10. The question as to the amount of duties to be levied upon various

articles of import has been agitated and quarrelled over, and has

divided communities, for nearly a hundred years. It is not now,

and never will be, settled, unless by the abolition of indirect

taxation. It is a convenient issue, always raised when the people are

excited over abuses in their midst. While we favor a wise revision

of the tariff laws, with a view to raising a revenue from luxuries

rather than necessities, we insist that, as an economic question,

its importance is insignificant as compared with financial issues;

for whereas we have suffered our worst panics under low and also

under high tariffs, we have never suffered from a panic, nor seen

our factories and workshops closed, while the volume of money in

circulation was adequate to the needs of commerce. Give our farmers

and manufacturers money as cheap as you now give it to our bankers,

and they can pay high wages to labor, and compete with all the world.

11. For the purpose of testing the sense of the people upon the

subject, we are in favor of submitting to a vote of the people an

amendment to the Constitution in favor of suffrage regardless of sex,

and also on the subject of the liquor traffic.

12. All disabled soldiers of the late war should be equitably

pensioned, and we denounce the policy of keeping a small army of

office-holders, whose only business is to prevent, on technical

grounds, deserving soldiers from obtaining justice from the

Government they helped to save.

13. As our name indicates, we are a national party, knowing no East,

no West, no North, no South. Having no sectional prejudices, we

can properly place in nomination for the high offices of state, as

candidates, men from any section of the Union.

14. We appeal to all people who believe in our principles to aid us by

voice, pen, and votes.

The Prohibitionists divided in the contest of 1884. Their first was

a mass convention, held at Chicago on the 19th of June, under the

title of the American Prohibition National Convention, with J. L.

Barlow, of Connecticut, as president. The fact that it was not largely

a representative body is evidenced from the fact that on the ballot

for President, Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, received 72 votes to 12

for all others, and was declared the nominee, and John A. Conant, of

Connecticut, was nominated for Vice-President without a ballot. This

organization did not have any electoral tickets as far as I can learn.

It adopted the following platform:

We hold: 1. That ours is a Christian, and not a heathen, nation,

and that the God of the Christian Scriptures is the author of civil

government.

2. That the Bible should be associated with books of science and

literature in all our educational institutions.

3. That God requires and man needs a Sabbath.

4. That we demand the prohibition of the importation, manufacture, and

sale of intoxicating drinks.

5. That the charters of all secret lodges granted by our Federal and

State Legislatures should be withdrawn and their oaths prohibited by

law.

6. We are opposed to putting prison labor or depreciated contract

labor from foreign countries in competition with free labor to benefit

manufacturers, corporations, and speculators.

7. We are in favor of a thorough revision and enforcement of the law

concerning patents and inventions, for the prevention and punishment

of frauds either upon inventors or the general public.

8. We hold to and will vote for woman suffrage.

9. We hold that civil equality secured to all American citizens by

Articles Thirteen, Fourteen, and Fifteen of our amended national

Constitution should be preserved inviolate, and the same equality

should be extended to Indians and Chinamen.

10. That international differences should be settled by arbitration.

11. That land and other monopolies should be discouraged.

12. That the General Government should furnish the people with an

ample and sound currency.

13. That it should be the settled policy of the Government to reduce

the tariffs and taxes as rapidly as the necessities of revenue and

vested business interests will allow.

14. That polygamy should be immediately suppressed by law, and that

the Republican party is censurable for its long neglect of its duty in

respect to this evil.

15. And, finally, we demand for the American people the abolition of

electoral colleges, and a direct vote for President and Vice-President

of the United States.

The regular national Prohibition party held its convention in Pittsburg

on the 23d of July with Samuel Dickie, of Michigan, as permanent

president. The sentiment of the party was very strongly in favor of

Governor John P. St. John, of Kansas, who was unanimously nominated

as President, and William Daniel, of Maryland, was chosen for

Vice-President by a like unanimous vote. The following platform was

adopted:

The Prohibition-Home-Protection party, in national convention

assembled, acknowledge Almighty God as the rightful sovereign of all

men, from whom the just powers of government are derived, and to whose

laws human enactments should conform. Peace, prosperity, and happiness

only can come to the people when the laws of their national and State

governments are in accord with the divine will.

