruinous of its kind ever known,

occurred on October 28, 1746; Lima was wrecked by the earthquake,

and Callao destroyed by a tidal wave--in Lima, over 1,100 persons

perished, and in Callao 4,600. A detailed account of this event was

published at Lima by order of the viceroy, Marqués de Villa Garcia,

an English translation of which appeared in London (the second edition

in 1748); and other accounts were published in Lima and Mexico.

[81] See account of this controversy, the wretched condition in which

the royal ships and galleys were found to be, and the loss of the

"Pilar," in Concepción's Historia, xii, pp. 183-211; cf. Montero y

Vidal, Hist. de piratería, i, p. 291, note. The vessel known by the

names of "Rosarito" and "Philipino," which "had cost the royal treasury

60,666 pesos, had remained more than four years abandoned to the sun

and rain, without any care;" and it was now valued at 18,000 pesos,

a sum which, after more thorough examination of the rotting timbers,

was reduced to 7,500. The Spanish government had ordered that six

ships be at once constructed to proceed against the Moro pirates;

and it was therefore necessary to hasten this work, without waiting

for "red tape," hence Nebra's informal appointment. The "Pilar"

was not a fragata, but a large ship; it sailed in June or July,

1750; its repairing and cleaning was so hastily done that the vessel

began to leak before it left the Luzón coast. The commander, Ignacio

Martinez de Faura, was notified of this, and that it was unsafe for

the vessel to proceed into the open sea; he answered, "To Purgatory,

or to Acapulco!" In the following October, pieces of wreckage were

picked up on the eastern coasts of Luzón, which were identified as

belonging to the "Pilar."

[82] "The secretary of the government, who, protected in that quarter

by the person who ought to have condemned his acts, pushed forward

his designs and finally effected his purpose" (Ferrando, iv, p. 548).

[83] "This [Dominican] province had already (in 1745) reported to

his Majesty that the beaterio of Santa Cathalina was maintained in

the form of observance provided by the royal decrees of February 17,

1716 and September 10, 1732; that it contained the fifteen religious

which it ought to have according to the arrangements of its founder;

that they observed the three vows of religious, according to the

enactment of St. Pius V, issued on 28 [sic] in 1566; and that, although

there had never been the slightest question raised on this point,

some uncertainties were beginning to present themselves regarding the

nature of their vows, and even whether dispensation from these could

be granted by the archbishop of Manila." Accordingly, the Dominicans

requested the royal decision on these matters; the king therefore

decreed (June 20, 1747) that a committee formed of the governor, the

archbishop, and the Dominican provincial, should carefully examine

into the best method of carrying out the previous decrees. They did

so, and, when their deliberations were laid before the royal fiscal,

he demanded that the vows taken by these beatas be declared opposed

to his Majesty's will. Sister Cecilia, as soon as she was placed in

Santa Potenciana, divested herself of the religious habit, claiming

that her profession was null--a claim which was irregular, "because

the five years had already passed which the laws and justice allow

for proceedings of this sort." When the papal delegate disallowed

the appeal of the Dominicans from the archbishop's attempted control

of this case, they appealed to the Audiencia for protection from the

fuerza exerted by the latter; but that court declined to interfere,

saying that there was no fuerza committed. The archbishop then

pronounced a definitive sentence in favor of Cecilia, and set her at

liberty; she then married Figueroa, and they went to Nueva España. The

Spanish government took no further notice of her case, save to refuse

to the Dominicans permission to lay it before the Holy See. (Ferrando,

iv, pp. 548-551)

[84] This was Don Protasio Cavezas.

[85] A minute account of this episode is found in Concepción's

Historia, xii, pp. 212-230. The lady's name was Cecilia Ita y

Salazar. She had been educated in the beaterio from childhood, and

had been a professed religious for sixteen years.

[86] "The royal decree issued in 1762 in consequence of the notorious

litigation of Mother Cecilia did not decide that the beaterio should

be extinguished, but only that new religious should not be admitted

until those then living, who numbered nearly thirty, should be reduced

to fifteen religious of the choir, in conformity with the provisions

of its foundation," "and that the number of the fifteen beatas should

be kept up, according to vacancies that might occur." (Ferrando, v,

p. 151).

[87] "The seizure of these champans was afterward the cause

of a clamorous lawsuit incited by various officers against the

master-of-camp Abad, accusing him of having kept for himself the best

part [of the goods seized]. It was also proved that he employed the

vessels of the royal navy in his mercantile speculations; this evil

was very general in that period, and to it must be attributed, in

large part, the scanty results of most of the expeditions against the

Mahometan Malays of southern Filipinas." (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de

piratería, i, p. 294.)

Another Chinese champan was seized by the Spaniards, apparently not

long afterward, near Malandi; it was laden with goods for trade

in Mindanao, which included a number of guns and other weapons,

with ammunition. These were confiscated by the Spaniards, an act

which was greatly resented by Jampsa, the sultan of Tamontaca, who

therefore abandoned the Spanish alliance and sided with the hostile

Moros. (Concepción, xiii, pp. 1-5.)

[88] This proceeding took place at midnight on August 3, and the

number arrested was 217 persons: these included Alimudin's four sons,

his brother and sister, four of his daughters, five brothers-in-law,

a son-in-law; a Mahometan jaddí ("the second rank in that sect,

equivalent to a bishop") and five panditas; also two prominent

chiefs, one hundred and sixty of the sultan's vassals, and thirty-two

concubines and female servants. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de piratería,

i, p. 298.) Cf. Concepción, xii, pp. 288, 289.

