So far I have discussed only the possibility of divorce without

offences, the sort of divorce that arises out of estrangement and

incompatibilities. But divorce, as it is known in most Christian

countries, has a punitive element, and is obtained through the failure

of one of the parties to observe the conditions of the bond and the

determination of the other to exact suffering. Divorce as it exists at

present is not a readjustment but a revenge. It is the nasty exposure of

a private wrong. In England a husband may divorce his wife for a single

act of infidelity, and there can be little doubt that we are on the eve

of an equalisation of the law in this respect. I will confess I consider

this an extreme concession to the passion of jealousy, and one likely to

tear off the roof from many a family of innocent children. Only

infidelity leading to supposititious children in the case of the wife,

or infidelity obstinately and offensively persisted in or endangering

health in the case of the husband, really injure the home sufficiently

to justify a divorce on the assumptions of our present argument. If we

are going to make the welfare of the children our criterion in these

matters, then our divorce law does in this direction already go too far.

A husband or wife may do far more injury to the home by constantly

neglecting it for the companionship of some outside person with whom no

“matrimonial offence” is ever committed. Of course, if our divorce law

exists mainly for the gratification of the fiercer sexual resentments,

well and good, but if that is so, let us abandon our pretence that

marriage is an institution for the establishment and protection of

homes. And while on the one hand existing divorce laws appear to be

obsessed by sexual offences, other things of far more evil effect upon

the home go without a remedy. There are, for example, desertion,

domestic neglect, cruelty to the children, drunkenness or harmful

drug-taking, indecency of living and uncontrollable extravagance. I

cannot conceive how any logical mind, having once admitted the principle

of divorce, can hesitate at making these entirely home-wrecking things

the basis of effective pleas. But in another direction, some strain of

sentimentality in my nature makes me hesitate to go with the great

majority of divorce-law reformers. I cannot bring myself to agree that

either a long term of imprisonment or the misfortune of insanity should

in itself justify a divorce. I admit the social convenience, but I wince

at the thought of those tragic returns of the dispossessed. So far as

insanity goes, I perceive that the cruelty of the law would but endorse

the cruelty of nature. But I do not like men to endorse the cruelty of

nature.

And, of course, there is no decent-minded person nowadays but wants to

put an end to that ugly blot upon our civilisation, the publication of

whatever is most spicy and painful in divorce-court proceedings. It is

an outrage which falls even more heavily on the innocent than on the

guilty, and which has deterred hundreds of shy and delicate-minded

people from seeking legal remedies for nearly intolerable wrongs. The

sort of person who goes willingly to the divorce court to-day is the

sort of person who would love a screaming quarrel in a crowded street.

The emotional breach of the marriage bond is as private an affair as its

consummation, and it would be nearly as righteous to subject young

couples about to marry to a blustering cross-examination by some

underbred bully of a barrister upon their motives, and then to publish

whatever chance phrases in their answers appeared to be amusing in the

press, as it is to publish contemporary divorce proceedings. The thing

is a nastiness, a steam of social contagion and an extreme cruelty, and

there can be no doubt that whatever other result this British Royal

Commission may have, there at least will be many sweeping alterations.

THE SCHOOLMASTER AND THE EMPIRE

§ 1

_If Youth but Knew_, is the title of a book published some years ago,

but still with a quite living interest, by “Kappa.” It is the bitter

complaint of a distressed senior against our educational system. He is

hugely disappointed in the public-school boy, and more particularly in

one typical specimen. He is—if one might hazard a guess—an uncle bereft

of great expectations. He finds an echo in thousands of other distressed

uncles and parents. They use the most divergent and inadequate forms of

expression for this vague sense that the result has not come out good

enough; they put it contradictorily and often wrongly, but the sense is

widespread and real and justifiable, and we owe a great debt to “Kappa”

for an accurate diagnosis of what in the aggregate amounts to a grave

national and social evil.

The trouble with “Kappa’s” particular public-school boy is his unlit

imagination, the apathetic commonness of his attitude to life at large.