That the importation, manufacture, supply, and sale of alcoholic

beverages, created and maintained by the laws of the national and

State governments, during the entire history of such laws, is

everywhere shown to be the promoting cause of intemperance, with

resulting crime and pauperism; making large demands upon public

and private charity; imposing large and unjust taxation and public

burdens for penal and sheltering institutions upon thrift, industry,

manufactures, and commerce; endangering the public peace; causing

desecration of the Sabbath; corrupting our politics, legislation, and

administration of the laws; shortening lives; impairing health, and

diminishing productive industry; causing education to be neglected and

despised; nullifying the teachings of the Bible, the Church, and the

school, the standards and guides of our fathers and their children in

the founding and growth under God of our widely extended country; and,

while imperilling the perpetuity of our civil and religious liberties,

are baleful fruits by which we know that these laws are alike contrary

to God’s laws and contravene our happiness; and we call upon our

fellow-citizens to aid in the repeal of these laws and in the legal

suppression of this baneful liquor traffic.

The fact that, during the twenty-four years in which the Republican

party has controlled the General Government and that of many of

the States, no effort has been made to change this policy; that

Territories have been created from the national domain and governments

from them established, and States admitted into the Union, in no

instance in either of which has this traffic been forbidden, or the

people of these Territories or States been permitted to prohibit it;

that there are now over two hundred thousand distilleries, breweries,

wholesale and retail dealers in these drinks, holding certificates

and claiming the authority of Government for the continuation of a

business which is so destructive to the moral and material welfare of

the people, together with the fact that they have turned a deaf ear

to remonstrance and petition for the correction of this abuse of civil

government, is conclusive that the Republican party is insensible to

or impotent for the redress of those wrongs, and should no longer be

intrusted with the powers and responsibilities of government; that

although this party, in its late national convention, was silent on

the liquor question, not so were its candidates, Messrs. Blaine and

Logan. Within the year past Mr. Blaine has publicly recommended that

the revenues derived from the liquor traffic shall be distributed

among the States, and Senator Logan has by bill proposed to devote

these revenues to the support of schools. Thus both virtually

recommend the perpetuation of the traffic, and that the State and its

citizens shall become partners in the liquor crime.

The fact that the Democratic party has, in its national deliverances

of party policy, arrayed itself on the side of the drink makers

and sellers by declaring against the policy of prohibition of such

traffic under the false name of “sumptuary laws,” and, when in power

in some of the States, in refusing remedial legislation, and, in

Congress, of refusing to permit the creation of a board of inquiry to

investigate and report upon the effects of this traffic, proves that

the Democratic party should not be intrusted with power or place.

There can be no greater peril to the nation than the existing

competition of the Republican and Democratic parties for the liquor

vote. Experience shows that any party not openly opposed to the

traffic will engage in this competition, will court the favor of the

criminal classes, will barter away the public morals, purity of the

ballot, and every trust and object of good government, for party

success; and patriots and good citizens should find in this practice

sufficient cause for immediate withdrawal from all connection with

their party.

That we favor reforms in the administration of the Government, in

the abolition of all sinecures, useless offices and officers, in

the election by the people of officers of the Government instead of

appointment by the President. That competency, honesty, and sobriety

are essential qualifications for holding civil office, and we oppose

the removal of such persons from mere administrative offices, except

so far as it may be absolutely necessary to secure effectiveness to

the vital issues on which the general administration of the Government

has been intrusted to a party.

That the collection of revenue from alcohol, liquors, and tobacco

should be abolished, as the vices of men are not a proper subject for

taxation; that revenue for customs duties should be levied for the

support of the Government, economically administered; and when so

levied, the fostering of American labor, manufactures, and industries

should constantly be held in view.

That the public land should be held for homes for the people and

not for gifts to corporations, or to be held in large bodies for

speculation upon the needs of actual settlers.

That all money, coin and paper, shall be made, issued, and regulated

by the General Government, and shall be a legal tender for all debts,

public and private.

That grateful care and support should be given to our soldiers and

sailors, their dependent widows and orphans, disabled in the service

of the country.

That we repudiate as un-American, contrary to and subversive of

the principle of the Declaration of Independence, from which our

Government has grown to be the government of fifty-five millions of

people, and a recognized power among nations, that any person or

people shall or may be excluded from residence or citizenship with all

others who may desire the benefits which our institutions confer upon

the oppressed of all nations.