[89] Alimudin and his household arrived as prisoners at Manila in

September, 1751. Soon afterward the Manila government declared war,

with fire and sword, against the Joloans and all those Moro peoples who

aided them; permitting the enslavement of all who should be captured,

whether men, women or children; and giving all their property and

possessions to their captors, free from all royal dues or imposts. See

copy of this proclamation in Montero y Vidal's Hist. de piratería,

appendix, pp. 29-31. Concepción (xii, p. 344) regards this declaration

of war as unjust; he adds that the Joloan captive princes, whose

arrest was incited by ambition and greed, were so unfortunate as

to lose their protector, Bishop Arrechedera, by death (November 12,

1751). In the same month died also Bishop Arevalo, of Nueva Caceres.

[90] Here, as most often elsewhere, "captives" are synonymous with

"slaves." Montero y Vidal (Hist. de piratería, i, p. 299) protests

against this permission to enslave the Moros, as being contrary

to the provisions of the laws of the Indias, which forbid slavery

in Philipinas.

[91] Concepción says (xii, pp. 345-352) that the master-of-camp in

command of the fleet (who was Antonio Ramón de Abad y Monterde) was

undecided whether to attack Joló, but was persuaded to do so by the

Jesuits, who told him that the very sight of the Spanish squadron

would ensure the surrender of the Joloans. The attack was made at

the beginning of June, 1752, and was unsuccessful; Abad was angry

at the Jesuits, who had led him into this difficulty, and quarreled

with them. They retorted by accusing him to the governor, of conduct

(in modern phrase) "unworthy of an officer and a gentleman"--that

is, of neglect of official duty, mismanagement of the campaign,

unnecessary sacrifice of his men's lives, and licentious behavior

at Zamboanga. This was believed, until Abad was reported much more

favorably by other officers of his fleet. See full account of his

residencia (ut supra, xiii, pp. 36-85), in which he was acquitted

from the charges made against him, but sentenced to pay the costs of

the residencia.

[92] These hostilities broke out in 1752, and for several years

scourged the unfortunate Visayans. Concepción records many of these

attacks in considerable detail (Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 5-36);

the missions of the Recollects, as also those of the Jesuits in

Mindanao (except those under the shelter of the fort at Zamboanga)

were the frontier outposts most exposed to the pirates, and it is

these missions that Concepción chiefly mentions. The fort at Iligan,

Mindanao, was besieged by two thousand Moros for two months; but a

Spanish fleet was sent from Cebú, which obliged the enemy to raise the

siege, after a great loss of men. This defense was conducted by the

Jesuit in charge there, Father José Ducós, whose father had been an

officer in the Spanish army; and this same priest rendered valiant

service in other Moro raids in that region. Tagoloan and Yponan,

in the province of Cagayan, Mindanao were besieged by the Moros;

but the mountain Indians were called down to their aid by the Jesuit

missionaries, and compelled the enemy to retreat. In Caraga, Surigao

was attacked, and the Christian inhabitants, with their two Recollect

missionaries, were compelled to take flight and seek refuge in the

mountains; they were hunted there for weeks by the enemy--one of

the priests being finally captured and taken to Lanao--all this time,

enduring terrible hardships and suffering, which caused the other (Fray

Roque de Santa Monica) to become hopelessly insane; he was afterward

brought to Manila, but died there in a demented condition. "The

district of Surigao, rich through its famous gold-mines, and now in

most wretched condition," was devastated and ruined. The enemy did the

same in the island of Siargao, where the Recollect missionary, Fray

Joseph de la Virgen de el Niño Perdido, was slain while endeavoring to

lead his followers against the pirates. Nearly all the population--of

Surigao, more than 2,000 souls; of Siargao, more than 1,600--were

either slain or carried away captive. The district of Butuan was laid

waste and some two hundred captives seized; the little military post

at Linao, up the river, alone escaped, mainly through the difficulty

of ascending the stream. The Moros attacked the island of Camiguin,

which was so bravely defended by its natives that the pirates were

repulsed--especially by "one of the villages, which consisted of people

of Moro origin from the Lake of Malanao, from which they had withdrawn

on account of domestic dissensions, and settled in this island. They

are of excellent disposition, very good Christians, courageous,

and have an irreconcilable hatred for those enemies." Here they were

led by their Recollect priest, Fray Marcelinc de el Espiritu Santo,

"a robust native of La Mancha," who with them fought so valiantly that

the enemy could not make a landing. Romblon had so good a fort that

it could repel the foe; Ticao was so poorly defended that the people,

with their missionary, Fray Manuel de Santa Cathalina, could only take

to flight--the priest being afterward captured, and finally ransomed

for eight hundred pesos. In several places the missionaries were

either slain or captured by the pirates; and these raids were extended,

the boldness of the enemy increasing, even to the coasts of Luzón, in

Batangas and Zambales. The government took what precautions it could,

but these amounted to little save in the vicinity of Manila, Cebú,

and Zamboanga; military and naval forces, and supplies of all sorts,

were deficient, and there was much official apathy and corruption.

[93] "This unfortunate attempt cost the treasury 36,976 pesos, and

a galley that was seized by the Moros" (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de

piratería, i, p. 301).