He is almost stupidly not interested in the mysteries of material fact,

nor in the riddles and great dramatic movements of history, indifferent

to any form of beauty, and pedantically devoted to the pettiness of

games and clothing and social conduct. It is, in fact, chiefly by his

style in these latter things, his extensive unilluminated knowledge of

Greek and Latin, and his greater costliness, that he differs from a

young carpenter or clerk. A young carpenter or clerk of the same

temperament would have no narrower prejudices nor outlook, no less

capacity for the discussion of broad questions and for imaginative

thinking. And it has come to the mind of “Kappa” as a discovery, as an

exceedingly remarkable and moving thing, a thing to cry aloud about,

that this should be so, that this is all that the best possible modern

education has achieved. He makes it more than a personal issue. He has

come to the conclusion that this is not an exceptional case at all, but

a fair sample of what our upper-class education does for the imagination

of those who must presently take the lead among us. He declares plainly

that we are raising a generation of rulers and of those with whom the

duty of initiative should chiefly reside, who have minds atrophied by

dull studies and deadening suggestions, and he thinks that this is a

matter of the gravest concern for the future of this land and Empire. It

is difficult to avoid agreeing with him either in his observation or in

his conclusion. Anyone who has seen much of undergraduates, or medical

students, or Army candidates, and also of their social subordinates,

must be disposed to agree that the difference between the two classes is

mainly in unimportant things—in polish, in manner, in superficialities

of accent and vocabulary and social habit—and that their minds, in range

and power, are very much on a level. With an invincibly aristocratic

tradition we are failing altogether to produce a leader class adequate

to modern needs. The State is light-headed.

But while one agrees with “Kappa” and shares his alarm, one must confess

the remedies he considers indicated do not seem quite so satisfactory as

his diagnosis of the disease. He attacks the curriculum and tells us we

must reduce or revolutionise instruction and exercise in the dead

languages, introduce a broader handling of history, a more inspiring

arrangement of scientific courses, and so forth. I wish, indeed, it were

possible to believe that substituting biology for Greek prose

composition, or history with models and photographs and diagrams for

Latin versification, would make any considerable difference in this

matter. For so one might discuss this question and still give no offence

to a most amiable and influential class of men. But the roots of the

evil, the ultimate cause of that typical young man’s deadness, lie not

at all in that direction. To indicate the direction in which it does lie

is quite unavoidably to give offence to an indiscriminatingly sensitive

class. Yet there is need to speak plainly. This deadening of soul comes

not from the omission or inclusion of this specific subject or that; it

is the effect of the general scholastic atmosphere. It is an atmosphere

that admits of no inspiration at all. It is an atmosphere from which

living stimulating influences have been excluded, from which stimulating

and vigorous personalities are now being carefully eliminated, and in

which dull, prosaic men prevail invincibly. The explanation of the inert

commonness of “Kappa’s” schoolboy lies not in his having learnt this or

not learnt that, but in the fact that from seven to twenty he has been

in the intellectual shadow of a number of good-hearted, sedulously

respectable, conscientiously manly, conforming, well-behaved men, who

never, to the knowledge of their pupils and the public, at any rate,

think strange thoughts, do imaginative or romantic things, pay tribute

to beauty, laugh carelessly, or countenance any irregularity in the

world. All erratic and enterprising tendencies in him have been checked

by them and brought at last to nothing; and so he emerges a mere

residuum of decent minor dispositions. The dullness of the scholastic

atmosphere, the grey, intolerant mediocrity that is the natural or

assumed quality of every upper-class schoolmaster, is the true cause of

the spiritual etiolation of “Kappa’s” young friend.

