CHAPTER I_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and

their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,

as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the

political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those

islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the

close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XLVIII, 1751-1765

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson

with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord

Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company

Cleveland, Ohio

MCMVII

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLVIII

Preface 13

Documents of 1751-1762:

Usurpation of Indian lands by friars. Fernando VI;

San Lorenzo, November 7, 1751 27

Moro raids repulsed by Visayans. [Unsigned];

Manila, [1755] 37

Augustinian parishes and missions, 1760. Pedro Velasco,

O.S.A.; Tondo, April 16, 1760 52

Later Augustinian and Dominican missions. Antonio

Mozo, O.S.A.; Madrid, 1763. Bernardo Ustáriz, O.P.;

Manila, 1745 59

Events in Filipinas, 1739-1762. [Compiled from Martinez

de Zúñiga and other writers.] 137

Memorial of 1765. Francisco Leandro de Viana; Manila,

February 10, 1765 197

Bibliographical Data 339

ILLUSTRATIONS

Map of the Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile from

original map in Murillo Velarde's Historia de la provincia

de Philipinas (Manila, 1749); from copy in possession of

Edward E. Ayer, Chicago Frontispiece

Map of Leyte, from original MS. of P. Pagteel, in

collection of Charts by Alexander Dalrymple ([London],

1788), ii, p. 76; photographic facsimile from copy in

Library of Congress 39

Plan of the new Alcaicería of San Fernando, 1756;

photographic facsimile from original manuscript in

Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 181

View of Spanish city and fort of Gammalamma, Terrenate;

photographic facsimile from Recueil des voiages Comp.

Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725); iii, p. 348; from

copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society 213

Plan of the citadel of Santiago at Manila; photographic

facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de

Indias, Sevilla 219

Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols;

photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo

general de Indias, Sevilla 281

PREFACE

The contents of the present volume (dated 1751-65) include accounts

of the missionary efforts of the Augustinian and Dominican orders, and

events in Filipinas from 1739 to the beginning of the English invasion;

and the survey of the condition and needs of the islands which is

presented in the memorial by the royal fiscal Viana. A valuable

feature in the missionary reports is the ethnological information

furnished therein regarding the savage tribes of Central Luzón;

and the self-sacrifice and devotion of the missionaries themselves

appear in striking contrast with the unscrupulous greed displayed,

as one of the short documents shows, in the management of the friar

estates near Manila. The times are troublous for the colony: several

insurrections occur among the natives, the Acapulco galleon of 1743

is captured by the English, the Moro pirates ravage the archipelago

with enormous destruction of life and property, and the Spaniards

are defeated by them. Governor Arandia attempts to establish reforms,

and thus incurs much odium; he is engaged in numerous controversies,

and finally dies. Viana's memorial presents a vivid picture of the

distressed condition of the Philippine colony after the English

invasion, its urgent need of relief, and the ways in which this may

be accomplished.

A letter by Fernando VI to the Manila Audiencia (November 7, 1751)

expresses his approval of the proceedings of Auditor Enriquez in

pacifying the insurgent Indians of certain villages near Manila and

in Bulacan--a revolt caused by the usurpation of Indian lands by

the managers of the friar estates, and the fraudulent proceedings of

government officials who aided such usurpation. Enriquez had pacified

the natives, deprived the friars of such lands as they held illegally,

and distributed these among those natives who were aggrieved; he also

investigated the titles by which the orders held their estates, and

regulated the proper boundaries of their lands. The king also commands

the Manila government to exercise vigilant care for the welfare of

the Indians, and to notify them that in their difficulties they must

have recourse to the royal fiscal for redress or aid.

In a rare pamphlet published at Manila in 1755, apparently written

by one of the Jesuit missionaries in Leyte, are enumerated various

instances when the raids of Moro pirates against the Visayan villages

in 1754 are repulsed by the natives, under the direction of their

spiritual guides; and one of these, the defense of Palompong, is

related at length. An official report (in MS.) made by the Augustinian

provincial (1760) shows the parishes and missions then in charge of

his order in the Philippines, with the population (classified as to

sex, age, etc.) of each one.

In the eighteenth century several important missions were conducted

by the Augustinians and Dominicans among the savage and untamed

head-hunting tribes of Central Luzón. Those of the former order are

recorded by Fray Antonio Mozo in his Noticia histórico natural (Madrid,

1763); he presents much valuable information regarding those people,

whose first contact with European civilization was mainly found in

their intercourse with those missionaries. This begins, for the Italons

(now called Ibilao) and Abacas in 1702, when the Augustinians attempt

to christianize them--with fair success, considering the wildness and

ferocity of those people. They also carry the gospel among the Isinay,

a work which the Dominicans had been compelled to abandon as hopeless;

and within a quarter of a century the entire tribe have been baptized

and civilized by Fray Alejandro Cacho. In 1740 these Isinay missions

are ceded to the Dominican order. Among all these wild peoples, the

missionaries have introduced not only the gospel, but instruction

in farming and irrigation, and supplies of cattle and plows; and,

wherever possible, they have formed "reductions" or settlements of

their converts, usually in localities best adapted to the cultivation

of the soil.

The Augustinians carry on their missions among the Ilocans, the

Tinguians, the Igorots, the Zambals, and the Negritos--this last

having stations throughout the islands; also in Cebú and Panay,

and in China. Mozo narrates the progress of these missions, but

devotes much of his space to accounts of the wild tribes and their

peculiar customs and beliefs; this is especially fortunate for our

purpose in regard to the Negritos, about whom less has been known than

about the other Philippine peoples, Mozo's residence of three years

among them rendering his observations extremely valuable. He also

gave particular attention to the practices and medicines used by the

natives in sickness, and to the plants which are useful therein. Among

these missions the most arduous, according to our writer, was that

to the "apostates" and infidels who had taken refuge in a certain

mountainous and densely-wooded district; these renegades and heathen

dwelt together, each making the other worse. Among these people were

preserved many of the ancient pagan customs which the missionaries

had in most places been able to extirpate; and these are described by

Mozo. Even in this hard field, "multitudes of infidels were baptized

and hundreds of apostates reclaimed." The Augustinians also conduct

missions in the interior of Cebú and Panay, where not only are the

mountains rugged and the forests dense, but there are wizards among

the natives who "by conversing with the demon do things which cause

terror;" some account of their practices is given, as also of the

converts gained by missionaries among those people. He then describes

some of the medicines that are used by the natives. Among these are the

gall and fat of the python; a stone which, when applied to a woman's

thigh, would facilitate childbirth; and a plant which intoxicates

and infuriates those who go into battle. Another plant temporarily

paralyzes the muscular system. Mozo concludes with an account of the

Augustinian missions in China, which does not concern our work.

Some account of the Dominican missions in Central Luzón is

given by Bernardo Ustáriz (Manila, 1745) and Manuel del Río

(Mexico? ca. 1740). In Paniqui the missionaries have formed within

six years seven native churches, with nearly a thousand converts;

they are erecting substantial wooden buildings for religious purposes,

and have opened new roads and repaired old ones in order to facilitate

intercourse between the provinces. A neighboring tribe of head-hunters

have harassed the Christian districts, but a government expedition is

sent against them and checks their insolence; this success greatly

increases that of the missions, to which hundreds of natives flock

for instruction and baptism. Río gives a more detailed account of

the Paniqui mission, and of its early beginnings. Some of the first

missionaries were poisoned by heathen savages. The most interesting

feature of the Dominicans' labor in this region is their opening a

high-road from Asingan, Pangasinan, to Buhay in Ituy.

A brief résumé of events during the period 1739-62 is compiled from the

histories of the time; we have used for most of it Zúñiga's narrative,

copiously annotated from Concepción's and others. The royal fiscal

Arroyo is imprisoned by Governor Torre, in accordance with an order

issued by his predecessor; finally, the king orders restitution of

the fiscal's office, salary, and confiscated goods, but this finds

the unfortunate prisoner dead (1743). In the same year the English

commander Anson captures the Acapulco galleon "Covadonga," which causes

heavy loss to Manila. Two years later, Governor Torre dies, after a

troublous administration in which he incurs general odium. A revolt of

the natives in Balayan and Taal is promptly quelled. Torre is succeeded

by the bishop of Nueva Caceres, Juan de Arrechedera, a Dominican; his

administration is vigorous, and he does much for the defense of Manila

against possible enemies. In 1747 the new archbishop of Manila arrives

in the islands, but Arrechedera retains the office of governor. An

insurrection of the natives in Bohol is easily quelled. The king of

Spain writes conciliatory letters to the sultans of Mindanao and Joló,

who profess friendship, but prove to be scheming and unreliable;

