SEC. 5. We recognize, in the trusts and combinations which are

designed to enable capital to secure more than its just share of the

joint product of capital and labor, a natural consequence of the

prohibitive taxes which prevent the free competition which is the life

of honest trade, but we believe their worst evils can be abated by

law; and we demand the rigid enforcement of the laws made to prevent

and control them, together with such further legislation in restraint

of their abuses as experience may show to be necessary.

SEC. 6. The Republican party, while professing a policy of reserving

the public land for small holdings by actual settlers, has given

away the people’s heritage, till now a few railroad and non-resident

aliens, individual and corporate, possess a larger area than that of

all our farms between the two seas. The last Democratic administration

reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the Republican party

touching the public domain, and reclaimed from corporations and

syndicates, alien and domestic, and restored to the people, nearly

100,000,000 acres of valuable land, to be sacredly held as homesteads

for our citizens, and we pledge ourselves to continue this policy

until every acre of land so unlawfully held shall be reclaimed and

restored to the people.

SEC. 7. We denounce the Republican legislation known as the Sherman

act of 1890 as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of

danger in the future which should make all of its supporters, as well

as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. We hold to the use of

both gold and silver as the standard money of the country, and to

the coinage of both gold and silver without discrimination against

either metal or charge for mintage; but the dollar unit of coinage

of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, or

be adjusted through international agreement, or by such safeguards

of legislation as shall insure the maintenance of the parity of the

two metals, and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the

markets and in the payment of debts; and we demand that all paper

currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in such coin. We

insist upon this policy as especially necessary for the protection

of the farmers and laboring classes, the first and most defenceless

victims of unstable money and a fluctuating currency.

SEC. 8. We recommend that the prohibitory ten per cent. tax on State

bank issues be repealed.

SEC. 9. Public office is a public trust. We reaffirm the declaration

of the Democratic National Convention of 1876 for the reform of

the civil service, and we call for the honest enforcement of all

laws regulating the same. The nomination of a President, as in the

recent Republican convention, by delegations composed largely of his

appointees, holding office at his pleasure, is a scandalous satire

upon free popular institutions, and a startling illustration of the

methods by which a President may gratify his ambition. We denounce

a policy under which Federal office-holders usurp control of party

conventions in the States, and we pledge the Democratic party to the

reform of these and all other abuses which threaten individual liberty

and local self-government.

SEC. 10. The Democratic party is the only party that has ever given

the country a foreign policy consistent and vigorous, compelling

respect abroad and inspiring confidence at home. While avoiding

entangling alliances, it has aimed to cultivate friendly relations

with other nations, and especially with our American neighbors on the

American continent whose destiny is closely linked with our own, and

we view with alarm the tendency to a policy of irritation and bluster

which is liable at any time to confront us with the alternative of

humiliation or war. We favor the maintenance of a navy strong enough

for all purposes of national defence, and to properly maintain the

honor and dignity of the country abroad.

SEC. 11. This country has always been the refuge of the oppressed

from every land—exiles for conscience’ sake; and in the spirit of the

founders of our Government, we condemn the oppression practised by the

Russian Government upon its Lutheran and Jewish subjects, and we call

upon our National Government, in the interest of justice and humanity,

by all just and proper means, to use its prompt and best efforts to

bring about a cessation of these cruel persecutions in the dominions

of the Czar, and to secure to the oppressed equal rights. We tender

our profound and earnest sympathy to those lovers of freedom who are

struggling for home rule and the great cause of local self-government

in Ireland.

SEC. 12. We heartily approve all legitimate efforts to prevent the

United States from being used as the dumping-ground for the known

criminals and professional paupers of Europe; and we demand the

rigid enforcement of the laws against Chinese immigration, or the

importation of foreign workmen under contract, to degrade American

labor and lessen its wages; but we condemn and denounce any and all

attempts to restrict the immigration of the industrious and worthy of

foreign lands.

SEC. 13. This convention hereby renews the expression of appreciation

of the patriotism of the soldiers and sailors of the Union in the war

for its preservation, and we favor just and liberal pensions for all

disabled Union soldiers, their widows and dependents; but we demand

that the work of the Pension Office shall be done industriously,

impartially, and honestly. We denounce the present administration of

that office as incompetent, corrupt, disgraceful, and dishonest.

SEC. 14. The Federal Government should care for and improve the

Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as

to secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to

the tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic is of sufficient

importance to demand the aid of the Government, such aid should be

extended for a definite plan of continuous work until permanent

improvement is secured.