That while there are important reforms that are demanded for purity

of administration and the welfare of the people, their importance

sinks into insignificance when compared with the reform of the drink

traffic, which annually wastes eight hundred million dollars of

the wealth created by toil and thrift, and drags down thousands of

families from comfort to poverty; which fills jails, penitentiaries,

insane asylums, hospitals, and institutions for dependency; which

destroys the health, saps industry, and causes loss of life and

property to thousands in the land, lowers intellectual and physical

vigor, dulls the cunning hand of the artisan, is the chief cause of

bankruptcy, insolvency, and loss in trade, and by its corrupting power

endangers the perpetuity of free institutions.

That Congress should exercise its undoubted power, and prohibit the

manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages in the District of

Columbia, in the Territories of the United States, and in all places

over which the Government has exclusive jurisdiction; that hereafter

no State shall be admitted into the Union until its Constitution

shall expressly prohibit polygamy and the manufacture and sale of

intoxicating beverages.

We earnestly call the attention of the laborer and mechanic, the miner

and manufacturer, and ask investigation of the baneful effects upon

labor and industry caused by the needless liquor business, which will

be found the robber who lessens wages and profits, the destroyer of

happiness and the family welfare of the laboring man, and that labor

and all legitimate industry demand deliverance from the taxation

and loss which this traffic imposes, and that no tariff or other

legislation can so healthily stimulate production or increase a demand

for capital and labor, or produce so much of comfort and content as

the suppressing of this traffic would bring to the laboring man,

mechanic, or employer of labor throughout our land.

That the activity and co-operation of the women of America for the

promotion of temperance has in all the history of the past been a

strength and encouragement which we gratefully acknowledge and record.

In the later and present phase of the movement for the prohibition

of the licensed traffic by the abolition of the drinking-saloon, the

purity of purpose and method, the earnestness, zeal, intelligence,

and devotion of the mothers and daughters of the Women’s Christian

Temperance Union has been eminently blessed by God. Kansas and Iowa

have been given her as “sheaves of rejoicing;” and the education

and arousing of the public mind, and the demand for constitutional

amendment now prevailing, are largely the fruit of her prayers and

labors, and we rejoice to have our Christian women unite with us in

sharing the labors that shall bring the abolition of this traffic to

the polls, she shall join in the grand “Praise God, from whom all

blessings flow,” when by law our boys and friends shall be free from

legal drink temptation.

That we believe in the civil and political equality of the sexes, and

that the ballot in the hand of woman is a right for her protection,

and would prove a powerful ally for the abolition of the drink-saloon,

the execution of law, the promotion of reform in civil affairs, and

the removal of corruption in public life; and thus believing, we

relegate the practical outworking of this reform to the discretion

of the Prohibition party in the several States, according to the

condition of public sentiment in those States; that gratefully we

acknowledge and praise God for the presence of His Spirit, guiding

our counsels and granting the success which has been vouchsafed in

the progress of temperance reform, and looking to Him from whom all

wisdom and help come, we ask the voters of the United States to make

the principles of the above declaration a ruling principle in the

government of the nation and of the States.

_Resolved_, That henceforth the Prohibition-Home-Protection party

shall be called by the name of the Prohibition party.

The following table exhibits the popular and electoral vote for 1884:

══════════════╤═════════════════════════════════════════════╦═════════════════

│ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL

│ ║ VOTE.

├──────────┬─────────┬──────────────┬─────────╫──────────┬──────

STATES. │ Grover │James G. │ Benjamin F. │John P. ║Cleveland │Blaine

│Cleveland,│ Blaine, │ Butler, │St. John,║ and │ and

│New York. │ Maine. │Massachusetts.│Kansas. ║Hendricks.│Logan.