they permit Jesuit missionaries to enter their countries, but these

are soon obliged to take refuge in Zamboanga. A rebellion in Joló

obliges its ruler to flee to Manila. In 1750 a new governor arrives

there, Francisco de Ovando; he finds much to do in making the little

navy of the islands effective and in equipping a squadron against

the Moros. He sends Alimudin back to his kingdom; but at Zamboanga

the sultan's actions are so indicative of treachery that he and all

his household are arrested and sent to Manila. War is then declared

against the Joloans, and another expedition is sent to attack them, but

the Spaniards are obliged to fall back on Zamboanga. This is followed

by piratical ravages throughout Filipinas, causing enormous losses of

property, and of persons taken captive by the Moros. Ovando sends the

captive Alimudin with a fleet to restore him to the throne of Joló; but

at Zamboanga he is suspected of disloyalty and treachery, and is sent

back to Manila as a prisoner. The Spaniards attack the town of Joló,

but are repulsed; this encourages the pirates to renew their raids,

and the Visayan Islands (and even Luzón) are cruelly harried. Ovando

is succeeded (1754) by Arandia as governor; he institutes reforms

in all directions, thus drawing upon himself much animosity, in both

secular and ecclesiastical quarters; and he makes treaties with the

Joloans. The Dominican missions are reestablished in the Batanes

Islands; and that order takes charge of the Isinay missions in Luzón,

which are conferred on it by the Augustinians. Zúñiga records his

opinions regarding the character of the Filipino natives and the

proper methods of conducting missions among them. In 1757 certain

ecclesiastical controversies in Tungquin are ended by decrees issued

at Rome. Arandia expels the heathen Chinese from the islands, and

builds for their trade the market of San Fernando. He becomes involved

in numerous controversies with the religious orders, and draws upon

himself much popular hatred--largely due to the acts of his favorite

Orendain. He makes the utmost exertions for the service of his king

and the islands, and finally, worn out by these fatigues, dies (May

31, 1759), an event probably hastened by poison. The government is

assumed by Bishop Espeleta, who even usurps it from Archbishop Rojo

for a time; but the latter becomes governor (1761) by royal decree. He

releases Orendain, who had been imprisoned for his official acts,

and provides comfortable quarters for the captive sultan of Joló. In

the following year occurs the siege and capture of Manila, which will

be related in VOL. XLIX.

Nearly half of this volume is occupied by the valuable memorial written

in 1765 by Francisco Leandro de Viana, then royal fiscal at Manila,

"Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas

Islands." We are told that the Council of Indias refused to print this

document, a fact which indicates both the apathy and the corruption

existing in the Spanish court. Viana was a man of keen and logical

mind, clear and far vision, and great enthusiasm and energy; and he

evidently felt a deep sense of official responsibility and ardent zeal

as a Spanish patriot. In this memorial he describes the weakness,

danger, and almost destitution of the Philippine colony, and shows

the necessity of either abandoning it entirely or providing for it

suitable means of support; demonstrates that the latter course should

be adopted, and that it can be pursued if the natural resources of the

islands are developed. Viana sets forth the advantageous location of

the islands from both the commercial and strategic points of view,

and asserts that the English covet the islands as a vantage-point

for themselves, especially as a basis for their explorations on the

western coast of North America--of which, and of certain Spanish

explorations made in 1640, he gives some account--and for attacks on

the Spanish possessions in America. If Spain keeps the Philippines,

they must be put into a condition of defense, for which Viana makes

various suggestions, some as less costly alternatives for others. The

military forces of the islands should be enlarged, and the pay of

both officers and men increased, so that they may have the means to

support themselves decently. After this is accomplished, "the reduction

of all the Indian villages ought to be resolutely undertaken, as a

matter that is absolutely essential." This would result in a great

increase of the tribute-money, and in many benefits to both the

government and the Indian natives. Viana proposes an increase in the

rate of the tribute exacted from the natives, and various economies

in the administration of the islands; and urges that the Moros be

thoroughly punished. He devotes a long chapter to "arguments which

justify the increase of tributes." The expenses of administration in

the islands have steadily increased since their conquest, as also

have the needs of the Spanish crown; yet the Indians have not been

further taxed to meet these demands, as have the people of Spain;

they should now pay their share of the burden, and, moreover, they are

taxed very moderately. They are idle, improvident, and extravagant;

they might be rich, if they would labor even moderately; and an

increase in their tributes would require but little additional work

from them, which would also help to correct their slothfulness. This

vice, however, is also the bane of their Spanish masters, whom Viana

bitterly rebukes; but he urges that the Indians be compelled to do a

certain amount of work, especially in agricultural production. The

various rebellions of the natives of Filipinas constitute another

valid reason for increasing their tributes. Viana declares that, in

proposing this measure, he must at the same time protest against the

misuse or theft of its proceeds; and he rebukes, in scathing terms, the

recklessness, extravagance, and dishonesty of the Spanish officials,

and the unpunished corruption and misgovernment that prevail in Spain's

colonial administration. The increase of tributes can be secured only

by maintaining in the islands a military force sufficient to punish

and prevent the Moro raids, and to keep the Indians in wholesome awe;

and the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces should be more carefully chosen

and better paid. All military supplies should be kept at Cavite instead

of (as now) Manila. As an alternative for increasing the tributes,

Viana suggests the establishment of church tithes, by which the royal

treasury would be relieved of the heavy burden of supporting the

ecclesiastical estate; or the imposition on the Indians and mestizos

of a tax for the support of the military posts in the provinces.

Part ii of Viana's memorial is devoted to "navigation and commerce;

the method for establishing them in these islands, and their great

benefits." He begins by showing the necessity of navigation and

commerce for the maintenance of every nation, which he illustrates from

the history of the several European nations, deploring the neglect

of these industries by the Spaniards. The latter, notwithstanding

the contrary claim made by the Dutch, are free to navigate by way of

Cape of Good Hope; and all powers have an equal right to sail the

high seas. Viana enumerates the advantages of the Cape Good Hope

route for commerce--convenience, promptness, saving of expense, a

wider market for the commodities of both Spain and the Philippines,

better administration of the colony and stricter enforcement of the

laws. Moreover, the commerce of other European nations, especially that

with Mexico, could be greatly diminished, in favor of Spanish trade;

and the proceeds of the latter would remain among the Spaniards,

instead of being carried away to foreign lands and benefiting the

enemies of Spain. Viana here, as in many other passages, laments the

fatal indolence, negligence, and pride of his fellow-countrymen,

which have prevented them from securing, as they might have done,

the power and wealth which other nations have attained. He enumerates

the valuable products of the islands, which ought to be developed

and made available; chief among these are cinnamon and iron. Viana

sets forth his project for retrieving the condition of the islands

by establishing a Spanish trading company. He relates the great

success, power, and wealth gained by the trading companies of the

other nations; and urges that Spain follow their example, and thus

obtain a share of those benefits and gains. Not least of these will

be the awakening of the Spaniards, especially the upper classes,

to a more active and useful mode of life, banishing the ignorance,

idleness, and vice which are so prevalent among them. For this purpose,

appeal is made to the king to encourage and favor the formation of a

trading company. Viana advocates the establishment of shipyards in the

islands, and enumerates the resources of Filipinas for supporting this

industry. By establishing a Spanish company, many benefits could be

enjoyed by the provinces of Filipinas, especially in developing their

resources and furnishing employment to the natives; and many valuable

products of the islands are enumerated which ought to be included in

their commerce. An important advantage for Viana's proposed company

is the friendly attitude of the peoples throughout India toward the

Spaniards. He finds Manila's Asiatic commerce now reduced to that

with the Chinese ports; but it should be reestablished with India,

Siam, and other countries. Moreover, the proposed company can give

new life to the Acapulco trade, and compel the Mexican traders

to give fairer treatment and more advantageous sales to those of

Manila. Viana remonstrates against the restrictions imposed on the

commerce of the Spanish colonies, which really serve only to increase

the gains of foreigners. These restrictions are caused largely by

influences emanating from Cadiz and Acapulco; the arguments alleged

in favor of them are vigorously refuted by Viana. In his opinion,

it is the foreign merchants at Cadiz who are at the bottom of the

opposition to Manila's commerce; and they are obtaining control of

Spain's wealth, and causing much more injury to her industries than can

the little competition of Manila. Far greater is the damage caused by

the fraudulent dealings of foreign merchants who sell in Spain goods

from China as if they were made in European countries; and by the

commercial restrictions which prevent Spaniards from competing with

those foreigners. These injuries could largely be prevented by the

proposed Spanish trading company, which would also assure to Spain

various positive advantages; and Viana suggests for that company free

trade with Nueva España. No slight benefit resulting therefrom would

be the great diminution of the illicit trade which the foreign nations

are conducting in the Spanish-American dominions. Viana mentions the

difficulties which that company will encounter, and proposes some

measures to remedy these. One hindrance may be the jealousy of other

nations; but they will not unite against Spain, and, in case of war,

Holland and France would be inclined to side with her against the

English. The greatest difficulty, however, will be the opposition

of the Philippine officials of the crown to the company, which may

be a check to its activities; Viana cleverly proposes to forestall

this by entrusting to the company the government and management of

the islands, the crown making over to it the tributes and customs

duties. In the final chapter, he proposes to conduct the commerce

of Manila with Nueva España via the Panama route, in case that by

Cape Good Hope prove impracticable, and sets forth its advantages;

he suggests that for this purpose that route be improved, and perhaps

a canal be made between the two oceans; and closes with an appeal to

the Spanish government for aid to this project.