[94] "In Manila the indignation against the disloyal Ali-Mudin knew

no bounds. All clamored for the punishment of so ignoble a race,

sorrowfully recalling the fact that the amount expended in courting

him and in the expenses of his sojourn there was more than 20,000

pesos, without counting the 6,000 pesos and the military supplies

sent to establish the Jesuits in Joló" (ut supra, p. 299). Later,

the authorities at Manila hardly knew what to do with Alimudin; he

would probably have been put to death, but it was feared that the

Moros would retaliate by slaughtering their Christian captives, who

numbered some 10,000. Fatima procured the return (in the summer of

1753) of fifty-one Christian captives, and negotiations were made for

peace between Manila and Joló; and in June, 1754, Bantilan surrendered

sixty-eight more captives, and a Spanish galley and champan. Faveau,

who had carried on a brilliant campaign against the pirates with his

little squadron, made a favorable report to the governor of the good

intentions of both Bantilan and Alimudin; and stated that the return

of the latter to Joló was desired by his subjects, and that Bantilan

was willing to resign in his favor. Arandía sent most of the Joloan

prisoners back to that island, retaining the sultan and his eldest

son as hostages until the full accomplishment of the treaty; they

remained there until the capture of the city by the English (1762),

who afterward restored them to Joló (see VOL. XLIX). Ferrando (iv,

pp. 541-543) considers that Alimudin was unjustly suspected and

ill-treated, and defends him from accusations of disloyalty to the

Spaniards and to the Christian religion.

[95] "The Sultanship in Sooloo is hereditary, but the government

mixed. About fifteen Datoos, who may be called the nobility, make

the greater part of the legislature. Their title is hereditary

to the eldest son, and they sit in council with the Sultan. The

Sultan has two votes in this assembly, and each Datoo has one. The

heir-apparent (who, when I was there, was Datoo Alamoodine) if he

sides with the Sultan, has two votes; but, if against him, only

one. There are two representatives of the people, called Manteries,

like the military tribunes of the Romans. The common people of Sooloo,

called Tellimanhood, enjoy much real freedom, owing to the above

representation; but the Tellimanhood, or vassals of the adjacent

islands named Tappool, Seassee, Tawee-tawee, and others, being the

estates of particular Datoos, are often used in a tyrannical manner

by their chiefs. I have been told that their haughty lords visiting

their estates, will sometimes with impunity demand and carry off young

women, whom they happen to fancy, to swell the number of their Sandles

(Concubines) at Sooloo." (Forrest, Voyage, p. 326.)

[96] For detailed accounts of the events here briefly mentioned, the

Moro wars, the imprisonment of Alimudin, the ravages committed in the

islands by those pirates, etc., to the end of Ovando's government,

see Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, xii, pp. 230-419, and xiii,

pp. 1-250. See also the account of the "Moro raids repulsed by Visayan

natives," ante; it is inserted mainly to represent more vividly, in

the words of a probable eyewitness, a typical raid by Moro pirates

on the peaceable Christian natives.

[97] To this name should be added, "Santisteban, Echeveria, y Alvero"

(Concepción, xiii, p. 250); he was a knight of the Order of Calatrava.

[98] See Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 250-287, for

details of these reforms.

[99] See Concepción's account of this eruption (xiii, pp. 345-350);

it lasted from September to December, 1754 and was accompanied by

severe earthquakes, one of which lasted half an hour.

[100] Ignacio María de Alava, "Commander-in-chief of the naval forces

in Asiatic waters," was a personal friend of Zúñiga, to whom the latter

dedicated his Historia. In a preliminary notice to his Estadismo (p. 3

of Retana's ed.) he says that Alava desired to become acquainted with

the Philippines from various points of view, and invited the priest to

accompany him therein. Alava arrived at Manila on December 25, 1796,

and remained in the islands until January 7, 1803; he reorganized the

naval forces and the arsenal at Cavite, with much energy and ability,

but had various controversies with Governor Aguilar. Afterward he held

important posts in the Spanish naval administration, and died on May

26, 1815. See Retana's note concerning him (ut supra, ii, p. *562),

and Montero y Vidal's Hist. de Philipinas, ii, pp. 345-359.

[101] The exploits of this militant Jesuit are described by Concepción,

in Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 148-168, 178-188, 296-319.

[102] The name given her in baptism was Rita Calderón; the marriage

occurred on April 27, 1755. See Concepción, xiii, pp. 333, 334.

[103] "The people of Magindano, and their neighbours, known commonly

by the name of Oran Illanon, as living near the great Lano, are very

piratically inclined. Neither can the Sultan of Magindano restrain his

subjects from fitting out vessels, which go among the Philippines,

to Mangaio, that is, cruise against the Spaniards: much less can be

restrained the Illanos, being under a government more aristocratic;

for, on the banks of the Lano, are no fewer than seventeen, stiled

Rajahs, and sixteen who take the title of Sultan, besides those on the

coast. When the Spanish envoy sailed from Magindano for Samboangan,

Rajah Moodo sent a vessel, as has been said, to convoy him across

the Illano bay. This is a proof the Spaniards are not on good terms

with the Illanos. These, within ten years before 1775, have done

much mischief to the Spaniards, among the islands called Babuyan,

at the north extremity of the Philippines; and, at this time, they

possess an island in the very heart of the Philippines, called Burias,

where has been a colony of Illanos, for many years, men, women,

and children. The Spaniards have often attempted to dislodge them;

but in vain: the island, which is not very large, being environed

with rocks and shoals to a considerable distance." (Forrest, Voyage

to New Guinea, pp. 301, 302.)