Now, it is a very grave thing, I know, to bring this charge against a

great profession—to say, as I do say, that it is collectively and

individually dull. But someone has to do this sooner or later; we have

restrained ourselves and argued away from the question too long. There

is, I allege, a great lack of vigorous and inspiring minds in our

schools. Our upper-class schools are out of touch with the thought of

the time, in a backwater of intellectual apathy. We have no original or

heroic school-teachers. Let me ask the reader frankly what part our

leading headmasters play in his intellectual world; if when some

prominent one among them speaks or writes or talks, he expects anything

more than platitudes and little things? Has he ever turned aside to

learn what this headmaster or that thought of any question that

interested him? Has he ever found freshness or power in a schoolmaster’s

discourse; or found a schoolmaster caring keenly for fine and beautiful

things? Who does not know the schoolmaster’s trite, safe admirations,

his thin, evasive discussion, his sham enthusiasms for cricket, for

fly-fishing, for perpendicular architecture, for boyish traits; his

timid refuge in “good form,” his deadly silences?

And if we do not find him a refreshing and inspiring person, and his

mind a fountain of thought in which we bathe and are restored, is it

likely our sons will? If the schoolmaster at large is grey and dull,

shirking interesting topics and emphatic speech, what must he be like in

the monotonous class-room? These may seem wanton charges to some, but I

am not speaking without my book. Monthly I am brought into close contact

with the pedagogic intelligence through the medium of three educational

magazines. A certain morbid habit against which I struggle in vain makes

me read everything I catch a schoolmaster wanting. I am, indeed, one of

the faithful band who read the Educational Supplement of the _Times_. In

these papers schoolmasters write about their business, lectures upon the

questions of their calling are reported at length, and a sort of invalid

discussion moves with painful decorum through the correspondence column.

The scholastic mind so displayed in action fascinates me. It is like

watching a game of billiards with wooden cushes and beechwood balls.

§ 2

But let me take one special instance. In a periodical, now no longer

living, called the _Independent Review_, there appeared some years ago a

very curious and typical contribution by the Headmaster of Dulwich,

which I may perhaps use as an illustration of the mental habits which

seem inseparably associated with modern scholastic work. It is called

“English Ideas on Education,” and it begins—trite, imitative,

undistinguished—thus:

“The most important question in a country is that of education, and the

most important people in a country are those who educate its

inhabitants. Others have most of the present in their hands: those who

educate have all the future. With the present is bound up all the

happiness only of the utterly selfish and the thoughtless among mankind;

on the future rest all the thoughts of every parent and every wise man

and patriot.”

It is the opening of a boy’s essay. And from first to last this

remarkable composition is at or below that level. It is an entirely

inconclusive paper, it is impossible to understand why it was written;

it quotes nothing, it says nothing about and was probably written in

ignorance of “Kappa” or any other modern contributor to English ideas,

and it occupied about six and a quarter of the large-type pages of this

now vanished _Independent Review_. “English Ideas on Education”!—this

very brevity is eloquent, the more so since the style is by no means

succinct. It must be read to be believed. It is quite extraordinarily

non-prehensile in quality and substance, nothing is gripped and

maintained and developed; it is like the passing of a lax hand over the

surfaces of disarranged things. It is difficult to read, because one’s

mind slips over it and emerges too soon at the end, mildly puzzled

though incurious still as to what it is all about. One perceives Mr.

Gilkes through a fog dimly thinking that Greek has something vital to do

with “a knowledge of language and man,” that the classical master is in

some mysterious way superior to the science man and more imaginative,

and that science men ought not to be worried with the Greek that is too

high for them; and he seems, too, to be under the odd illusion that “on

all this” Englishmen “seem now to be nearly in agreement,” and also on

the opinion that games are a little overdone and that civic duties and

the use of the rifle ought to be taught. Statements are made—the sort of

statements that are suffered in an atmosphere where there is no swift,

fierce opposition to be feared; frill out into vague qualifications and

butt gently against other partially contradictory statements. There is a

classification of minds—the sort of classification dear to the Y. M. C.