The Editors

January, 1907.

DOCUMENTS OF 1751-1762

Usurpation of Indian lands by friars. Fernando VI; November 7, 1751.

Moro raids repulsed by Visayans. [Unsigned; 1755]

Augustinian parishes and missions, 1760. Pedro Velasco, O.S.A.;

April 16, 1760.

Later Augustinian and Dominican missions. Antonio Mozo, O.S.A.;

1763. Bernardo Ustáriz, O.P.; 1745.

Events in Filipinas, 1739-1762. [Compiled from Martinez de Zúñiga

and other writers.]

Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from La

Democracia (Manila), November 25, 1901; the second, from a rare

pamphlet published at Manila (1755), in the possession of Edward

E. Ayer, Chicago; the third, from an original MS. in possession

of Mr. Ayer; the fourth, from Mozo's Noticia histórico natural

(Madrid, 1763), and a rare pamphlet by the Dominican Ustáriz, both

from copies in the Library of Congress; the fifth, compiled from

Zúñiga's Historia (Sampaloc, 1803), pp. 546-601, and Concepción's

Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 89-237, fully annotated from other

writers.

Translations: That of the third document is made by James Alexander

Robertson; all the rest, by Emma Helen Blair.

USURPATION OF INDIAN LANDS BY FRIARS

To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipinas

Islands, resident in the city of Manila: [1] Don Pedro Enriquez, an

auditor of that same Audiencia, made a report, with sworn statements

of his proceedings; of what he had done under the commission which

was conferred on him by the government there for the pacification of

the villages of Taguig, Hagonoy, Parañaque, Bacoor, Cavite el Viejo,

and other places attached to them which lie near that capital, all

which had revolted. [He reported that] they were pacified by merely

the proclamation of a general pardon (except to the chief instigators

of the revolt) which he published, and by the promise that their

complaints should be heard and justice done to them; but the village

of San Mateo also revolted, and he proceeded to its punishment and

left it in ruins, because the people had not surrendered their arms;

it was, however, already [re]peopled, with inhabitants who were more

numerous and of more peaceable disposition. A similar insurrection or

revolt occurred in most of the villages of the province of Bulacan,

and these, like the former, by an agreement which they had formed

by a public writing with the village of Silang protested, as they

afterward made evident in their petitions, against the injuries which

the Indians received from the managers of the estates which are owned

by the religious of St. Dominic and those of St. Augustine, both calced

and discalced--usurping the lands of the Indians, without leaving them

the freedom of the rivers for their fishing, or allowing them to cut

wood for their necessary use, or even to collect the wild fruits;

nor did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills near their

villages the carabaos which they used for agriculture. [2] Accordingly

[the said auditor] determined to free them from these oppressions, [3]

and decided that they should not pay various unjust taxes which the

managers exacted from them. Having proved to be capable in the other

task assigned him, he received a commission as subdelegate judge of

the adjustment of land-titles, in consequence of which he demanded

from the aforesaid religious orders the titles of ownership for the

lands which they possessed; and, notwithstanding the resistance that

they made to him, repeatedly refusing [to obey], he distributed to

the villages the lands which the orders had usurped, and all which

they held without legitimate cause [4] he declared to be crown lands

[realengas]--as occurred with the convent of San Pablo, belonging

to the calced religious of St. Augustine, assigning to it [i.e.,

the crown] a farm for horned cattle and two caballerías of land

which were supposed to belong to it, according to the testimony of

the village of San Mateo. He also took other measures which seemed

to him proper for the investigation of the fraudulent proceedings

in the measurement of the lands in the estate of Biñan, which is

owned by the religious of St. Dominic--fraud which was committed in

the year 1743 by the court clerk of that Audiencia [of Manila] with

notable fraud and trickery, in which participated the two surveyors

(appointed through ignorance or evil intent), to the grave injury of

the village of Silang. This had caused the disturbances, revolts, and

losses which had been experienced in the above-mentioned villages. The

aforesaid proceedings [by the auditor] were considered and examined

with the closest attention in my Council of the Indias, with the

decrees that were also sent by the Audiencia there in the course

of the proceedings in a second appeal interposed by the village of

Silang--decrees obtained in that suit by the natives of that village

against the college of Santo Tomas de Aquino, in regard to lands

usurped [from them] and annexed to the estate of Biñan, which the

religious own. On the subject of the disturbance among the aforesaid

Indians, Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre, his successor the bishop

of Nueva Segovia, and the provincials of the aforesaid religious

orders set forth the allegations made in the name of the orders by

father Fray Miguel Vivas as their procurator-general at this court,

and by Father Pedro Altamirano, who acts in that capacity for the

Society of Jesus for its provinces of the Indias (on the point that

the province of San Ignacio in those islands had no share in the

commotions in those villages, as was shown by various testimonies),

and the explanations made by my fiscal, who was cognizant of the

whole matter. It has therefore appeared expedient to me to advise

you of the receipt of your letters of July 30, 1745, and July 17,

1746, and of the acts which accompany them; and to notify you that

by a despatch of this date I approve, and regard as just and proper,

all that was performed by the aforesaid Don Pedro Calderon Enriquez

in virtue of the commission and appointment which was conferred

upon him by Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre by the advice of the

Audiencia there, in order that he might proceed to the pacification

of the insurgent villages in the jurisdictions of Silang, Imus and

San Nicolas, Cavite el Viejo, and the other districts which united on

account of the controversy over the ownership of the lands which the

religious--Dominicans, and both calced and discalced Augustinians--are

endeavoring to keep. I also give him thanks for the judicious conduct

and measures which he employed for the aforesaid pacification; and

I likewise approve what he accomplished as subdelegate judge of the

settlement of land-titles, in regard to the survey and boundaries

of the estates which, in accordance with their legitimate titles,

belong to each of those orders, in view of the more accurate and

reliable information [obtained] from the interpretations of the four

surveyors whom he appointed--the latter bearing in mind, to this end,

the measures put into execution by the auditor Ozaeta in the year 1699,

in accordance with the chart printed by the pilot Bueno, in his book

entitled Navegación especulativa y practica [5] [i.e., "Navigation,

theoretical and practical"] (which chart serves in those islands as

the standard for the surveys)--assigning to the aforesaid religious

that which belongs to them by their [legal] titles, which is the

same that was ordained in the executory decree despatched by the

Audiencia there. I also approve what he did in adjudging to my royal

crown the lands which the aforesaid religious orders had usurped, and

in allotting lands to the Indians for the sum of two thousand pesos,

at times and terms stipulated with them.

From the aforesaid investigations charges resulted against Don Juan

Monroy, court clerk of that Audiencia, who was engaged in the survey

and adjustment of boundaries made in those same lands of Biñan in

the year 1743--in which, by the declaration of the two surveyors

who took part in it, is evident their ignorance of such work, and

of the rules and measures [to be used]. Although [sc., after?] the

lands had been measured and a chart of the estates had been drawn, the

computations were made by the said Monroy, and the surveyors signed it,

supposing that it was correct; but it was acknowledged that in that

same year, later, another survey and adjustment of boundaries was

made by the aforesaid court clerk and one of the said surveyors on

some lands over which there were lawsuits--some, in particular, with

the religious of St. Augustine--in which survey there was assigned to

each cattle-farm 3,024,574 square brazas of land, this being different

from the previous survey, which was computed at 8,695,652 brazas. In

this was proved the fraud with which the said Monroy acted, in giving

to the said religious more than half of the land which belonged to

Silang. Accordingly, it has appeared to me proper to condemn him to

two years' suspension from his office, and to lay upon him a fine

of two thousand pesos, applied to the fund of fines paid into the

royal treasury; and for this exaction there is issued, on this same

date, the proper despatch to the Marqués de Regalía, a minister of

the said my Council and tribunal of the Indias, and exclusive judge

of rents, settlement of land-titles, and collection of fines and

condemnations. By another despatch of the same date, the government of

those islands is commanded to exercise hereafter the utmost vigilance

in order that the Indians of the said villages may not be molested

by the religious, and that the latter shall be kept in check in the

unjust acts which they may in future attempt against not only those

Indians but other natives of those islands. In this, the government

must always bear in mind the reiterated commands given in the laws

[of the empire], and the frequent royal decrees that have been issued,

to the end that the Indians shall be well treated and shall not suffer

oppression or extortion; and shall direct that my fiscal there shall

appear as their representative and in their defense on every occasion

which shall present itself in this regard. Considering how important

it is that the Indians shall know of the recourse which they can have

when they are oppressed or ill-treated, and in their controversies,

it would be very expedient that the government give them information

of this, so that they may not be ignorant thereof, and that they may

use these [peaceable] means without going to the extreme, as they

did on this occasion, by employing armed force. For this time, my

royal charity and clemency overlooks their proceedings, considering

their heedless disposition; but when they shall have been advised of

what they ought to do in such cases, and in others of a different

nature, if they fail to use those means they shall be chastised

with the utmost severity. I have resolved to notify you of this,

in order that you may be acquainted with this my royal decision,

and in order that, so far as you are concerned, you may make known

my decree; and I command the most prompt and effective measures,

to the end that it may be fully and duly carried into effect; for

such is my will. Dated at San Lorenzo, on November 7, 1751.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Doctor Josef Ignacio de Goyenechea

[Farther down on this decree were three rubricas of the lords of the

royal and supreme Council of the Indias.]