[104] Fray Mateo González founded this mission to the Batanes. He made

his profession in 1667, and came to Manila four years later, being

then twenty-seven years old. He was sent to the Cagayán missions,

and was stationed in the Babuyanes Islands during 1673-84 (save in

1677-80, at Lallo-c). In 1686 he made a visit to the Batanes, where

he was well received; they contained over 3,000 souls. Leaving his

companion there to study the language, he went to Manila to secure

support for his new mission, to which he returned with Fray Juan Rois;

but hardly two months passed before the unhealthful climate and many

privations brought mortal illness on them. González died on July 25,

1688, and Rois on August 10, following. With this the Batanes mission

came to an end until (in 1718) it was revived by Fray Juan Bel. (Reseña

biográfica, ii, pp. 155-157.)

[105] "Action was taken in a session of the royal treasury officials

on the execution of the orders in a royal despatch which notified

this government to establish on the mainland of Cagayan the people

who were dwelling in the islands of the Babuyanes; for this purpose

the sum of five thousand, three hundred and ninety-eight pesos was

sent from the royal treasury of Mexico, definitely allotted to this

transportation. The migration was agreed upon, the money was spent,

but the only result was the transfer of some families, the greater part

of them remaining in their own islands--where, as they were accustomed

to that mode of life, they desired no further privileges than their

own liberty, even though it be with necessary inconveniences, which

they felt little or not at all, being free from the yoke since their

youth." (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xi, p.304.)

Cf. Salazar's sketch of the history of these missions, in chapter

xxiii of Hist. Sant. Rosario (in our VOL. XLIII). See also, for both

early and later events therein, Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos, iii,

pp. 550-588, and iv, pp. 254-258, 330, 582-585.

Concepción (ut supra) does not mention the date of the royal decree;

but Ferrando states (iv, p. 423) that it was dated March 14, 1728,

and that it granted for this purpose the sum of 3,398 pesos; the "3"

may be a typographical error for "5," the amount as given (but spelled

out) by Concepción. Ferrando says that some three hundred families

removed to the mainland, but that many more remained in their islands.

[106] This is more fully described in the previous document, "Later

Augustinian and Dominican missions."

[107] See Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, pp. 576-582.

[108] Arandia made a census of the Christian Sangleys in the islands,

and found that they numbered 3,413. He established the market here

mentioned, that of San Fernando, at first intended to be simply a

pavilion in which trade might be carried on; the heathen merchants to

return immediately to their own country, without going inland from

Manila or having any dealings with the natives. But, as it was soon

apparent that the exigencies of weather and trade required larger and

more permanent quarters, Arandía had a plan made for the necessary

dwellings and storehouses, by a Recollect lay brother who was an

excellent architect (whom the governor had appointed superintendent

of royal works); and a contract for building it was made, at a cost

of 48,000 pesos. Half of this amount was contributed by a citizen of

Manila, Fernando de Mier y Noriega, the other half being supplied

from the royal treasury; as a reward for this service, he was made

warden of the new market, an office carrying a salary of fifty pesos

a month, and passing to his children and descendants. (Concepción,

xiii, pp. 357-360.) The king, however, restricted this privilege to

Mier's life.

[109] See Concepción's account of this enterprise (xiv,

pp. 167-171). The amount of capital raised was 76,500 pesos, in

shares of 500 each; with this, the company began to buy goods (ropas)

to supply the public necessities, and sold these in their own shops,

in each of which were two Spanish agents, no Sangley having anything

to do with these shops. It was planned that the company, having bought

goods at wholesale--they found that they could purchase thus at sixteen

per cent less than they paid for the same goods at retail--should

sell at only thirty per cent above the first cost; "of this [gain]

eight per cent must be paid to his Majesty to make up to the royal

treasury the deficiency arising from the loss of the licenses that

the infidels had paid; ten per cent went to the shareholders; and

the remaining twelve per cent was kept for the payment of salaries,

and for a public fund for the promotion of the industries and products

of the country." Their capital was found insufficient to make their

purchases; indeed, this lack had always been felt when the Sangleys

conducted the trade, but their industry had supplied it; the directors

therefore applied to the Misericordia and other administrators for

the loan of the reserve funds held in the obras pías. The latter were

at first disposed to aid the company, but later declined to do so,

following the advice of certain theologians whom they consulted. The

auditor Pedro Calderon Henriquez gave an opinion contrary to this,

saying that the obras pías had gained great profits through the

voluntary concession and tolerance of the citizens, who ought not

to be the only ones to make sacrifices for the public good; and that

"in these islands they had winked at the business transactions of the

confraternities, which are not carried on in other regions, on account

of the convenience which the merchants found in having money ready

for investment in their commerce." The governor therefore demanded

from the Misericordia 100,000 pesos of their reserve funds, and from

the Third Order (of St. Francis) 30,000; and with these funds the

company was for the time floated. (Among the advantages expected from

this enterprise were: lower prices than the Chinese asked for goods,

the same price the year round, the retention of all profits within the

country, and the certain support of the twenty-one families belonging

to the company's employ.) Another great hindrance was found in the

general practice of using clipped money in this trade, which caused

great losses. This and other difficulties caused the dissolution of

the company within the year, and it was unable to do more than save

the capital invested therein.