SEC. 15. For purposes of national defence and the promotion of

commerce between the States, we recognize the early construction of

the Nicaragua Canal, and its protection against foreign control, as of

great importance to the United States.

SEC. 16. Recognizing the World’s Columbian Exposition as a national

undertaking of vast importance, in which the General Government

has invited the co-operation of all the powers of the world, and

appreciating the acceptance by many of such powers of the invitation

extended, and the broadest liberal efforts being made by them to

contribute to the grandeur of the undertaking, we are of the opinion

that Congress should make such necessary financial provision as shall

be requisite to the maintenance of the national honor and public faith.

SEC. 17. Popular education being the only safe basis of popular

suffrage, we recommend to the several States most liberal

appropriations for the public schools. Free common schools are

the nursery of good government, and they have always received the

fostering care of the Democratic party, which favors every means of

increasing intelligence. Freedom of education, being an essential

of civil and religious liberty, as well as a necessity for the

development of intelligence, must not be interfered with under any

pretext whatever. We are opposed to State interference with parental

rights and rights of conscience in the education of children, as an

infringement of the fundamental Democratic doctrine that the largest

individual liberty consistent with the rights of others insures the

highest type of American citizenship and the best government.

SEC. 18. We approve the action of the present House of Representatives

in passing bills for the admission into the Union as States of

the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona, and we favor the early

admission of all the Territories having necessary population and

resources to admit them to Statehood; and, while they remain

Territories, we hold that the officials appointed to administer the

government of any Territory, together with the Districts of Columbia

and Alaska, should be _bonâ fide_ residents of the Territory or

district in which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic

party believes in home rule, and the control of their own affairs by

the people of the vicinage.

SEC. 19. We favor legislation by Congress and State Legislatures to

protect the lives and limbs of railway employees, and those of other

hazardous transportation companies, and denounce the inactivity of the

Republican party, and particularly the Republican Senate, for causing

the defeat of measures beneficial and protective to this class of

wageworkers.

SEC. 20. We are in favor of the enactment by the States of laws for

abolishing the notorious sweating system, for abolishing contract

convict labor, and for prohibiting the employment in factories of

children under fifteen years of age.

SEC. 21. We are opposed to all sumptuary laws as an interference with

the individual rights of the citizen.

SEC. 22. Upon this statement of principles and policies, the

Democratic party asks the intelligent judgment of the American people.

It asks a change of administration and a change of party in order that

there may be a change of system and a change of methods, thus assuring

the maintenance unimpaired of institutions under which the Republic

has grown great and powerful.

The platform, as originally reported, contained, instead of the first

paragraph of Section 3, the following:

We reiterate the oft-repeated doctrines of the Democratic party

that the necessity of the Government is the only justification for

taxation, and whenever a tax is unnecessary it is unjustifiable;

that when custom-house taxation is levied upon articles of any

kind produced in this country, the difference between the cost of

labor here and labor abroad, when such a difference exists, fully

measures any possible benefits to labor; and the enormous additional

impositions of the existing tariff fall with crushing force upon our

farmers and workingmen, and, for the mere advantage of the few whom

it enriches, exact from labor a grossly unjust share of the expenses

of the Government; and we demand such a revision of the tariff

laws as will remove their iniquitous inequalities, lighten their

oppressions, and put them on a constitutional and equitable basis.

But in making reduction in taxes, it is not proposed to injure any

domestic industries, but rather to promote their healthy growth. From

the foundation of this Government, taxes collected at the custom-house

have been the chief source of Federal revenue. Such they must continue

to be. Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation

for successful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every

step regardful of the labor and capital thus involved. The process

of reform must be subject in the execution to this plain dictate of

justice.

The National Prohibition Convention was held at Cincinnati on the 29th

of June, with John P. St. John, of Kansas, as temporary chairman, and

Eli Ritter, of Indiana, as permanent chairman. The convention remained

in session two days. The following was the only ballot for President:

John Bidwell, Cal. 590

Gideon T. Stewart, Ohio 179

W. J. Demorest, N. Y. 139

Scattering 3

A single ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows:

J. P. Cranfill, Texas 417

Joshua Levering, Md. 351

W. W. Satterlee, Minn. 26

T. R. Carskoden, W. Va. 19

The nominations of Bidwell and Cranfill were made unanimous. The

following platform was adopted:

The Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, acknowledging

Almighty God as the source of all true government, and His law as the

standard to which all human enactments must conform to secure the

blessings of peace and prosperity, presents the following declaration

of principles:

1. The liquor traffic is a foe to civilization, the arch enemy of

popular government, and a public nuisance. It is the citadel of the

forces that corrupt politics, promote poverty and crime, degrade the

nation’s home life, thwart the will of the people, and deliver our

country into the hands of rapacious class interests. All laws that,

under the guise of regulation, legalize and protect this traffic, or

make the Government share in its ill-gotten gains, are “vicious in

principle and powerless as a remedy.”