In the regular official session of the Audiencia of Manila,

in September, 1753. The honorable president and auditors of the

Audiencia, being in session in the royal halls of the said court,

having officially considered a royal decree dated at San Lorenzo on

November 7, 1751, by which his Majesty (whom may God preserve) was

pleased to approve what was done by the auditor Don Pedro Calderon

Enriquez in the pacification of the villages which had revolted,

and to command him to execute what is expressed therein, with the

other provisions of the said royal despatch and the claims of the

fiscal, the said president and auditors declare: That they must

command and did command that the orders given by his Majesty in

his royal despatch be observed, fulfilled, and executed; and, in

order that it may have due effect, the contents of the said royal

decree shall be communicated to the reverend provincials of the holy

orders of St. Dominic, St. Augustine, the Recollects, the Society

of Jesus, and to the prior of the convent of St. John of God, in

these islands. Attested copies of it shall be made, and sent to the

alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of these islands, in order that,

translating the decree into the language of the country, they may

print it [6] and make known its contents to the natives of the said

provinces, so that the Indians may be informed of what is provided and

ordered by his Majesty in the said royal decree--the alcaldes sending

to the [proper] official of the court a sworn statement that they have

thus executed the decree; and likewise notifying the clerk of court,

in order that, in virtue thereof, he may fulfil what is herein ordered

and forbear in the exercise of his office, and may appoint a notary

approved to his satisfaction so that he may be responsible for the

deposit of those papers and the record of these proceedings. Such

were the orders and commands of the said honorable members, and they

signed their names. [7]

Obando Licentiate Arzadun Calderon Enriquez

Before me:

Manuel de Antiquia, notary and secretary.

[This is a copy.]

MORO RAIDS REPULSED BY VISAYANS

Relation of the valorous defense of the Bisayan natives of the village

of Palompong, in the island of Leyte, of the province of Catbalogan,

in the Philipinas Islands, which they made against the Mahometan

forces of Ylanos and Malanaos, in the month of June, 1754.

On the ninth day of the above month, about five o'clock in the

afternoon, twenty-five Moro joangas came into this port of Palompong,

with another small vessel, and entered the harbor with so little

fear of being attacked by any armada that during the entire siege

they left their vessels [sacayanes], high and dry, as if they were in

their own land and enjoying an Octavian peace. At their arrival their

vessels displayed a great number of banners, streamers and pennons,

all of red silk; but they did not land until the following day,

at seven o'clock in the morning. So many of them landed that they

numbered more than a thousand, and so boldly that they immediately

surrounded and encompassed the church; and at the first attack they

succeeded in burning the sacristy (over which was the dwelling of the

father minister), notwithstanding it was defended with two bulwarks,

and fortified by two rows of palma brava and two other rows of wooden

palisades with a rampart. In this conflagration were destroyed all

the furniture of the church and the house there, as also the goods

of the people who had gone into the church; and the fire was so

fierce that it gave no opportunity to save two lantacas, two versos,

and the supplies that were stored there--gunpowder and balls, and

rice for the food of the people. These took refuge in the church in

great confusion and fear, at seeing themselves surrounded by so many

enemies, and trying to prevent the fire--which, notwithstanding that

the church was unroofed, had already caught on the ridgepole and

other timbers--from going further.

At the time when they burned the sacristy, the Moros made five trenches

very near the church, and immediately began to fire their artillery;

this consisted in lantacas of various sizes, and other pieces up to

the caliber of three-libra balls, as far as we could judge by the

balls which were picked up. Besides this, there were among them many

musketeers that were very skilful, and the rest occupied themselves

in hurling sumbilins and stones; and others threw a sort of wooden

bar, sharp at one end, and with fire on the other; this caused much

annoyance to the people, who, on account of the danger of fire,

were manifestly without any protection by day or by night.

On this first day there were three killed and five wounded on our

side, and all by balls, for there was no special harm done by the

rest of their missiles. Since the Moros were so numerous that they

could renew their forces, they fought so continuously that they gave

us no opportunity to rest night or day, so that some of our dead

could not be buried until after several days. At last the women,

besides providing some little food for the men, were continually

occupied in drawing water to extinguish the fire, and even putting

it out themselves, and in making wadding, cartouches, etc.

On the second day, which was Tuesday, we had two killed and five

wounded; for the balls rained on us, so that in some planks which

were placed on the parapet I counted as many as ten holes in each

one. Besides the continual fire from their trenches, the Moros made

two covers resembling tortoises, with two rows of planks, and under

these they steadily approached the two gates which communicate with

the sacristy. From the mouths of these they continually hurled fire,

pieces of wood, etc., in order to burn the repairs which were made

by those within, so that they could burn down the doors, in order to

fire afterward a cannon from under the said tortoises, and carry away

with it the entire church; but those inside frustrated the intention

of the enemy by continually throwing water and dirt [on the fire].

The Moros also made a bulwark, or cavalier, which overtopped the walls

of the church, and through Wednesday night and Thursday morning they

were pushing this close up to the church; but those inside, who by this

time had recovered from their fear and consternation, in the midst of

their total lack [of defenses], contrived to make a shelter of planks

on top of the church, from which to fire a lantaca. When this was seen

by the Moros, they desisted from pushing their machine close to the

church, but they began another piece of work which was worse; for,

as the side of the church was undefended after the burning of the two

bulwarks, and no one could put his head out of the window on account of

the furious rain of balls and bullets, the Moros stationed themselves

at the foot of the wall and began to place against it a great quantity

of wood, and whatever [fuel] the houses of the Indians supplied them,

and set fire to this at a time when a very brisk wind was blowing;

this carried the flames even within the church, and, notwithstanding

they incessantly threw water on the fire, many timbers were burned,

and the stone sills of the church were reduced to lime and ashes.

About this time they tried to scale the church on both sides, and a

Moro ascended up to a window; but he was thrown down by a blow in

the face which was given him, and his companions who were beneath

were put to flight by throwing at them pieces of stone. At this the

Moros were somewhat checked; and, seeing that on the side where they

had made their greatest efforts to possess themselves of the church,

repairs in proportion had been made within, they erected on the other

side of the church two more bulwarks or cavaliers, which were higher

than the first one. As fast as this was done, those within topped their

walls with a parapet of molave planks; when they saw this the courage

of the Moros fell somewhat, and the Christians were so much encouraged

that on the following day (the fifteenth of the month and the fifth of

the blockade) they made a sally, scorning the firearms of the enemies,

especially the guns, of which those within were entirely destitute.

In this sally the captain of the village killed a Moro with a

lance-thrust, and the rest took to flight. A drum and three shields

were captured from them, but the Christians did not dare to go very

far for fear of some ambush. On retreating, and trying to enter by

a very narrow gate, the Moros charged upon them with a shower of

sumbilins, and a shot from a lantaca at a distance of four brazas,

when the unconquerable St. Xavier so well defended his children that

not even one of them was wounded. On another day those within again

made a sally, and the Moros did not dare to face them; consequently

the Christians were able to destroy their machines. They again made

a sally on Monday, but not only did the Moros refuse to fight, but

even in haste dragged out their boats, which were still on dry land;

and vigorously rowing, with some of their boats flying a black flag,

they quietly left the harbor, directing their course toward Carigara.

As for the Moros, it is known with certainty that those slain in this

siege are forty-six who were shot, and three killed with sumbilins;

and one from a lance-thrust. The number wounded is not known, nor is

that of those who were killed at night, but certainly it would be

a great number, because their fiercest attacks were always made at

night; and as there were so many of them, and on our side a continual

fire of lantacas with almost marvelous success in their shots, we

do not doubt that a much greater number would be killed by night

than by day. It is certain that after the Moros had gone all these

shores were full of corpses; and it is known by captives who made

their escape that the Moros, after they had gone away, proceeded to

throw many of the wounded into the waters of the bay. It is also known

through the captives that the Moros, astonished at such destruction,

asked not only each other but the captives how it could be that

in Hilongos, which is a large village, they had lost so few men,

and in Palompong, so small a village, they had lost so many. Besides

those who were killed and wounded by the gunshots, it is known that

many were wounded by certain poisoned darts which they call borot,

[8] and doubtless many were rendered useless by their wounds.