A. essayists, made for the purposes of the essay and unknown to

psychology. There are, we are told, accurate, unimaginative, ingenious

minds capable of science and kindred vulgar things (such was

Archimedes), and vague, imaginative minds, with the gift for language

and for the treatment of passion and the higher indefinable things (such

as Homer and Mr. Gilkes), and, somehow, this justifies those who are

destined for “science” in dropping Greek. Certain “considerations,”

however, loom inconclusively upon this issue—rather like interested

spectators of a street fight in a fog. For example, to learn a language

is valuable “in proportion as the nation speaking it is great”—a most

empty assertion; and “no languages are so good,” for the purpose of

improving style, “as the exact and beautiful languages of Rome and

Greece.”

Is it not time at least that this last, this favourite but threadbare

article of the schoolmaster’s creed was put away for good? Everyone who

has given any attention to this question must be aware that the

intellectual gesture is entirely different in highly inflected languages

such as Greek and Latin and in so uninflected a language as English,

that learning Greek to improve one’s English style is like learning to

swim in order to fence better, and that familiarity with Greek seems

only too often to render a man incapable of clear, strong expression in

English at all. Yet Mr. Gilkes can permit this old assertion, so dear to

country rectors and the classical scholar, to appear within a column’s

distance of such style as this:

“It is now understood that every subject is valuable, if it is properly

taught; it will perform that which, as follows from the accounts given

above of the aim of education, is the work most important in the case of

boys—that is, it will draw out their faculties and make them useful in

the world, alert, trained in industry, and able to understand, so far as

their school lessons educated them, and make themselves master of any

subject set before them.”

This quotation is conclusive.

§ 3

I am haunted by a fear that the careless reader will think I am writing

against upper-class schoolmasters. I am, it is undeniable, writing

against their dullness, but it is, I hold, a dullness that is imposed

upon them by the conditions under which they live. Indeed, I believe,

could I put the thing directly to the profession—“Do you not yourselves

feel needlessly limited and dull?”—I should receive a majority of

affirmative responses. We have, as a nation, a certain ideal of what a

schoolmaster must be; to that he must by art or nature approximate, and

there is no help for it but to alter our ideal. Nothing else of any wide

value can be done until that is done.

In the first place, the received ideal omits a most necessary condition.

We do not insist upon a headmaster, or indeed any of our academic

leaders and dignitaries, being a man of marked intellectual character, a

man of intellectual distinction. It is assumed, rather lightly in many

cases, that he has done “good work,” as they say—the sort of good work

that is usually no good at all, that increases nothing, changes nothing,

stimulates no one, leads no whither. That, surely, must be altered. We

must see to it that our leading schoolmasters at any rate must be men of

insight and creative intelligence, men who could at a pinch write a good

novel or produce illuminating criticism or take an original part in

theological or philosophical discussion, or do any of these minor

things. They must be authentic men, taking a line of their own and

capable of intellectual passion. They should be able to make their mark

outside the school, if only to show they carry a living soul into it. As

things are, nothing is so fatal to a schoolmaster’s career as to do

that.

