Presidency who did not change the policy of the administration. He
gradually won the esteem of all parties in the land by his dignity,
courtesy, and manliness in every emergency that confronted him. He
was one of the most genial and delightful of all the Presidents who
occupied the White House, and he would doubtless have been nominated
for President in 1884 but for the fact that Blaine had that honor
safely mortgaged. Arthur was desirous of a nomination, but Blaine was
so strong with the leaders and also with the rank and file of the party
that he won an easy victory over the President.
The opposition to Arthur in the Republican convention of 1884 was not
inspired by hostility to him or to his administration. It was simply
the overwhelming Republican sentiment of the country that demanded
Blaine as the party candidate for President. I had met President Arthur
frequently during his Presidential term, although I never had any
political or personal interests to serve. It was always a pleasure to
call upon him and enjoy the dignified and cordial welcome he ever gave
to visitors. I last saw him on the night of the Cleveland inauguration
day, that closed his Presidential term. He was the guest of honor at
a dinner given by Senator Cameron, and I was painfully impressed with
what I then assumed to be the keen disappointment of Arthur at his
retirement from the Presidency. He seemed greatly depressed in spirit
and to lack his usual genial and fascinating qualities. It was not
long after, however, when it became known that he had retired from
the Presidential office the victim of a fatal disease, that exhausted
his vitality. He lived a very quiet life, beloved by all who knew him
and respected by the whole nation during the brief period between his
retirement and his death.
THE CLEVELAND-BLAINE CONTEST
1884
The Presidential campaign of 1884 was opened on June 5 by the
Republican National Convention at Chicago, which nominated Blaine
after the Arthur administration had made a feeble struggle against
him. Strange as it may seem, Blaine took much less interest in his
nomination at that time than he had in his contests of 1876 and 1880.
He was painfully impressed by the conviction that he was fated not to
be President, and he feared his defeat. A recent article by ex-Governor
Boutwell, of Massachusetts, who was then in Congress with Blaine,
stated that a short time before the meeting of the convention, when
Blaine knew that the nomination was within his own hands, he told
Boutwell that he was glad to have some votes in the convention, but
that he did not wish the nomination. He desired to defeat President
Arthur, and urged Boutwell to organize for the nomination of General
Sherman for President and Robert Lincoln for Vice-President.
I saw Blaine frequently during the months preceding the nomination, and
he never exhibited any special gratification at the fact that he could
then, for the first time, surely attain the leadership in his party for
which he had so long struggled; but he had not the courage to decline
it. The nomination came to him, and though he did not heartily welcome
it, he was justly proud of it.
The contest between Cleveland and Blaine was one of the most spirited
and earnest of our national political struggles. The assassination of
Garfield and the factional troubles which arose under Garfield, and
continued to some extent under Arthur, greatly disturbed Republican
tranquillity, and in 1882 the Democrats won all the debatable States
and carried the popular branch of Congress. Grover Cleveland in that
year became a national political factor by his election as Governor
of New York by nearly 200,000 majority. Blaine had the vital
Republican element very earnestly in his support, but had to confront
the implacable opposition of many of the ablest leaders of his party.
He had already been a candidate before two Republican conventions,
in which his enemies had defamed him without limit, and the Grant
influence was as vindictive, although not so powerful, in 1884 as it
was in 1876 and 1880.
[Illustration: GROVER CLEVELAND]
The Republican National Convention met at Chicago on the 3d of June,
and ex-Representative John R. Lynch, of Mississippi (colored), was
made temporary president, and ex-Senator John B. Henderson, of
Missouri, permanent president. The friends of President Arthur, largely
representing Federal officials, made a very earnest battle for their
chief, but it was a Blaine convention from start to finish. Many
questions of party policy and rules were discussed and a platform
adopted during the first three days of the convention, and it was not
until the evening session of the third day that Presidential candidates
were presented. On the morning of the fourth day, the convention
proceeded to ballot, resulting in the nomination of Blaine, as follows:
═════════════════════════════════╤════════╤═════════╤════════╤════════
│ First. │ Second. │ Third. │ Fourth.
─────────────────────────────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼────────
James G. Blaine, of Maine │ 334-1/2│ 349 │ 375 │ 541
Chester A. Arthur, of New York │ 278 │ 276 │ 274 │ 207
George F. Edmunds, of Vermont │ 93 │ 85 │ 69 │ 41
John A. Logan, of Illinois │ 63-1/2│ 61 │ 53 │ 7
John Sherman, of Ohio │ 30 │ 28 │ 25 │ ――
Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut │ 13 │ 13 │ 13 │ 15
Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois │ 4 │ 4 │ 8 │ 2
William T. Sherman, of Missouri │ 2 │ 2 │ 2 │ ――
═════════════════════════════════╧════════╧═════════╧════════╧════════
The nomination of Blaine was made unanimous with great enthusiasm. The
convention then adjourned until evening, when General John A. Logan, of
Illinois, was nominated for Vice-President on the 1st ballot, receiving
779 votes to 7 for Lucius Fairchild, of Wisconsin, and 6 for Walter
Q. Gresham, of Indiana. General Logan was regarded as one of the most
prominent of the Grant leaders, and it was considered good policy
to unite the two elements of the party by giving him second place.