Throughout this siege has been manifestly visible the power and

protection of St. Francis Xavier, the patron of the village; it is not

the least argument for this with me that this people in the absence

of the father minister--who everywhere is usually the soul of the

community, and whose presence is more necessary here on account of the

disunited condition of the natives, who, as forming a new village,

are of various factions, with continual jealousies--nevertheless

could be encouraged to enter the church, when it is a fact that,

left to themselves, they have a sort of aversion and horror of being

shut in. Another evidence is, that in the burning of the sacristy God

in His lofty judgments permitted that the fire, although so fierce,

was not communicated to the church; nor did it cause in those people

the horror which usually impels them irresistibly to flee even from

less dangerous fires. The third, that inside the church water was

obtained with such facility that throughout the blockade it was not

lacking, although they were continually drawing it in order to put

out the fire; while in the deepest old wells, on an occasion when

they were making repairs, I have noticed that the water failed many

times. And for stronger evidence that it did not fail in the time

of the siege (although it was a time of drought), after the siege,

although it rained heavily, I did not see any water in the five wells

which they made inside the church. Fourth, that although in the fire

there were hardly saved, in the judgment of all, some twenty cavans

of rice, that scanty provision was sufficient for one hundred and

thirty-five men, and some two hundred women and children, during

the nine days of the siege. Fifth, that although in the said fire

hardly four gantas, or zelemins, of gunpowder were saved, and the

fire of the lantacas was continual by day and night, that supply was

enough for the same number of days; for several persons have assured

me that on three successive days there was not in their opinion more

powder than enough for one day, and on the next day the amount that

had been used was not missed. The sixth, that the Bisayans, who when

left to themselves are so given to sleep, did not sleep an instant

throughout the time of the siege. Seventh, that although they saw the

wounded and dead beside them it made no greater impression on them

than if it were a representation in a comedy. Eighth, when many of

those who talked most valiantly had decided, in view of the lack of

provisions and gunpowder, to leave the place and flee to the woods,

on three successive nights, when they tried after prayers to open a

door, they could never succeed in opening it before daylight. In this

determination to go away many of the women were ready to die rather

than surrender themselves to such a rabble, and on this account they

had been armed in order that, by defending themselves, they might

more easily meet death; and there was a man who had determined to kill

his wife and children rather than see them in the power of enemies so

cruel to soul and body. Notwithstanding all this, they never failed

in the strong hope that their illustrious patron, St. Francis Xavier,

would not abandon them. He was continually invoked, and his image was

carried in procession by those who were not occupied with the defense;

and this confidence increased on Friday (a day which so belonged to

that saint), because on that day the face of St. Xavier's image was

seen to be very smiling and joyous, a certain omen of victory. Greater

than ever was their confidence in the saint's protection on Sunday,

when, although their provisions were so short and the enemy was seen

in every direction, all believed that on the next day before noon

they would find themselves free from the siege, for the very reason

that it seemed impossible for them to maintain their position any

longer. They asked this from their glorious patron with a promise

of a novenary; and the saint made full response to their confidence,

delivering his children from the siege on Monday morning.

With the departure of the Moros, the people were left in great

anxiety whether they would come back, as they were wont to do; for

there was absolutely nothing to eat, and no place in which to find

food, because the Moros had gone about ravaging and destroying all

the grain-fields that they found. The people therefore are entirely

destitute, suffering terribly from hunger, and without having any

means with which to find food. For neither cotton, nor abaca, nor

woven cloth were left for the women; and the men, besides seeing

their grain-fields and boats destroyed, had no implements with which

to cultivate the earth, or to fish in the sea.

Of those who fled to the hills there were seventeen captured and nine

slain, and there was one Moro killed. The Moros were on the march and

went as far as the vicinity of Ogmuc, following the Christians who

were retreating. Finally, it is known by the captives who escaped that

the chief dato went away from here wounded in the face with a ball,

and their chief pandita was dying from a wound in his bowels.

Particular relation should be made of this valorous defense for being

distinguished and aided, as is evident from its occurrences, by the

powerful arm of the Highest; and therefore the glorious defenses of

other villages which, with warning to the Moros, are celebrating

the triumph of their bravery, I will reduce to a brief summary,

which will thus make the memory of these eternal, without wearying

the public with a diffuse account of their circumstances.

In the month of February of this year, the Moros, elated at the

destruction of some little villages on that coast of the island

[of Leyte] opposite Carigara, attacked the important village of

Hilongos. There were some two thousand of them, and they besieged the

place for eleven days; but the natives of the village, encouraged by

the presence and advice of their father minister, who was with them,

made various sallies to hinder the formation of the enemy's trenches;

and they repulsed his assaults with the death of many Mahometans,

without losing even one of our men in so frequent encounters.

In the month of May of the same year, four joangas made port at the

island of Marinduque, with more than two thousand Moros, and for a

week they besieged the little fort of the village of Gazang, which was

defended by its natives from repeated assaults, under the judicious

management of their courageous father minister; and the Mahometans,

not carrying out their depraved intentions, smothered their fury,

ravaging and sacking whatever they found outside the precincts of the

said fort. During the continual fighting of those days, the Moros

had more than ninety killed, and many more were wounded; while on

our side there was no more than one killed, and another one wounded.

The Moros who went away unsuccessful from Marinduque sent eight joangas

to the island of Luban, where they landed thinking that they would find

very little resistance; but the father cura and the alcalde-mayor, with

a few people who hastily gathered about them, defended themselves from

behind a palisade which they had formed, with so notable intrepidity

that with only the firearms of the alcalde-mayor they killed seven

Moros; and, sallying from the trenches, they fell upon the enemies

until they compelled them to a shameful flight.

A squadron of more than twenty joangas of the Mahometans almost at

the same time attacked the village of Antiqui in the island of Panay;

but they experienced a vigorous resistance from its inhabitants,

which originated from the fiery spirit and persuasions of their

father prior. The same thing happened to another squadron of the

same or greater number in the island of Cuyo, the natives of which,

with their father prior, not only defended themselves in their fort,

but in a glorious sortie on the Moros--who were terrified, as was

proved by the weapons and armor which the Indians secured as spoil.

Twice was the village of Ylog, the chief town on the island of Negros,

attacked by thirty joangas of Moros, but on both occasions their

designs were frustrated, with notable loss to their hosts; this was

attained through the noble intrepidity of the natives, urged on by

the fiery courage and direction of their father minister; and the

Moros, seeing themselves attacked by the besieged, left several of

their companions lying on the ground in the haste and confusion with

which they embarked in their joangas, the moorings of which they cut

in order to hasten their flight.

On the twenty-fifth of July, the day of the illustrious patron of the

Spains, St. James the apostle, fifty boat-loads of Moros arrived at

the important village of Catbalogan, and, divided into two bands,

attacked the village on both sides. One of these parties gained

possession of a high hill from which their lantacas dominated the

fort, in which was enclosed the house and church of the [Jesuit]

college; the other party attacked on the side of the village, and

for a week the rest of the Moros hurled on it continual attacks; but

all these were repelled with singular courage. The Moros therefore,

many of them having perished with their dato, the chief in command

of the squadron, withdrew the rest of their forces, making the boast

that they would return with a stronger force to avenge their injuries.

The Moros then proceeded to the village of Calviga, which is situated

on the same coast up the river, about half a legua from the shore,

where some three hundred of them landed. These, on leaving their

vessels, marched toward the village, regarding themselves as certain

of taking it; but the natives, by the instruction of their father

minister, waited for the enemy until they came within range of a

cannon-shot. Thus they secured the effective fire of their lantacas,

with which they killed fifteen Moros; and this alone was enough to

make the enemy turn in precipitate flight. From here they went to

the village of Boad, which was on an island near by called Palasan;

and although they besieged it for three days, with redoubled efforts

in their assaults, when they saw the vigorous resistance that was

made by the natives and their father minister they retreated, balked

in their intentions.