[110] Ferrando says (iv, pp. 587-591) that Arandía cut off from

the hospital of San Gabriel 800 pesos, out of the 2,000 which it

received from the communal fund of the Sangleys, for whose benefit

the hospital was founded; and this amount the Dominican province

was obliged, through motives of humanity, to make good from its own

treasury. Moreover, he insisted that the Augustinian provincial, Fray

Juan Facundo Meseguer, should reveal to him the private reasons which

he had for removing two of his friars from their charges in Indian

villages. This was in reality an attack on all the religious bodies,

who all resolved to make common cause on the governor, and forthwith

sent to the king a remonstrance against the governor's proceedings;

this checked Arandía, who desisted from his demands against Meseguer.

[111] Vindel's Catálogo, tomo i (Madrid, 1896), p. 94, cites from

Rezabal y Ugarte's Escritores de los seis colegios universitarios

(Madrid, 1805) mention of works left by Viana, existing in the archives

of the Council of Indias, among them "Ordinances for the government

of the Indian provinces of Filipinas." This, with the hostility which

his letters and other writings exhibit toward the religious orders,

indicates the possibility that Viana had some responsibility for the

instructions here mentioned by Zúñiga.

[112] According to Concepción (xiii, pp. 360-366), the tax here

referred to was a general one, called "the royal impost," an ad

valorem duty levied on all the products of the provinces, brought

in the coasting trade to Manila; it was established, in view of the

depleted condition of the royal treasury, for the maintenance of

the royal fleets against the pirates and the defense of the internal

commerce of the islands, and was exacted from all persons concerned,

without exempting any one, whatever his rank or estate. The Dominicans

were unwilling to pay this tax on certain commodities which they

were sending to their convents in Cagayan, alleging that these were

not commercial articles, and that they were exempt as a religious

body. This was of no avail, and their vessel was seized; but, either

through their representations at court or because Arandía had not

first asked the royal permission for this measure, it was censured

by the government and the duty removed.

[113] See Concepción's full account of this venture (xiv,

pp. 208-275). It will be remembered that Bustamante had attempted

in 1718 to open up commerce with Siam (VOL. XLIV, p. 152); but this

was a failure, through the apathy of the Spaniards. In the year

1747 a Siamese ship came to Manila with merchandise, and another

four years later; these were well received there, and allowed to

sell their goods free from duties. On the second ship came a Jesuit,

Father Juan Regis Aroche, as envoy from the king of Siam to establish

friendly relations with the Manila government; he proposed to Ovando

to send an expedition to Siam to build there a galleon, then needed

at Manila for the Acapulco trade. As the royal treasury had not the

funds for this, Ovando formed a stock company, with a hundred shares,

each of 300 pesos; 30,000 pesos were thus raised (said by the Jesuit

to be enough to build the ship)--"with the idea that afterward the

king [of España] would vouchsafe to buy it, and the gains would

be divided pro rata among the shareholders, whose profits would be

considerable even if the ship were sold at the usual and reasonable

price." Accordingly Captain Joseph Pasarin was sent to Siam (March 18,

1752), and made arrangements for the construction of the ship, which

was facilitated and aided by the king of that country; labor was there

abundant and cheap, yet the cost of the ship was much more than had

been planned, and not only was a second remittance made from Manila,

but the king furnished nearly 13,000 pesos besides. Pasarin set out on

his voyage to Manila with the new ship, but, when in sight of Bolinao,

a fierce storm drove the Spaniards back, and finally compelled them

to land in China. They went to Macao, refitted their damaged ship

(for which a wealthy Portuguese lent them, without interest, 20,516

pesos), and set sail for Manila on April 28, 1755; storms again

drove them from Bolinao, and they were compelled to put back to

Macao, and to remain there five months until the north winds should

subside; Simon Vicente de la Rosa again generously aided them with

5,000 pesos. Returning their voyage on December 12 of that year,

unfavorable winds again attacked them, and they were obliged to

make port in Batavia. (January 12, 1756). Here Pasarin fell sick,

and on his recovery found that the shipbuilder whom the Dutch had

detailed to repair the galleon had fled with certain goods which he

plundered from it, and twenty-eight of his seamen had deserted; at

last he secured a new crew, and reached Cavite on July 6, 1756. This

galleon was named "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe," or "La Mexicana;" its

keel was 120 English feet long, and its capacity was 1,032 toneladas;

it was built entirely of teak; the entire cost of vessel, equipment,

and construction was 53,370 pesos. The king of Spain disapproved

the enterprise; and when the accounts of the company were settled,

it was found that they were still indebted to the extent of 9,520

pesos. The galleon was sold at public auction for 10,000 pesos.