We declare anew for the entire suppression of the manufacture, sale,

importation, exportation, and transportation of alcoholic liquors as

a beverage, by Federal and State legislation; and the full powers of

the Government should be exerted to secure this result. Any party

that fails to recognize the dominant nature of this issue in American

politics is undeserving of the support of the people.

2. No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of sex,

and equal labor should receive equal wages, without regard to sex.

3. The money of the country should be gold, silver, and paper, and be

issued by the General Government only, and in sufficient quantities

to meet the demands of business and give full opportunity for the

employment of labor. To this end an increase in the volume of money is

demanded, and no individual or corporation should be allowed to make

any profit through its issue. It should be made a legal tender for the

payment of all debts, public and private. Its volume should be fixed

at a definite sum per capita, and made to increase with our increase

in population.

4. We favor the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold.

(Rejected by the convention.)

5. Tariffs should be levied only as a defence against foreign

governments which put tariffs upon or bar our products from their

markets, revenue being incidental. The residue of means necessary to

an economical administration of the Government should be raised by

levying a burden on what the people possess instead of upon what we

consume.

6. Railroad, telegraph, and other public corporations should be

controlled by the Government in the interest of the people, and no

higher charges allowed than necessary to give fair interest on the

capital actually invested.

7. Foreign immigration has become a burden upon industry, one of the

factors in depressing wages and causing discontent; therefore our

immigration laws should be revised and strictly enforced. The time of

residence for naturalization should be extended, and no naturalized

person should be allowed to vote until one year after he becomes a

citizen.

8. Non-resident aliens should not be allowed to acquire land in this

country, and we favor the limitation of individual and corporate

ownership of land. All unearned grants of lands to railroad companies

or other corporations should be reclaimed.

9. Years of inaction and treachery on the part of the Republican and

Democratic parties have resulted in the present reign of mob law, and

we demand that every citizen be protected in the right of trial by

constitutional tribunals.

10. All men should be protected by law in their right to one day’s

rest in seven.

11. Arbitration is the wisest and most economical and humane method of

settling national differences.

12. Speculations in margins, the cornering of grain, money, and

products, and the formation of pools, trusts, and combinations for the

arbitrary advancement of prices, should be suppressed.

13. We pledge that the Prohibition party if elected to power will ever

grant just pensions to disabled veterans of the Union army and navy,

their widows and orphans.

14. We stand unequivocally for the American public school, and opposed

to any appropriation of public moneys for sectarian schools. We

declare that only by united support of such common schools, taught in

the English language, can we hope to become and remain an homogeneous

and harmonious people.

15. We arraign the Republican and Democratic parties as false to the

standards reared by their founders; as faithless to the principles

of the illustrious leaders of the past to whom they do homage with

the lips; as recreant to the “higher law,” which is as inflexible in

political affairs as in personal life; and as no longer embodying

the aspirations of the American people, or inviting the confidence

of enlightened progressive patriotism. Their protests against the

admission of “moral issues” into politics is a confession of their

own moral degeneracy. The declaration of an eminent authority,

that municipal misrule is “the one conspicuous failure of American

politics,” follows as a natural consequence of such degeneracy, and

is true alike of cities under Republican and Democratic control. Each

accuses the other of extravagance in Congressional appropriations,

and both are alike guilty; each protests when out of power against

the infraction of the civil service laws, and each when in power

violates those laws in letter and spirit; each professes fealty to

the interests of the toiling masses, but both covertly truckle to

the money power in their administration of public affairs. Even the

tariff issue, as represented in the Democratic Mills bill and the

Republican McKinley bill, is no longer treated by them as an issue

upon great and divergent principles of government, but is a mere

catering to different sectional and class interests. The attempt

in many States to wrest the Australian ballot system from its true

purpose, and to so deform it as to render it extremely difficult for

new parties to exercise the rights of suffrage, is an outrage upon

popular government. The competition of both the parties for the vote

of the slums, and their assiduous courting of the liquor power and

subserviency to the money power, have resulted in placing those powers

in the position of practical arbiters of the destinies of the nation.