About the month of September, in the province of Albay the Moros

found their arrogance defeated by the union which was formed among the

natives in three villages, under the conduct of an ardent Franciscan;

and by main force the natives compelled the enemy to go away from the

province, rebuffed. Last of all, the two villages Ynitao and Lubungan,

on the northern coast of the island Mindanao, especially experienced

the fierce attacks of the Mahometans on four occasions, when they

sustained continuous assaults, repulsing them with vigorous sallies,

and inflicting heavy punishment, with evident losses, on the Moros. [9]

By this brief narration it is clearly proved that, although these

favorable results have not preserved the villages from the ravaging

of their fields and other injuries, at least their inhabitants were

delivered from slavery; [10] while, on the contrary, those who through

cowardice did not make valorous resistance to the Mahometan enemy have

not only lost their goods, but they groan in captivity, unless they

have been delivered by the victorious arms of his Majesty. And thus

the natives of this archipelago, arousing their own courage by the

fortunate successes of their countrymen, can take example therefrom

in order to avoid misfortunes in the future. [11]

AUGUSTINIAN PARISHES AND MISSIONS, 1760

Report of the villages, tributes, those exempted by age and sickness,

unmarried men and girls, schools for boys and girls, infants, missions,

catechumens, and those newly baptized, of the provinces and ministries

of the Order of our father St. Augustine, in these Philipinas Islands,

this present year of 1760.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

Provinces | Villages | Tributes of men and women

| | | Exempt

| | | | Young men

| | | | | | | |

Spaniards,

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

Tondo |Tondo |1,810 | 500| 450| 868| 1,400| 1,904| 35

|Passig |1,520 | 490| 400| 600| 1,310| 1,450| 0

|Taguiig | 700 | 308| 204| 310| 600| 702| 3

|Parañaque |1,025 | 330| 300| 400| 820| 1,090| 6

|Malate | 512 | 162| 135| 200| 416| 640| 2

|Tambobong |1,650 | 500| 510| 650| 1,130| 1,710| 12

|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

| Total |7,217 |2,290|1,999|3,028| 5,676| 7,496| 58

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

Bulacan |Bulacan |1,250 | 380| 450| 580| 1,000| 1,150| 12

|Guiguintô | 300 | 52| 80| 100| 125| 280| 0

|Bigaa | 450 | 146| 162| 200| 350| 600| 0

|Angat | 622 | 160| 220| 316| 502| 916| 2

|Baliuag |1,000 | 317| 372| 500| 910| 1,320| 0

|Quingua | 800 | 290| 310| 346| 614| 1,192| 1

|Calumpit | 550 | 140| 150| 210| 300| 718| 0

|Hagonoy | 750 | 240| 300| 390| 630| 1,030| 0

|Paombong | 250 | 70| 60| 90| 110| 250| 0

|Malolos |1,300 | 425| 520| 625| 1,000| 1,154| 0

|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

| Total |7,272 |2,220|2,624|3,357| 5,541| 8,610| 15

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

Balayan |Taal | 800 | 106| 250| 410| 612| 1,025| 0

|Bauang |1,225 | 150| 310| 600| 1,010| 1,212| 0

|Batangas |1,200 | 150| 350| 600| 1,100| 1,210| 6

|Lipa | 650 | 150| 200| 300| 525| 680| 0

|Tiyauong | 350 | 134| 120| 118| 200| 230| 0

|San Pablo | 850 | 140| 200| 420| 750| 892| 0

|Tanauan | 420 | 70| 100| 190| 300| 512| 6

|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

| Total |5,495 | 900|1,630|2,638| 4,497| 5,761| 12

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

Pampanga |Macabebe | 855 | 322| 150| 200| 550| 810| 4

|Minalin | 760 | 300| 200| 351| 563| 850| 0

|Sesmoan | 254 | 62| 70| 85| 80| 270| 0

|Lubao | 520 | 160| 130| 210| 400| 525| 9

|Uauâ | 680 | 250| 160| 302| 550| 560| 18

|Betis | 260 | 61| 80| 88| 90| 270| 0

| y Porac | 420 | 80| 91| 102| 150| 370| 0

|Bacolor |1,150 | 400| 504| 510| 220| 1,300| 40

|San | | | | | | |

| Fernando | 525 | 150| 128| 200| 350| 625| 2

|Mexico |1,100 | 315| 230| 504| 1,006| 1,500| 4

|Pinpin | 500 | 140| 120| 200| 312| 532| 0

|Arayat | 800 | 309| 200| 290| 525| 850| 0

|Magalang | 300 | 70| 90| 100| 105| 312| 1

|Tarlac | 410 | 60| 116| 134| 220| 513| 1

|San Joseph | 150 | 20| 32| 44| 80| 200| 0

|Tayug | 62 | 16| 20| 25| 30| 64| 0

|Santor | 555 | 106| 100| 130| 258| 340| 0

|Gapang | 660 | 202| 140| 180| 465| 684| 0

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------------

Ylocos |Namacpacan | 1,020| 230| 211| 358| 590| 1,114| 0

|Bangar | 700| 212| 130| 254| 307| 595| 0

|Candong | 600| 162| 124| 214| 368| 585| 0

|Narbacan | 1,150| 260| 110| 326| 515| 1,119| 0

Catharina | 818| 210| 162| 228| 480| 910| 0

|Bantay | 830| 208| 162| 300| 500| 930| 0

|Magsingal | 855| 183| 154| 257| 483| 663| 4

|Cabugao | 1,125| 332| 246| 359| 754| 1,140| 0

|Sinait | 495| 110| 115| 200| 398| 612| 0

|Badoc | 558| 120| 140| 204| 390| 589| 0

|Pauay | 1,560| 418| 500| 690| 1,004| 1,515| 0

|Batac | 1,780| 506| 512| 790| 1,102| 1,655| 35

|San | | | | | | |

| Nicolas | 825| 208| 180| 400| 610| 920| 0

|Ylauag | 2,250| 400| 710|1,125| 1,550| 2,310| 0

|Sarrat | 480| 75| 102| 224| 237| 508| 0

|Dingras | 800| 240| 196| 248| 25| 801| 0

|Bacarra | 1,125| 251| 203| 401| 892| 1,151| 2

|Bangui | 312| 36| 46| 74| 102| 347| 0

|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------------

| Total |17,283|4,151|4,001|6,652| 7,707|17,464| 41

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

Zebu |San Nicolas| 700| 56| 103| 154| 392| 726| 0

|Argao | 225| 300| 325| 506| 925| 1,136| 0

|Bolohon | 650| 90| 170| 214| 354| 630| 0

|Opon | 790| 104| 164| 259| 448| 770| 0

|Cabcar | 500| 75| 100| 190| 301| 532| 0

+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

| Total | 2,865| 625| 862|1,323| 2,420| 3,794| 0

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

Yloylo |Oton | 1,000| 164| 203| 298| 998| 1,000| 0

|Alimodian | 1,490| 125| 656| 780| 1,309| 1,050| 0

|Maasin | 1,390| 380| 268| 340| 1,100| 1,200| 0

|Matagub | 825| 108| 203| 260| 752| 834| 0

|Tigbauan | 1,260| 398| 360| 594| 916| 1,300| 0

|Guimbal | 1,280| 209| 230| 386| 910| 1,050| 0

|Miagao | 1,325| 309| 400| 602| 932| 1,125| 0

|Antique | 990| 180| 295| 358| 510| 890| 0

|Sibalon | 930| 260| 239| 420| 519| 990| 0

|Bugason | 1,200| 302| 410| 660| 925| 1,150| 0

|Xaro | 1,271| 320| 410| 625| 1,004| 1,261| 14

|Dumangas | 724| 142| 157| 209| 604| 767| 4

|Anilao | 430| 75| 90| 130| 140| 344| 0

|Camando | 1,230| 465| 274| 446| 750| 922| 0

|Cabatuan | 1,780| 502| 750|1,050| 1,213| 1,942| 0

|Pototan | 1,050| 280| 310| 518| 861| 1,200| 0

|Laglag | 800| 200| 284| 391| 500| 709| 0

|Lambunao | 772| 182| 204| 310| 435| 719| 0

|Passi | 622| 128| 193| 248| 301| 583| 0

|Ygbaras | 550| 103| 155| 243| 258| 495| 0

+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

|Total[13] |20,889|5,132|5,991|8,868|14,937|19,976| 18

-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

Panay |Panay | 1,019| 350| 375| 496| 784| 847| 3

|Capis | 730| 182| 200| 343| 402| 654| 16

|Dumalag | 1,080| 223| 350| 589| 703| 994| 3

|Dumarao | 750| 220| 266| 422| 451| 730| 0

|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------

| Total | 3,579| 975|1,191|1,850| 2,340| 3,225| 22

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

General summary of all the classes contained in this table

-----------------------------------------------------------------

The above provinces

|Tributes of men and women

| |Exempted, by age and infirmity

| | |Young men

| | | |Young women

-----------+-------------+------+------+------+------+-----------

Tondo | 7,217| 2,290| 1,999| 3,028| 5,676| 7,296| 58

Bulacan | 7,272| 2,220| 2,624| 3,357| 4,541| 8,610| 15

Balayan | 5,495| 900| 1,630| 2,638| 4,497| 5,761| 12

Pampanga |10,451| 7,615| 3,087| 4,399| 8,361|13,297| 100

Pangasinan | 3,064| 725| 541| 843| 1,568| 3,001| 0

Ylocos |17,283| 4,151| 4,001| 6,652| 7,707|17,464| 41

Zebu | 2,865| 625| 862| 1,323| 2,420| 3,794| 0

Yloylo |20,889| 5,132| 5,991| 8,868|14,937|19,976| 18

Panay | 3,579| 975| 1,191| 1,850| 2,340| 3,225| 22

|------+------+------+------+------+------+-----------

Total |78,115|24,633|21,926|32,958|52,047|82,424| 266

-----------------------------------------------------------------

Missions of various nations belonging to the province of Pampanga

-------------------------------------------------------------------

Villages | Tribes | New Christians|Catechumens

| | of both sexes |

----------------------------+--------+---------------+-------------

Mission of Magalang y Tarlac|Zambals | 85 | 82

Mission of Tayug |Igorrots| 343 | 60

Visita of Lupao |Balugas | 62 | 20

Mission of Santor |Balugas | 24 | 40

+--------+---------------+-------------

| Total | 514 | 202

-------------------------------------------------------------------

Missions of Igorrots and Tingyans belonging to the province of Ylocos

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Villages | Tribes | New Christians|Catechumens