[114] Concepción furnishes an interesting account (xiv, pp. 76-79) of

the abolition by Arandía of the "rotten borough" of Cebú. During the

term of Governor Arrechedera, he received a request from Juan Baraona

Velazquez, governor and chief magistrate of Cebú province, that in view

of the lack not only of regidors there but of citizens who could fill

that office, the governor should confer it on certain persons named

by him, among them two who were the only permanent (Spanish) settlers

there. Nevertheless, affairs soon returned to their former condition:

of the five persons thus appointed, one was long detained in Manila,

and one died; another was deprived of office for harsh treatment of the

headman of the Sangleys, and still another for failure to perform his

duties. "Thus, only the regidor Espina was left, and in him much was

deficient, if he were not actually incapable; for he could not read

or write, and his judgment was not very sound." Velazquez therefore

proposed that these offices be extinguished, and some suitable person

be appointed from Manila to assist him in ruling the province. Nothing

came of this, and his successor, Joseph Romo, applied to Arandía for

relief, saying that for two years no election of alcalde-in-ordinary

had been held, and the office was exercised by the regidor Pedro

Muñoz--the same who had ill-treated the Sangley--"of whom alone

that municipality was composed;" that the latter had obtained his

post only ad interim, and now refused to surrender it to Romo. "In

view of this report, Señor Arandía decided that these remnants of

the city should be abolished, leaving it with only the name of city,

and that it should be ruled by its chief magistrate, as alcalde-mayor

of the province; and in this wretched condition was left the first

city of this sphere, endowed with privileges by our Catholic kings,

and worthy of other and greater consideration. Its lack of citizens

transformed it into so dry a skeleton; and, although this measure was

provisional, necessity has made it perpetual." Buzeta and Bravo say

(Diccionario, i, p. 555) that since then Cebú had been governed by

a gobernadorcillo, like any native village; and at the end of that

same volume they give a table of the population of Cebú province in

1818, which shows that the ancient city of Santisimo Nombre de Jésus

contained no pure Spaniards, its population of 2,070 souls being all

native or Chinese except 233 Spanish mestizos. Its present population,

according to the late U. S. census, is 31,079--of whom 793 are natives

of China, 131 of America, and 168 of Europe.

[115] He had witnessed personally at Acapulco the careless, disorderly,

and even fraudulent manner in which this trade was carried on by the

Mexican merchants, who contrived to secure the advantage in every way

over those of Manila. He therefore imposed severe penalties on all who

on either side should practice frauds. He also appointed four of the

most distinguished of the citizens of Manila to register, apportion,

and appraise the goods sent thence; but the only result was that these

men took the best for themselves, and consulted their own profit; he

therefore revoked their commissions and sharply rebuked them. Arandía

also made many reforms in the management of the Acapulco ship, its

supplies, and its men, both on the sea and in port. (Concepción, xiv,

pp. 171-183.)

[116] Le Gentil and Marquina are cited by Montero y Vidal (Hist. de

Filipinas, ii, p. 14) to show that Arandia died by poison or other

violent means.

[117] His full name was Manuel Antonio Rojo del Río y Vieyra.

[118] At this point properly should come the documents which relate the

invasion of the islands by the English, their capture of Manila, the

consequent disturbances in the provinces, etc.; but the great length

of this episode, and the desirability of bringing all this material

together in one volume, induce us to place it all in VOL. XLIX,

completing this present volume with the noted memorial by the royal

fiscal Viana, written nearly a year after the evacuation of Manila

by the English.

[119] The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows:

"Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas

Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining

them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first

and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for

the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce,

and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections,

which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal

protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and

glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they

are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro

de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior

of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college;

graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university;

a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this

royal Audiencia of Manila." It is followed by a letter addressed to

the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date

of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and

serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana's memorial and

of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general,

as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the

needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats

the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly

outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states

(Catálogo of 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was

forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance,

not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the

English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of

Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies,

and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here

presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized,

as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with

authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with

the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.

The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before

the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the

royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing

this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later

kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and

it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of

the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In

1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college

for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé,

and later "the Old College." In 1845 Salamanca and all other like

institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the

government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumental Catholic

Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)

[120] "Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan]

following has been greatly increased--not only through the ordinary

traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the

santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to

Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our

islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in

Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of

these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands

of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724." (Torrubia, Dissertacion,

pp. 2, 3.)

[121] Probably referring to the Hudson's Bay Company, although that

was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746-47 here

mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and

Henry Ellis in those years, "for discovering a Northwest Passage"--a

discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of

20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices

of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and

Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.

[122] On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth

century may be seen the great Mer d'Ouest, or "Western Sea," evidently

an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then

been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in

January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who

went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar

being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i,

p. 140-148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The

Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on

the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for

furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter

route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade,

although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft, ut

supra, pp. 345, 346).

[123] This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of

the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of

it first appeared in a London periodical (the Monthly Miscellany),

in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For

more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft's Northeast Coast,

i, pp. 116-119; and Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America,

ii, pp. 462, 463.

[124] Probably referring to Ricard's Traité general du commerce,

of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.

[125] In Spanish text, Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information

available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch

explorer's name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used

the name Hornos (meaning "ovens") through some accidental circumstance

or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco

de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa's expedition of 1525,

who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first

doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz

Schouten van Hoorn in 1616--accounts of this voyage being written

by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor, Narrative and

Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409-412.)

[126] For the text of Extracto historial, see VOLS. XXX, XLIV, and

XLV of this series.

[127] Marginal note by Viana.--"Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the

engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of

fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless,

and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification

[that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent

than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt

to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that

are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an

engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible

of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in

a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not

failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is,

to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison,

and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there

to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by

this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently

increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended,

for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to

diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.

"On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the

curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without

more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways,

glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one,

and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to

inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so

that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy--who will not be

able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while

they are clearing the field from obstructions.