──────────────┼──────────┼─────────┼──────────────┼─────────╫──────────┼──────

Maine │ 52,140 │ 72,209│ 3,953 │ 2,160 ║ ―― │ 6

New Hampshire │ 39,183 │ 43,249│ 552 │ 1,571 ║ ―― │ 4

Vermont │ 17,331 │ 39,514│ 785 │ 1,752 ║ ―― │ 4

Massachusetts │ 122,481 │ 146,724│ 24,433 │ 10,026 ║ ―― │ 14

Rhode Island │ 12,391 │ 19,030│ 422 │ 928 ║ ―― │ 4

Connecticut │ 67,199 │ 65,923│ 1,688 │ 2,305 ║ 6 │ ――

New York │ 563,154 │ 562,005│ 16,994 │ 25,016 ║ 36 │ ――

New Jersey │ 127,798 │ 123,440│ 3,496 │ 6,159 ║ 9 │ ――

Pennsylvania │ 392,785 │ 473,804│ 16,992 │ 15,283 ║ ―― │ 30

Delaware │ 16,964 │ 12,951│ 6 │ 55 ║ 3 │ ――

Maryland │ 96,932 │ 85,699│ 531 │ 2,794 ║ 8 │ ――

Virginia │ 185,497 │ 139,356│ ―――――― │ 138 ║ 12 │ ――

West Virginia │ 67,317 │ 63,096│ 810 │ 939 ║ 6 │ ――

North Carolina│ 142,952 │ 125,068│ ―――――― │ 454 ║ 11 │ ――

South Carolina│ 69,890 │ 21,733│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 9 │ ――

Georgia │ 94,667 │ 48,603│ 145 │ 195 ║ 12 │ ――

Florida │ 31,766 │ 28,031│ ―――――― │ 72 ║ 4 │ ――

Alabama │ 93,951 │ 59,591│ 873 │ 612 ║ 10 │ ――

Mississippi │ 76,510 │ 43,509│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 9 │ ――

Louisiana │ 62,540 │ 46,347│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 8 │ ――

Texas │ 225,309 │ 93,141│ 3,321 │ 3,534 ║ 13 │ ――

Arkansas │ 72,927 │ 50,895│ 1,847 │ ―――――― ║ 7 │ ――

Missouri │ 235,988 │ 202,929│ ―――――― │ 2,153 ║ 16 │ ――

Tennessee │ 133,258 │ 124,078│ 957 │ 1,131 ║ 12 │ ――

Kentucky │ 152,961 │ 118,122│ 1,691 │ 3,139 ║ 13 │ ――

Ohio │ 368,280 │ 400,082│ 5,179 │ 11,069 ║ ―― │ 23

Michigan │ 149,835 │ 192,669│ 42,243 │ 18,403 ║ ―― │ 13

Indiana │ 244,990 │ 238,463│ 8,293 │ 3,028 ║ 15 │ ――

Illinois │ 312,355 │ 337,474│ 10,910 │ 12,074 ║ ―― │ 22

Wisconsin │ 146,459 │ 161,157│ 4,598 │ 7,656 ║ ―― │ 11

Minnesota │ 70,144 │ 111,923│ 3,583 │ 4,684 ║ ―― │ 7

Iowa │ 177,316 │ 197,089│ ―――――― │ 1,472 ║ ―― │ 13

Nebraska │ 54,391 │ 79,912│ ―――――― │ 2,899 ║ ―― │ 5

Kansas │ 90,132 │ 154,406│ 16,341 │ 4,495 ║ ―― │ 9

Colorado │ 27,723 │ 36,290│ 1,953 │ 761 ║ ―― │ 3

Nevada │ 5,578 │ 7,193│ 26 │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ 3

California │ 89,288 │ 102,416│ 2,017 │ 2,920 ║ ―― │ 8

Oregon │ 24,604 │ 26,860│ 726 │ 492 ║ ―― │ 3

├──────────┼─────────┼──────────────┼─────────╫──────────┼──────

│4,874,986 │4,851,981│ 175,370 │ 150,369 ║ 219 │ 182

══════════════╧══════════╧═════════╧══════════════╧═════════╩══════════╧══════

No man was ever big enough to conduct a Presidential contest for

himself. The intense interest a candidate must have in the struggle,

and the constant strain upon him, would unbalance the most forceful

intellect the world has ever produced. Blaine would have been matchless

in the skilful management of a Presidential campaign for another, but

he was dwarfed by the overwhelming responsibilities of conducting

the campaign for himself, and yet he assumed the supreme control of

the struggle and directed it absolutely from start to finish. He was

of heroic mould, and he wisely planned his own campaign tours to

accomplish the best results. In point of fact, he had won his fight

after stumping the country, and lost it by his stay in New York on his

way home. He knew how to sway multitudes, and none could approach him

in that important feature of a conflict; but he was not trained to

consider the thousand intricacies which fall upon the management of

every Presidential contest.