| | of both sexes |

-------------------------------+--------+---------------+-------------

Village of Santiago |Tingyans| 352 | 200

Village of San Augustin de Bana|Tingyans| 85 | 50

Territory of Batac |Tingyans| 11 | 20

Territory of Narbacan |Igorrots| 5 | 12

Territory of Candon |Igorrots| 35 | 39

Territory of Bangar |Igorrots| 79 | 33

Territory of Namacpacan |Igorrots| 12 | 30

Territory of Agoo |Igorrots| 12 | 9

Territory of Iringay |Igorrots| 0 | 20

Territory of Bauan |Igorrots| 3 | 5

Territory of Magsingal |Tingyans| 6 | 4

Territory of Bacarra |Apayos | 5 | 4

+--------+---------------+-------------

| Total | 605 | 426

----------------------------------------------------------------------

[Missions in] China

----------------------------------------------------------------------

| New Christians| Catechumens

| of both sexes |

----------------------------------------+---------------+-------------

Missions of China in various villages of| |

that extensive empire | 680 | 800

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Total summary of the classes included in this table reduced to persons

[Notice is given that in the total of tributes it must be understood

that each single whole tribute means two persons; and thus it will

be noted in the figures. The total is as set forth below.]

Tributes 156,230

Exempt 24,633

Young men 21,926

Young women 32,958

Escolapios 52,047

Young children 82,424

Spaniards, men and women 266

Missions of these islands 1,693

Missions of China 1,480

-------

Total 373,663

I, Master Fray Pedro Velasco, provincial of this province of Santísimo

Nombre de Jesus of Philipinas of the Order of the Hermits of our

father St. Augustine, certify that the lists of villages and souls

contained in this table and which are administered by the religious

of this said province, are set forth truly; and in order that this

may be suitably evident, I have affixed my signature in this convent

of Tondo, on April sixteenth, one thousand seven hundred and sixty.

Fray Pedro Velasco, provincial of St. Augustine.

LATER AUGUSTINIAN AND DOMINICAN MISSIONS

AUGUSTINIAN MISSIONS

[The following account of Augustinian missions in the first half

of the eighteenth century is translated from Antonio Mozo's Noticia

histórico natural (Madrid, 1763). [14] It is presented partly in full,

and partly in synopsis, preferring for the former such parts as are

of ethnological interest.]

CHAPTER I

In which account is given of the progress of the mission to the

Italons, from the year 1700 to the present time.

After we had been able to reduce to our holy faith two tribes who

dwelt at the summits of the most rugged mountains in the province of

Pampanga, the Caraclans and Buquids, and from them had been formed

three villages--Santor and Bongabon, quite populous; and Pantabangan,

of smaller numbers, and lying more within the mountains [15]--this

gate being now opened so that we could proceed further, it only needed

that we should have the courage to do so. For at the first step were

encountered two contiguous tribes: the Italons, a people fierce, brave,

and bold; and the Abacas, who are somewhat less so. The religious

therefore feared that those people, to judge from their ferocious

natures, would without doubt tear them to pieces at the very outset,

without even listening to them; and for this very reason they greatly

dreaded to set foot within the territory of those tribes. While we

were in these straits, our provincial then being our father reader

Fray Francisco Zamora, about the year 1702 he selected for this purpose

father Fray Antolin de Arzaga, [16] whose virtue and ardor he knew well

from experience, and entrusted to him this enterprise, as dangerous

as difficult. [This gospel pioneer went out, equipped with what was

necessary for administering the sacraments and with some trinkets to

give the natives, "and with no other arms than his confidence in God."]

[On August 16, 1702, a letter from Father Arzaga to his superior gave

account of his progress thus far; it was written from Pantabangan,

which is "distant from Santor eight leguas by a very difficult

road." From the latter village he sent a message, by the hands of four

chiefs, to the chief of Lublub, who came out to meet him with forty

infidels; but the father finally persuaded them to let him enter

their village, where he exhorted and instructed them, receiving an

attentive hearing. "This village [i.e., Lublub] has about one hundred

and fifty persons; it is distant from this one [of Pantabangan] four

leguas to the east, by an uneven road. This Italon tribe consists of

fifty-six villages (so far as I have yet ascertained), which lie on

the shores of two deep rivers, toward the north. They have a general

language which is entirely separate from those of Tagalos and Pampanga;

they have well-kept villages, with high houses. They take great care

of their fields, and keep their grain in tambobos, or granaries, thus

anticipating times of sterility and sickness. The fishing, as also the

hunting, is abundant and good; the climate is temperate; and there are

many open plains, beautiful to see. The people are kindly, but very

warlike and of courageous dispositions; they are quite ingenious, and

are hospitable. They understand that there is a God, and that He is in

heaven, caring for all whom He creates--to whom they offer sacrifices,

only when they make agreements of peace--and that there is no other

God than He. They say that He rewards the good and punishes the bad,

but they do not know in what manner; and they admit that they have

immortal souls. They make a contract of marriage with one wife only,

which lasts until death; they do not allow concubinage; and they do not

marry their relatives. They observe the truth well; and, what is more,

they desire to be Christians." [17] Certain "bad Christians" have told

these Italons that the Spaniards are trying to load them with tributes

and take away their liberty; therefore they are waiting to make their

decision, and fifteen of them, accompanied by an Augustinian religious,

are carrying Arzaga's letter to Manila. He continues:]

"The Abaca tribe consists of ten villages, divided into two

jurisdictions, one of which belongs to this village and contains six

villages toward the north, extending, as they have told me, to the

boundaries of the Igorrots. Twenty-two persons in the first village,

called Diama, came to visit me as soon as I arrived here; having

explained to them some mysteries of our holy faith, they returned to

their own village. I visited them there, and they received me thus:

They had placed a tall cross at the entrance of their jurisdiction,

and from that place to the village they had cleared the roads, which

are very bad, adorning them with arches up to the front of the house

in which they lodged me; and there they had built another cross, even

taller. This village is distant a legua and a half [from Pantabangan],

and from it the gate is open for the entire Italon and Abaca tribes;

it has wars with the Italons in regard to certain murders. I conferred

with them about their making peace [with those villages], and their

learning the truth which our holy faith teaches. They listened

attentively to what I said to them; and, in conclusion, we made an

agreement that they will at once become Christians and make peace. They

ask that I catechize them, build a church, and baptize them. They are

almost of the same type as the Italons; but some of them have several

wives, and this is not so liberal a people as the former one. This

village [of Diama] contains over a hundred persons; they speak a

different language, for which reason it is necessary that there be a

minister who can learn it, and devote himself to their instruction,

for I am studying the Italon tongue. What I state to your Reverence

is, that a minister is needed whom we can consult about some cases

which are presenting themselves here; for it is very discouraging

to act in the midst of scruples, in matters of conscience. What your

Reverence shall ordain will be in every way most just.

"The second jurisdiction of this people pertains to Caranglan, to which

I went with the determination to visit the four remaining villages;

for father Fray Francisco de la Maza wrote to me from Itui that two of

those villages desired to be converted, and were asking for a minister

of our order, on account of being in our jurisdiction. I asked about

this in Caranglan, and they said that it was true as regards one of

them, which is an important village and is already Christian; and in

the other village there are many persons who are Christians, although

for lack of a minister they are going without administration. These

two villages are a half-day's journey from Caranglan, by a bad road,

and one is contiguous to Itui, on the western side. There are many

rivers to be crossed; and, as these were filled by a storm which

caught me at Caranglan, I could not cross them, although I waited a

week. One Abaca has continued forty years in apostasy; he asks that

I will reconcile him with the church, and baptize his wife and three

children, and I am instructing them in order to do this. I am sending

away the Italons [with this letter], and tomorrow the Indian who went

to Manila will come, to go with me to the Abaca villages; we will do

what is possible there, until the coming of another minister. When

he shall come, I will go on to the Italons who are further up [the

river]; they tell me that it will require two months, only to go to

the villages. I have information that they desire to see a father, and

to be Christians; this was furnished to me by Nicolàs de los Santos,

who has been among these people; and he has done and is doing much

good to their souls. He is my constant companion in my journeys, and

serves me in everything; I earnestly commend him to your Reverence."