"The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one,

but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating

the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will

be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various

ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on

account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars)

would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge,

and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order

that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the

entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of

provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery

of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would

defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit

the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.

"The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the

fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired

without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already

seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be

added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and

the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to

harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town

could be made equally impregnable on that side--especially if the

fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in

order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In

this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of

expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by

carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented

by the aforesaid Gomes--regarding which I set forth what common sense

[la luz natural] dictated to me, in the expediente which was referred

to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy

which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage

to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which

will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand

workmen can be maintained for a whole year."

[128] Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the

Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on

their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the

privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the

same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they

offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had

been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with

the English and allow them to settle.

[129] A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American

railroad magnate, "charge all that the traffic will bear."

[130] The term situado was also applied, among other things, to the

increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (see VOL. XIV, p. 247,

and XVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in his Dissertacion,

pp. 95-98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of

"the fourths:" "The said father ministers are paid from the 'fourths'

of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the

situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the

increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten

reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from

this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is

called situado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that

it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers--to

whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are

paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of

provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain

at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers

is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of

'fourths,' which is explained in the Recopilacion by ley 14, tit. 3,

lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account

of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having

paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and

separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute,

which is called the 'fourth' of the eight remaining reals; thus six

reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated

for the tribute. The destination of the money from the 'fourths'

was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not

now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas

are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the 'fourths'

the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of

the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops,

etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and

encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different."

[131] Verecus (for biricús): meaning "sword-belts."

[132] Spanish, pandillas: one of its meanings is, "a party of persons

joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,"

which is quite equivalent to the Americanism "gang."

[133] Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but

evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant

to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the

tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost

was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.

[134] On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a

different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or

some friend of Viana's: "It was necessary to speak thus in a country

of ignorant ecclesiastics."

[135] Millones: "the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted

to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine,

vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (see VOL. XLIV,

p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years." Sisas: "the

impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as

a nuisance--which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another

appellation." (Dominguez.)

[136] Marginal note by Viana.--"In the Royal Audiencia is pending the

expediente of the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for

various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government."

[137] Marginal note by Viana.--"In the expediente for the regulation

of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses

that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for

the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military

posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them."

[138] On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies,

see Recopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and

xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes,

but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from

the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the

first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical

estate; and tithes were not exacted there.

[139] Presumably citing the Historia of Jacques Auguste de Thou

(the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604-08, but

afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was

"the history of his own time," covering the period 1543-1607.

[140] An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition

in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India,

where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they

carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded

them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter

and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company

was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and,

having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later,

another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty

years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty

years. See Raynal's Établissemens et commerce des Européens dans les

Indes, i, pp. 548-566.

[141] For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests

of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India,

China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal's

Établissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes (Genève, 1780),

i, pp. 1-150. At the end, he states "the causes which brought on the

ruin of the Portuguese in India." "This little nation, finding itself

the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the

world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were

consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real

power--agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no

proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still

worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of

territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening

itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly

wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists." "As

the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes

for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of

commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms,

fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have

been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection

which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry

money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from

the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples." "Of

all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia,

there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor,

Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and

to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or

six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of

which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return

cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods,

and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or

at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed

shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more

than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these

does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce

ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,--excepting its sugar, snuff,

pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive

purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown." "Such is

the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India,

[that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it,

the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory

and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a

viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a

military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers,

black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust

and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression,

which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation

that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?"

[142] The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work

that attracted great attention, entitled Mare clausum seu de dominio

maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable

amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.

The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor

Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century

(Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).

[143] At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment,

in the same hand as that mentioned ante, p. 249, note 130: "The author

agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear

of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics."

[144] Spanish, como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing

a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape

was, of course, practically impossible.

[145] In the text, vicias, a word which does not appear (save as

a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation,

therefore, is necessarily conjectural.

[146] An alloy of copper and nickel, known as "white copper" and

"German silver," and to the Chinese as Packfong and petong.

[147] The Dictionnaire universel de commerce of Jacques Savary des

Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723-30; it had numerous editions,

and was translated into English (London, 1751-55).

[148] In text, capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries,

and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusing capirotes

and redingotes.

[149] Manungal (Samadera indica): "the wood is used in making cups

which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has

certain medicinal properties." (Official Handbook of the Philippines,

p. 353.) Blanco (who named this tree Manungala, but later Niota) says

that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus;

and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that "it was as

efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers." In the same work (pp. 389,

391) manungal is, apparently by some oversight, identified with the

macabuhay (Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according

to Merrill's Dictionary of Plant Names (p. 76) to Lunasia amara.

[150] In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon

cinnamon published by Forrest in his Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 338-349;

it was "communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade,

and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at

Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S." Some notes

on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is

an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine

are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of

cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector's description. Of these

but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems

to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties

are said to yield "camphire" [i.e., camphor].

[151] The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is

accompanied by the following inscription: "The island of Mindanao,

whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith

and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin,

martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic

Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood

of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said

island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It

lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute,

north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East

and west it extends 128 1/3 leguas. Its most western point is 127

degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree,

amounts to 2,555 2/3 leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for

each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes,

8 seconds, so that 12 o'clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes

past 8 at night there.