His nomination was also made unanimous, and cheered to the echo. The
following platform was unanimously adopted:
1. The Republicans of the United States, in national convention
assembled, renew their allegiance to the principles upon which
they have triumphed in six successive Presidential elections, and
congratulate the American people on the attainment of so many results
in legislation and administration by which the Republican party has,
after saving the Union, done so much to render its institutions just,
equal, and beneficent, the safeguard of liberty, and the embodiment of
the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. The Republican
party has gained its strength by quick and faithful response to the
demands of the people for the freedom and equality of all men; for a
united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens; for the elevation
of labor; for an honest currency; for purity in legislation; and for
integrity and accountability in all departments of the Government. And
it accepts anew the duty of leading in the work of progress and reform.
2. We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound
statesmanship, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong
and successful administration, a promise fully realized during the
short period of his office as President of the United States. His
distinguished services in war and in peace have endeared him to the
hearts of the American people.
3. In the administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise,
conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country has
been blessed with remarkable prosperity; and we believe his eminent
services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every
good citizen.
4. It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights
and promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity
of industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the
comfort and independence of the people. We therefore demand that
the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for
revenue only, but that, in raising the requisite revenues for the
Government, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to
our diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of
the laborers, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as
capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share
in the national prosperity.
5. Against the so-called economical system of the Democratic party,
which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our
most earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed completely to
relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise
reduction of the surplus.
6. The Republican party pledges itself to correct the irregularities
of the tariff and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and
indiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as
will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great
productive interests of the country.
7. We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United
States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the
danger threatening its future prosperity; and we therefore respect the
demands of the Representatives of this important agricultural interest
for a readjustment of duties upon foreign wool, in order that such
industry shall have full and adequate protection.
8. We have always recommended the best money known to the civilized
world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all commercial
nations in the establishment of an international standard which shall
fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage.
9. The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the
States is one of the most important prerogatives of the General
Government, and the Republican party distinctly announces its purpose
to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry out
the constitutional power of Congress over interstate commerce.
10. The principle of the public regulation of railway corporations
is a wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of
the people, and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust
discrimination and excessive charges for transportation, and that
shall secure to the people and to the railways alike the fair and
equal protection of the laws.
11. We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor; the
enforcement of the eight-hour law; a wise and judicious system of
general education by adequate appropriation from the national revenues
wherever the same is needed. We believe that everywhere the protection
of a citizen of American birth must be secured to citizens by American
adoption, and we favor the settlement of national differences by
international arbitration.
12. The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave
labor, and in a desire that all men may be truly free and equal, is
unalterably opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any
form of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we
denounce the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe or
Asia, as an offence against the spirit of American institutions, and
we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese
immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary
to carry out its purposes.
13. Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republican
administration, should be completed by the further extension of the
reformed system already established by law to all the grades of the
service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the
reform should be observed in all executive appointments, and all laws
at variance with the objects of existing reformed legislation should
be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions which
lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and effectively
avoided.
14. The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United
States, and should be reserved, as far as possible, for small holdings
by actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts
of these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such
holdings are in the hands of non-resident aliens, and we will endeavor
to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil. We
demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land-grants which have
lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of incorporation, in all
cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform the
conditions of such grants.
15. The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union
soldiers and sailors of the late war; and the Republican party stands
pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and for the
widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The Republican party
also pledges itself to the repeal of the limitation contained in the
Arrears act of 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall share alike,
and their pensions begin with the date of disability, and not with the
date of the application.
16. The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from
entangling alliances with foreign nations, and which gives us the
right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in
American affairs—the policy which seeks peace and trade with all
powers, but especially with those of the Western Hemisphere.
17. We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength
and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American
citizens and the interests of American commerce. We call upon
Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has been
depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a commerce which
leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy which takes no law from superior
force.
18. That appointments by the President to offices in the Territories
should be made from the _bona fide_ citizens and residents of the
Territories wherein they are to serve.
19. That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall
promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our
Territories, and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power
of the so-called Mormon Church, and that the law so enacted should be
rigidly enforced by the civil authorities, if possible, and by the
military, if need be.
20. The people of the United States, in their organized capacity,
constitute a nation, and not a mere confederacy of States. The
National Government is supreme within the sphere of its national
duties, but the States have reserved rights which should be faithfully
maintained, and which should be guarded with jealous care, so that the
harmony of our system of government may be preserved and the Union
kept inviolate.
21. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance
of a free ballot, an honest count, and correct return. We denounce
the fraud and violence practised by the Democracy in Southern
States, by which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to
the preservation of free institutions; and we solemnly arraign the
Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of the fruits of such
fraud and violence.
22. We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their
former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them
our most earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation
as will secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full
and complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and
political rights.
The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago on the 8th of July,
and was temporarily organized with Richard D. Hubbard, of Texas, as
chairman. The first day of the convention was unusually boisterous. The
Tammany delegates, under the lead of John Kelly, were in a minority in
the delegation, and under the Democratic unit rule their votes would be
cast for Cleveland, to whose nomination they were bitterly opposed. A
desperate struggle was made to break the unit rule, and thus release
Tammany from the support of Cleveland. The proposition was very largely
defeated, and during the balloting the Tammany people made various
and ineffectual efforts to have their votes recorded. On the morning
of the second day, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, was made permanent
president, and the presentation of candidates for President followed,
after which the platform was adopted and one ballot had for President,
and on the following morning the 2d ballot was had, resulting in the
selection of Cleveland.
Cleveland’s nomination was accomplished solely by the earnest and
skilful management of his cause by Daniel Manning, who was Secretary of
the Treasury during half of Cleveland’s first administration. Cleveland
was a reluctant candidate, for he was not confident that he could
be nominated, and doubted if he could be elected if nominated; but
Manning gathered about him a very powerful organization, and under the
unit rule carried the New York delegation solid for Cleveland, though
Tammany, under the lead of John Kelly, stoutly opposed him.
Randall had been named as the candidate for President by Pennsylvania,
and had a delegation strongly committed to his support. I was present
at the conferences of Randall’s friends, and it became evident at an
early stage of the battle that Randall’s nomination was not within
the range of possibility. His pronounced protection views made him
ineligible. Ex-Attorney-General William U. Hensel was there, and was
actively enlisted in the Randall cause. When the defeat of Randall
became clearly inevitable Hensel and I had a conference with Manning,
and after a careful review of the situation it became apparent that
Cleveland could be nominated with the aid of Randall’s friends. We
made no suggestions to Manning as to conditions, but told him that we
would telegraph for Randall and have him there the next morning early,
so that he and Randall could confer alone. Hensel and I telegraphed
Randall urgently requesting him to take the first train for Chicago.
He arrived the next morning, was brought directly by Mr. Hensel to
my room, where Mr. Manning was in waiting, and Hensel and I went to
breakfast.
No one but Mr. Hensel and myself knew of Randall’s arrival, but within
half an hour after he and Manning had met word was passed from Randall
himself for his friends to support Cleveland. That settled the contest
in Cleveland’s favor. Tammany protested, but the Tammany vote was
cast for Cleveland all the same under the unit rule that the New York
Democrats have always maintained.
The following are the ballots for President in detail:
═══════════════════════════════════╤════════╤═════════
│ First. │ Second.
───────────────────────────────────┼────────┼─────────
Grover Cleveland, of New York │ 392 │ 683
Thomas F. Bayard, of Delaware │ 170 │ 81-1/2
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana │ ―― │ 145-1/2
Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio │ 88 │ 4
Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania │ 78 │ 4
Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana │ 56 │ 2
John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky │ 27 │ ――
Roswell P. Flower, of New York │ 4 │ ――
George Hoadly, of Ohio │ 3 │ ――
Samuel J. Tilden, of New York │ 1 │ ――
═══════════════════════════════════╧════════╧═════════
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, upon whom the opposition to Cleveland
had largely united on the 2d ballot for President, was unanimously
nominated for Vice-President. On a motion to make the nomination of
Cleveland unanimous, vigorous “nos” came up, especially from the
Tammany Hall delegates, but the nomination of Hendricks was welcomed
with the heartiest cheers. The following is the Democratic platform as
adopted in 1884:
The Democratic party of the Union, through its representatives in
national convention assembled, recognizes that, as the nation grows
older, new issues are born of time and progress, and old issues
perish; but the fundamental principles of the Democracy, approved by
the united voice of the people, remain and will ever remain, as the
best and only security for the continuance of free government. The
preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens before
the law, the reserved rights of the States, and the supremacy of the
Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution, will ever
form the true basis of our liberties, and can never be surrendered
without destroying that balance of rights and powers which enables a
continent to be developed in peace, and social order to be maintained
by means of local self-government. But it is indispensable for
the practicable application and enforcement of these fundamental
principles that the Government should not always be controlled by one
political party. Frequent change of administration is as necessary as
constant recurrence to the popular will. Otherwise, abuses grow, and
the Government, instead of being carried on for the general welfare,
becomes an instrumentality for imposing heavy burdens on the many who
are governed, for the benefit of the few who govern. Public servants
thus become arbitrary rulers. This is now the condition of the
country; hence a change is demanded.