[The Italons who carried this letter to Manila were received with

great kindness by Governor Zabalburu; and on their return they were

accompanied by the minister for whom Arzaga had asked, for which post

was selected his uncle, Fray Balthasar de Santa Maria Isisigana, [18]

who went as superior of that mission. The two entered upon its labors

with indefatigable zeal and energy, and on December 28, 1702, Isisigana

sent in an encouraging report of what they had accomplished. Arzaga

had already built a church at a place four leguas from Pantabangan,

which he dedicated to St. Thomas de Villanueva; and Isisigana writes

that they have just erected another at San Agustin, and built a

house for the minister, while at Santo Christo de Burgos, about six

leguas distant from this, the timber is already being cut for another

church and convent. Most of the people, whether adults or children,

desire to embrace the Catholic faith; and the missionaries go about,

surrounded by the children, who sing and dance with joy. In building

the church of San Agustin, the fathers were aided by thirty infidels

from another village, one and one-half leguas distant, who came

of their own accord, simply because they had heard that a church

was being erected there. Fray Arzaga went to the upper Italons,

by wretched roads; he went on foot from Pantabangan to Tablayàn,

the first Italon village, about eighteen leguas. Many natives

visited him there; he desired to go farther, but was attacked with

an illness which almost proved mortal, and was obliged to return to

Pantabangan. The chief of Tablayan, with his family, accompanied him

thither; and they were ready to build him a church and house at once,

if he could have remained with them. The missionaries asked for cattle

from Manila, and the provincial sent them two hundred and twenty. As

they grew skilled in the native dialects, they were able to extend

their labors further, and they baptized many people from the tribes

in that region, Abaca, Italon, and Irapi; and by 1704 they had formed

several villages and erected five churches. The fruits of their zeal,

and those gathered by other Augustinian missionaries in the islands,

are shown by a certificate given to the governor in that year by the

provincial of the order, which reads as follows:]

"I, Fray Juan Bautista de Olarte, pensioned lecturer in sacred

theology, provincial of the province of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus

of the hermits of our father St. Augustine, do certify that, from

the eighth day of October, 1702, until the twentieth of May in this

present year, the two missionary religious of the said my order

who were employed in the conversion of the natives in the Italon and

Abaca tribes, who dwell in the mountains of Pantabangàn and Caranglàn,

[19] have founded five villages, to wit: Santo Tomàs de Villanueva,

which is composed of eighty families; Santo Christo de Burgos, one

hundred families; San Agustin, one hundred and sixty; San Pablo,

one hundred and forty; San Joseph, seventy families. They all have

accepted the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the holy sacrament of

baptism has been administered to four hundred and seventy-nine persons,

all adults, who are instructed and taught in the Christian doctrine

and the mysteries of our holy faith; and those who at present are

being catechized and instructed for baptism number more than eight

hundred persons.

"I also certify that in the said mountains of Pantabangàn and Caranglàn

dwell the tribes called Igorrots, Irapis, and Sinay, and others,

which contain a great number of natives who live in their pagan

state; and that the Italon tribe alone contains fifty-six villages,

all infidels, who have offered to become Christians when they shall

have ministers who can teach them and preach the religion of our Lord

Jesus Christ; and that the said missionaries of my order are employed

in this ministry.

"I also certify that the minister of my order who serves in the

villages of Tarlac, Magalan, and Bucsi, Zambal villages in the province

of Pampanga, has catechized and baptized, from the year 1702 up to

May 20 of this present year, fifty-eight adults, all of whom have

come down from the mountains of the said villages.

"I also certify that the minister who serves in the village of Pórac

in the said province of Pampanga has catechized, instructed, and

baptized, in the missions which he has carried on in the mountains

of the said village during the said two years, twenty-six natives

among the blacks who dwell in that neighborhood.

"I also certify that the religious of the said my order who serve

in the villages of Agoò, Bavang, and Bacnotan in the province of

Pangasinan have converted to our holy faith, and instructed and

baptized, in the period of two years twenty-six natives from the

tribe called Igorrots, who dwell in the said mountains.

"I also certify that the ministers who serve in the province of

Ilocos have in the period of two years converted to our holy faith and

baptized one hundred and fifty-six natives from the infidel Tinguians

who are in and belong to the said province, and live in its mountains

and hills.

"I also certify that the minister for the village of Antique in

the province of Octong has in his charge and care the islets which

are called Cagayàn, and has labored for seven years to convert the

natives inhabiting them to our holy faith. Having gone thither to

visit the Christians, in the past year of 1703, he gave instruction

in the Christian doctrine and the mysteries of our holy faith to

forty-four adults, and baptized them, with others, who were the

children of Christian parents; and he heard the confessions of all the

old Christians, for he remained in that mission four months. In the

said province of Ogtòn, the religious who are ministers at Guimbal,

Tigbavan, and Xaro have converted to our holy faith and baptized

thirty-six adults, on various occasions when they have gone into the

mountains in their respective jurisdictions. That there has not been

a greater increase [in the number of conversions] not only in this

province, but in those of Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ilocos, is [due

to] the lack of religious ministers; for those in my province are not

enough for even the maintenance of the villages and Christians who

are in their charge. And in order that these things may be evident

in the proper place, I give the present at the demand and order of

the captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal

Audiencia, Don Domingo Zabalburu; it is dated at this royal convent

of San Pablo at Manila, on the twenty-sixth day of May, in the year

one thousand seven hundred and four.

Fray Juan Bautista Olarte, provincial."

[So great was the zeal of Arzaga and Isisigana that they devoted

themselves to seeking out the heathen among those wild mountains,

enduring privations, exposure, and sufferings, until the health of

both was broken down. Arzaga was again attacked by a sickness which

prostrated him, and died in 1707; his uncle held out three years

longer, and was then called in from the field, in order to recruit

his strength, but he was never able to return to his labors, and died

in 1716, in the convent of Vava. [20] In their place was sent to this

mission field Fray Alexandro Cacho, [21] in zeal and courage a worthy

successor to them. He succeeded in converting a chief named Dinalavang,

dreaded as well as renowned for his fierce and warlike disposition and

for his skill in all military exercises; also a sister of this man,

as valiant and dextrous as he, baptized as Doña Maria. Mozo gives an

interesting account of the fierce and cruel practices of these savage

tribes (whom he compares to the Huns), "which more than once I have

rebuked, when I have been among those people." "If they succeed in

killing a person they try to drink his blood; and, cutting off pieces

of his lungs, together with the testicles [22] and other parts, they

also draw out the entrails, and then divide these among themselves and

eat them raw--not only to make themselves terrible, but also because

they say it is a powerful medicine for exciting courage, fierceness,

and fortitude in their battles. They also cut off the head, and carry

it away in order to celebrate their festivals, with great gluttony and

carousing, [filling the skull] with a sort of wine which they make from

sugarcane and call ilang. Afterward, they take the grinders and teeth

and set these in the hilts of their cutlasses; and, as a consequence,

there is hardly any one in this tribe or in the Ibilaos whose cutlass

is not adorned with many teeth of those whom he has killed, or who

has not in his hut a collection of the skulls from human heads--this

very thing inspiring them with greater courage when they fight, in the

same way as it happened, as Virgil sings, to Æneas when he saw on his

antagonist Turnus the scarf of his beloved Pallas. So these people,

when they see the teeth of their own tribesmen on the sword-hilts

of their opponents, fling themselves upon the latter like mad dogs;

and from this may be readily inferred what degree of ferocity and

barbarism theirs must be, and what sort of hardships and labors it

will cost to free them from the power of the demon.... They greatly

dislike arrogance in their neighbors; and they likewise abhor every

sorcerer and wizard, a motive which makes them treat without mercy

any one of these whom they seize, cutting him to pieces with their

knives; and even at their feasts, and in the superstitious rites

which they practice, they utter a thousand execrations against such

persons, hurling at them a thousand curses, and swearing that they

will not spare any one of them who may fall into their hands, [an

oath] which they fulfil exactly." Mozo describes the secret raids

made by these people against their enemies, marching at night and

attacking a defenseless village at daybreak; and he accuses them

of aiding their ordinary weapons with a diabolical practice--"they

throw into a hole in some creek a root and herbs which they carry,

provided [for this purpose], and, by their using various magic spells

which the demon has taught to them, so violent a wind is raised,

and a tempest of rain, that with the noise thus caused they are not

observed, and likewise are better protected from the villages against

which they march." He adds, "I do not relate fables;" and states that

he has several times endeavored to restrain them from this devilish

proceeding. Sometimes, he says, the proceedings are reversed, and

the aggressors are, in their turn, surprised by those whom they

have attacked, who then take revenge upon them. Mozo relates how,

on one occasion, a hostile band of heathen attacked some Christians,

and captured a loaded musket, its match still lighted; they examined

it carefully, and, while handling it, incautiously let the match fall

on the priming. The gun was discharged, killing some and crippling

others of the group crowded around it; the survivors fled in terror,

but afterward returned to the spot, and with a cord dragged the gun

to their village and buried it in the ground. Learning that its owner

lived in Bongabon, they immediately rated the people of that village

as sorcerers, who had placed a powerful magic in the gun; and for more

than fifty years they taught their children, as soon as the latter

could speak, to avoid the dwellers in Bongabon as dangerous sorcerers.]

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 1 / 14 章