And closely related to this omission is our extreme insistence upon what

we call high moral character, meaning, really, something very like an

entire absence of moral character. We insist upon tact, conformity, and

an unblemished record. Now, in these days of warring opinion, these days

of gigantic, strange issues that cannot possibly be expressed in the

formulæ of the smaller times that have gone before, tact is evasion,

conformity formality, and silence an unblemished record, mere evidence

of the damning burial of a talent of life. The sort of man into whose

hands we give our sons’ minds must never have experimented morally or

thought at all freely or vigorously about, for example, God, Socialism,

the Mosaic account of the Creation, social procedure, republicanism,

beauty, love, or, indeed, about anything likely to interest an

intelligent adolescent. At the approach of all such things he must have

acquired the habit of the modest cough, the infectious trick of the nice

evasion. How can “Kappa” expect inspiration from the decorous resultants

who satisfy these conditions? What brand can ever be lit at altars that

have borne no fire? And you find the secondary schoolmaster who complies

with these restrictions becoming the zealous and grateful agent of the

tendencies that have made him what he is, converting into a practice

those vague dreads of idiosyncrasy, of positive acts and new ideas, that

dictated the choice of him and his rule of life. His moral teaching

amounts to this: to inculcate truth-telling about small matters and

evasion about large, and to cultivate a morbid obsession in the

necessary dawn of sexual consciousness. So far from wanting to stimulate

the imagination, he hates and dreads it. I find him perpetually haunted

by a ridiculous fear that boys will “do something,” and in his terror

seeking whatever is dull and unstimulating and tiring in intellectual

work, clipping their reading, censoring their periodicals, expurgating

their classics, substituting the stupid grind of organised “games” for

natural, imaginative play, persecuting loafers—and so achieving his end

and turning out at last, clean-looking, passively well-behaved,

apathetic, obliterated young men, with the nicest manners and no spark

of initiative at all, quite safe not to “do anything” for ever.

I submit this may be a very good training for polite servants, but it is

not the way to make masters in the world. If we English believe we are

indeed a masterful people, we must be prepared to expose our children to

more and more various stimulations than we do; they must grow up free,

bold, adventurous, initiated, even if they have to take more risks in

the doing of that. An able and stimulating teacher is as rare as a fine

artist, and is a thing worth having for your son, even at the price of

shocking your wife by his lack of respect for that magnificent

compromise, the Establishment, or you by his Socialism or by his

Catholicism or Darwinism, or even by his erroneous choice of ties and

collars. Boys who are to be free, masterly men must hear free men

talking freely of religion, of philosophy, of conduct. They must have

heard men of this opinion and that, putting what they believe before

them with all the courage of conviction. They must have an idea of will

prevailing over form. It is far more important that boys should learn

from original, intellectually keen men than they should learn from

perfectly respectable men, or perfectly orthodox men, or perfectly nice

men. The vital thing to consider about your son’s schoolmaster is

whether he talked lifeless twaddle yesterday by way of a lesson, and not

whether he loved unwisely or was born of poor parents, or was seen

wearing a frock-coat in combination with a bowler, or confessed he

doubted the Apostles’ Creed, or called himself a Socialist, or any

disgraceful thing like that, so many years ago. It is that sort of thing

“Kappa” must invert if he wants a change in our public schools. You may

arrange and rearrange curricula, abolish Greek, substitute “science”—it

will not matter a rap. Even those model canoes of yours, “Kappa,” will

be wasted if you still insist upon model schoolmasters. So long as we

require our schoolmasters to be politic, conforming, undisturbing men,

setting up Polonius as an ideal for them, so long will their influence

deaden the souls of our sons.

THE ENDOWMENT OF MOTHERHOOD

Some few years ago the Fabian Society, which has been so efficient in

keeping English Socialism to the lines of “artfulness and the

’eighties,” refused to have anything to do with the Endowment of

Motherhood. Subsequently it repented and produced a characteristic

pamphlet in which the idea was presented with a sort of minimising

furtiveness as a mean little extension of outdoor relief. These Fabian

Socialists, instead of being the daring advanced people they are

supposed to be, are really in many things twenty years behind the times.

There need be nothing shamefaced about the presentation of the Endowment

of Motherhood. There is nothing shameful about it. It is a plain and

simple idea for which the mind of the man in the street has now been

very completely prepared. It has already crept into social legislation

to the extent of thirty shillings.

I suppose if one fact has been hammered into us in the past two decades

more than any other it is this: that the supply of children is falling

off in the modern State; that births, and particularly good-quality

births, are not abundant enough; that the birth-rate, and particularly

the good-class birth-rate, falls steadily below the needs of our future.

If no one else has said a word about this important matter, ex-President

Roosevelt would have sufficed to shout it to the ends of the earth.

Every civilised community is drifting towards “race-suicide” as Rome

drifted into “race-suicide” at the climax of her empire.

Well, it is absurd to go on building up a civilisation with a dwindling

supply of babies in the cradles—and these not of the best possible

sort—and so I suppose there is hardly an intelligent person in the

English-speaking communities who has not thought of some possible

remedy—from the naïve scoldings of Mr. Roosevelt and the more stolid of

the periodicals to sane and intelligible legislative projects.

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