[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the

size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]

[152] A parallel case: "Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on

their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At

that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and

all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later,

the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go

elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in

these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that

a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have

entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares,

with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities

felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the

roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what

can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By

degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial;

and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of

the colony." (Raynal, Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i,

pp. 607, 608.)

[153] Regarding this company, see VOL. XLV, pp. 45-50.

[154] In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient

has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following

note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton,

late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin,

and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.

Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.--Germany was

concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because

of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers,

Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and

financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able

to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first

occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505-06, when

Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following

works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries,

and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources

for more detailed information:

General works: Heyd, Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter

(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into

French, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge (Leipzig,

1885-86), 2 vols. Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen

(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse, Pennsylvania: the German

influence in its settlement and development; part 1, "The Fatherland,

1450-1700"--published in Proceedings and Addresses of the Pennsylvania

German Society, vol. viii (1897).

On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger

(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler, Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung

in Spanien (Weimar, 1897); and Die überseeischen Unternehmungen

der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter (Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch, Die

überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser (Leipzig, 1895),

a dissertation. Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494-1541:

Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; "mitgetheilt mit

erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten

Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach

Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff"--published (Augsburg,

1861) in Jahresberichte 26 of the "Historische Kreisverein" in the

jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents

from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of

the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.

On the expedition of Francisco d'Almeida: Kunstmann, Die Fahrt

der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien (München,

1861). Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505-06, "wissenschaftliche

Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck

seiner Meerfahrt vom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze" (Strassburg,

1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of

the German merchants. The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505-06,

"being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated

from the contemporary Flemish, and edited" by C. H. Coote (London,

1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish

version of Springer's account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with

this voyage. Harrisse, Americus Vespuccius (London, 1895); besides

showing the true character of Coote's book, this work contains valuable

notes on the German connection with the discoveries.

[155] This work (Turin, 1724-30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de

Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de

Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wrote Comercio suelto,

y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas,

etc. (Madrid, 1732).

[156] For identifications of these various woods, see VOLS. XII,

p. 245 (molave), and XVIII, pp. 169-173. Tangili is the Tagálog

name for various trees of the genera Dipterocarpus and Shorea,

(of the same natural order). "Teak" is a corruption of the Malabar

name for the tree known to botanists as Tectona grandis. According to

Official Handbook (p. 356), it "exists in Mindanao, and said to exist

in Negros." Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting

account of its habitat: "The only teak tree of which I have first-hand

knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna

de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by

a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay

people call it ticla.... It is common in some provinces of Visayas,

in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently

been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay,

and has waited twenty-three years to bloom."

[157] See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook,

p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a

species of palm, Caryota urens.

[158] Representación al Rey ... dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real

erario (Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest

to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in

full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde;

he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.

[159] Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities

of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and

the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price

than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the

islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook,

p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that

the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and

coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.

See Jagor's account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture,

and preparation, in his Reisen, pp. 76-81.

[160] Marginal note by Viana.--"At this very time, men are obtaining

in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster."

[161] Marginal note by Viana.--"The mulberry trees yield wonderfully

in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and

bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable

article of commerce can be promoted."

[162] Narra is the native name of the valuable timber trees in the

genus Pterocarpus, especially P. indicas; it is sometimes called

"the mahogany of the Philippines." The species alluded to by Viana is

probably P. Blancoi, called apálit by the Pampangos; "the decoction

of the wood is nephritic" (Official Handbook).

Catbalonga (pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names tor

Strychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine

is obtained. See Jagor's interesting note on this plant (Ignatia

amara, L., or Strychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in his Reisen, pp. 213, 214;

he says that it is used (under the name pepita de Catbalonga) as a

household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by

the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.

[163] Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a

product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the

soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar

to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew

in the province of Laguna. Calinga is the native name of Cinnamomum

pauciflorum.

[164] "On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited

that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition,

and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593--which provided that no

merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to

purchase his goods directly--were superlatively absurd, mischievous,

and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor

of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once

a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition

a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the

valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the

monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles." This stupid procedure

not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the

markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and

its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and

French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by

sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic

country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel,

the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero

y Vidal, Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)

On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the

Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes

in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but

that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a

repetition of the offense would be severely punished--on the ground

that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would

involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations,

and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero, Libertad de comercio,

pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.

[165] Referring to the book by this author entitled Theorica y

practica de comercio y de marina (Madrid, 1724), an important work,

which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of

the chapters have the following titles: "Of the commerce which can

be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the

shelter and assistance of Filipinas;" and "Of the commerce with

Filipinas." (Vindel's Catálogo, 1903, p. 276.)

[166] Spanish, testas de fierro (in modern form, testaferros); meaning

"those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business

when it belongs to another person" (Dominguez).

[167] Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast

of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish

officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of

Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles

north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.

[168] St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon's last

exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27-29, 1906)

the military forces there.

[169] Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246-250) that

the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of

Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey

be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made;

this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could

not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about

1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important

city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was

the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by

pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times

sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century

the importance and population of this city had greatly declined,

for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing

receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America,

and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and,

most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions

imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also

became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry

in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama

was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified

so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces

of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were

incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had

but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via

Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued;

its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight

importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390-403, 464-481, 517-542, 570-594.)

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 14 / 14 章

[63] Carajay is, according to Vidal y Soler (Viajes de Jagor, p. 138),