We renew our protest against these perilous tendencies, and invite all

citizens to join us in the upbuilding of a party that, as shown in

five national campaigns, prefers temporary defeat to an abandonment of

the claims of justice, sobriety, personal rights, and the protection

of American homes.

The only opposition being to the fourth resolution declaring for the

free coinage of silver, that was defeated by a vote of 596 to 335.

The campaign of 1892 gave birth to the People’s party, that embraced

the old Greenbackers and most of the other odds and ends of former

side political organizations, and it proved to be an important factor

in the struggle. It held its national convention at Omaha on the 2d of

July, with C. H. Ellington, of Georgia, as temporary chairman and H.

L. Loucks, of South Dakota, as permanent president. The 1st and only

ballot for President resulted as follows:

James B. Weaver, Iowa 995

James H. Kyle, S. D. 265

Scattering 3

Only one ballot was had for Vice-President, as follows:

James G. Field, Virginia 733

Benj. S. Terrell, Texas 554

The nominations of Weaver and Field were made unanimous and the

following platform adopted:

Assembled upon the 116th anniversary of the Declaration of

Independence, the People’s party of America, in their first national

convention, invoking upon their action the blessing of Almighty God,

puts forth, in the name and on behalf of the people of this country,

the following preamble and declaration of principles:

The conditions which surround us best justify our co-operation;

we meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral,

political, and material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the

Legislature, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench.

The people are demoralized; most of the States have been compelled

to isolate the voters at the polling-places to prevent universal

intimidation or bribery. The newspapers are largely subsidized or

muzzled; public opinion silenced; business prostrated; our homes

covered with mortgages; labor impoverished; and the land concentrating

in the hands of the capitalists. The urban workmen are denied the

right of organization for self-protection; imported pauperized labor

beats down their wages; a hireling standing army, unrecognized by

our laws, is established to shoot them down, and they are rapidly

degenerating into European conditions. The fruits of the toil of

millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes for a few,

unprecedented in the history of mankind; and the possessors of these,

in turn, despise the Republic and endanger liberty. From the same

prolific womb of governmental injustice we breed the two great classes

of tramps and millionaires.

The national power to create money is appropriated to enrich

bondholders; a vast public debt, payable in legal tender currency, has

been funded into gold-bearing bonds, thereby adding millions to the

burdens of the people. Silver, which has been accepted as coin since

the dawn of history, has been demonetized to add to the purchasing

power of gold by decreasing the value of all forms of property as

well as human labor; and the supply of currency is purposely abridged

to fatten usurers, bankrupt enterprise, and enslave industry. A vast

conspiracy against mankind has been organized on two continents,

and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If not met and

overthrown at once, it forebodes terrible social convulsions, the

destruction of civilization, or the establishment of an absolute

despotism.

We have witnessed for more than a quarter of a century the struggles

of the two great political parties for power and plunder, while

grievous wrongs have been inflicted upon the suffering people. We

charge that the controlling influences dominating both these parties

have permitted the existing dreadful condition to develop without

serious effort to prevent or restrain them. Neither do they now

promise us any substantial reform. They have agreed together to

ignore in the campaign every issue but one. They propose to drown

the outcries of a plundered people with the uproar of a sham battle

over the tariff, so that capitalists, corporations, national banks,

rings, trusts, watered stock, the demonetization of silver, and the

oppressions of the usurers may all be lost sight of. They propose to

sacrifice our homes, lives, and children on the altar of mammon; to

destroy the multitude in order to secure corruption funds from the

millionaires.

Assembled on the anniversary of the birthday of the nation, and

filled with the spirit of the grand general chief who established our

independence, we seek to restore the government of the Republic to

the hands of “the plain people,” with whose class it originated. We

assert our purposes to be identical with the purposes of the national

Constitution, “to form a more perfect union and establish justice,

insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote

the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty for ourselves

and our posterity.” We declare that this Republic can only endure as

a free Government while built upon the love of the whole people for

each other and for the nation; that it cannot be pinned together by

bayonets; that the civil war is over, and that every passion and

resentment which grew out of it must die with it; and that we must be

in fact, as we are in name, one united brotherhood of freemen.

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