Three causes combined to lose New York by 1100 majority when the

electoral vote of that State would have made him President. One was

his implacable quarrel with Conkling, that lost him 1000 votes, cast

directly for his opponent in Conkling’s county of Oneida. They had

quarrelled when both were comparatively young and rivals for the

leadership of the House. In a heated controversy between them Blaine

unhorsed Conkling, and inflicted wounds which never healed, and they

never spoke from that time during their lives. When both were members

of the Senate, if either had occasion to refer to the remarks made by

the other, instead of referring to the “Senator from Maine” or the

“Senator from New York,” they would say: “It has been stated on this

floor.” Many efforts were made to bring them together, but Conkling was

an intense hater, and Blaine was willing to be broken rather than bend.

He dined with Jay Gould during his brief stay in New York City, and

that brought him no votes and lost him many.

The Burchard episode, that Blaine was blunderingly brought into in New

York just on the eve of the election, was very generally accepted as

costing him more than enough votes to have given him the State of New

York, and thereby his election to the Presidency. It was miserably bad

politics in its conception and could not have been more bunglingly

executed. Blaine had suffered much from the attacks upon his public

integrity, and some of his friends in New York assumed that it would

be a great card to have him called upon by forty or fifty ministers

of different denominations and congratulated as the candidate for

President.

As originally planned it might have accomplished some good, and

certainly would not have done any harm. It was intended that Rev.

Dr. Tiffany should deliver the address to Blaine. He was one of the

most eloquent divines of the country, was well up in politics, had

been in active political movements in Pennsylvania as a leader in the

American party when he was connected with Dickinson’s College, and was

a candidate for United States Senator before the Legislature of 1855.

Had he delivered the address to Blaine, it would have been an elegant

and faultless congratulation, but when the ministers met some of them

strenuously objected to Dr. Tiffany as the oracle of the party, and

there were indications of considerable ill-feeling. There was little

time for conference, and the dispute was suddenly ended by some one

proposing that the oldest minister present should deliver the address

to Blaine, and that was adopted to settle the dispute.

Dr. Burchard, unfortunately, happened to be the oldest minister in

attendance, and he was rampant against “Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion,”

but none supposed for a moment that he would make such a fearful break

as to publicly denounce Romanism in an address of congratulation to a

Presidential candidate, whose mother and sisters were devout Catholics.

On his way home from the West he had visited his sister at a convent

in Indiana, where she was Mother Superior. Burchard, of course, had no

opportunity for preparation, and when the ministerial crowd came into

the presence of Blaine he fired off his address in a manner not highly

creditable, and proclaimed the fatal sentence against “Rum, Romanism,

and Rebellion.”

Blaine in his reply made no reference to that feature of Dr. Burchard’s

address, and he seems not to have appreciated its fearful import until

the next day, when he gave out an interview, disclaiming sympathy

with it; but it was accepted as an afterthought, and that deliverance

of Dr. Burchard certainly drove away from Blaine more than the six

hundred votes necessary to give him the State of New York and the

Presidency. I saw Blaine soon after the election, and asked him why

it was that he overlooked the expression at the time. He was a man

of such keen perception and so ready in every emergency that I was

amazed at his failure to turn the blunder to his advantage, as he could

have done by a generous expression on the religious issue involved.

He told me that he heard the expression distinctly, but that his

mind was just then concentrated on his reply, as he generally spoke

spontaneously, and that he thereby failed to become impressed with its

importance. He said that when the proceedings were over, and he gave

it a moment’s reflection, he saw what a fearful mistake had been made;

but the emergency was extreme and called for immediate action, and he

unfortunately hesitated until another day had passed. It was then too

late, and Dr. Burchard certainly cost Blaine many more votes than would

have given him his election. Had Blaine been under the command of a

competent chairman of his national committee, he would never have been

permitted to stop in New York after his great battle had been fought

before the people, and had he gone directly from the West to his home

in Maine, he would have been President instead of Cleveland.

Blaine and Tilden are the only men I can recall who undertook to manage

a Presidential contest for themselves, and both suffered defeats, for

which they were wholly responsible.

Our Presidents and how we make them · 第 31 / 44 段