From the SANDWICH ISLANDS, we have news to the 10th of April.

Parliament was opened on the 7th. In the Society group, the people of

Raiatea have rebelled against the authority of Queen Pomare. She had

just appointed one of her sons to the government of Raiatea, but

before his arrival the inhabitants had assembled, as those of the

others had previously done, elected a Governor of their own choice for

two years, and formed a Republic of confederated States, each island

to constitute a separate State. Military preparations had been made to

resist any attempt on the part of the Queen to regain her authority.

It was said that she had applied ineffectually for assistance to the

French, English, and American authorities at Tahiti. There seemed to

be little doubt that all the Leeward islands would establish their

independence.

MEXICO.

We have news from the city of Mexico to the 10th of May. The news of

the rejection of the Tehuantepec treaty is fully confirmed. The vote

was almost unanimous against it, and is fully sustained by the press

and public sentiment. The Government, however, has appointed Mr.

Larrainzas a special envoy to the United States, and has given him, it

is said, instructions for arranging this difficulty upon some

mutually-satisfactory basis. It is reported that Mexico is not

unwilling to grant a right of way across the Isthmus, but that the

very large grants of land embraced in the original treaty led to its

rejection. Upon this point, however, nothing definite is known.----A

difficulty has arisen between the Legislature of the State of Vera

Cruz and the Mexican Congress. The former insists upon a greater

reduction of the tariff of 1845 than the ten per cent. allowed by the

National Senate. The Senate will allow this reduction of ten per

cent., but refuses to do away with any of the duties. The Lower House

of Congress, on the contrary, is in favor of abolishing some of the

duties. Zacatecas and Durango, besides being ravaged by the savages,

are suffering from the visitation of a general famine.

SOUTH AMERICA.

From BUENOS AYRES we have news to the 5th of April. The upper

provinces have sent in felicitations to General Urquiza upon his

accession to power. It is thought that the provinces will unite in a

General Confederacy, under a Central Government, framed upon the model

of that of the United States: and it is suggested that General Urquiza

will probably aspire to the position of President. He is conducting

affairs firmly and successfully, though against great difficulties in

the province, and has issued several proclamations calling upon the

people to sustain him in maintaining order and tranquillity. It is

said that a rupture has occurred between the Brazilian authorities and

the Oriental government, in regard to the execution of late treaties

made and ratified by President Suarez. Negotiations had been

suspended.

From CHILI we hear of the execution, at Valparaiso, on the 4th of

April, of Cambiaso, the brigand leader of the convict insurrection at

the Straits of Magellan, together with six of his accomplices. They

all belonged to the army, Cambiaso being a lieutenant, and were

stationed at the garrison. The insurrection which he headed resulted

in the seizure of two American vessels, and the murder of all on

board. Several others connected with him were convicted, but pardoned

on proof that they had been forced to join him.

From RIO JANEIRO the only news of interest, is that of the ravages of

the yellow-fever, which has been very severe, especially among the

shipping. At the middle of April, there were great numbers of

American ships in port, unable to muster hands enough to get out of

port.

In PERU the Government has issued a decree against Gen. Flores's

expedition, dated the 14th of March, and stated that having received

repeated information of the warlike preparations taking place in Peru,

they have ordered the Prefects of the different provinces to take all

possible measures to put a stop to them; that government will not

afford protection to any Peruvian citizen who should embark on this

expedition, or take any part in it, and that all Peruvian vessels

engaged in the expedition, would no longer be considered as bearing

the national flag.

From NEW GRENADA we learn that the President has issued a Message

concerning the Flores expedition against Ecuador. From this it appears

that, according to a treaty of peace, amity, and alliance, established

between the Government and that of Ecuador, in December, 1832, the one

power is at all times bound to render aid to the other, both military

and pecuniary, in case of foreign invasion. To this end, the President

has proclaimed that there be raised in this country, either by loan or

force, the sum of sixteen millions of reals, or two millions dollars;

and further, that twenty thousand men be called to serve under arms,

in order to assist the sister republic. The President declares his

intention to oppose Flores and all countries rendering him aid, and

accuses Peru of fitting out two vessels, and Valparaiso one, to assist

in his expedition; he also demands authority to confiscate the

property of all natives and foreigners residing in New Grenada, who

may be found to have aided or abetted Flores in any way in his present

revolutionary movement. He further states his belief that Flores is

merely endeavoring to carry out his revolutionary movement of 1846, in

which he was defeated by the British Government, and that the object

of the present revolution is to re-establish a monarchical government

on the South Pacific coast, under the old Spanish rule. He also

expresses his fears that Flores, if successful in Ecuador, will

immediately come into New Grenada, and therefore deems it not only a

matter of honor, but also of policy, to assist Ecuador. Among the

documents submitted, is an official letter to the Ecuadorian

Government, from the United States Chargé d'Affairs at Guayaquil, the

Hon. C. CUSHING; in which he says that "he believes himself

sufficiently authorized to state that the Government of the United

States will not look with indifference at any warlike movements

against Ecuador, likely to effect its independence or present

government." At the latest dates, the 27th of April, Flores was still

at Puna, delaying his attack upon that place until the war he had

endeavored to excite between Peru and Ecuador, should break out. He

then expected sufficient aid from Peru to render his capture of the

place easy. Other accounts represent his forces as being rapidly

diminished by desertion; but these can scarcely be deemed authentic.

Reliable intelligence had reached Guayaquil that Peru had sent

reinforcements to the fleet of Flores, and this had created so great

an excitement that the residence of the Peruvian Consul was attacked

and demolished by a mob.

GREAT BRITAIN.

The intelligence from England extends from the 19th of April to the

22d of May, and embraces several items of more than ordinary interest.

Parliament re-assembled on the day first named, after the holiday

recess. In the House of Commons a committee was appointed, to inquire

into the condition of the British Empire in India,--after a speech

upon that subject from the President of the Board of Control, who

took occasion to say that the affairs of that country had never before

stood upon so good a footing, or in a position so well calculated to

develop its resources. There were now 2846 natives employed in

administrative offices, and forty educational establishments had been

endowed, in which the instruction given was of the highest

character.----On the 22d, Mr. Milner Gibson submitted a motion adverse

to continuing the duty upon paper, the stamp duties upon newspapers,

and the advertisement taxes. The proposition gave rise to a protracted

discussion, in which the injurious character of these duties, in

restricting the general diffusion of knowledge among the poorer

classes of the English people, was very generally admitted, and a wish

was expressed on all sides to have them removed. But the Chancellor of

the Exchequer feared the effect of such a step upon the revenue of the

kingdom--which the proposal would sacrifice to the extent of a million

and a half of pounds. Upon his motion the debate was adjourned until

the 12th of May, when it was renewed. Mr. Gladstone spoke earnestly in

exposition of the depressing influence of these taxes upon the

production and sale of books, but conceded full weight to the

financial reasons which had been urged against their removal. The vote

was then taken, first, upon the motion to abolish the paper duty as

soon as it could be done with safety to the revenue: which received

ayes, 107--noes, 195; being lost by a majority of 88; next, upon the

abolition of the stamp duty on newspapers; for which there were ayes,

100--noes, 199: majority against it, 99; and lastly, upon the motion

to abolish the tax upon advertisements, for which there were 116 ayes,

and 181 noes, and which was thus rejected by a majority of 65.----On

the 23d of April, the Militia Bill came up; and was supported by the

Ministerial party, and opposed by the late Ministers. Lord John

Russell opposed it, because he deemed it inadequate to the emergency.

The 41,000 infantry which it proposed to raise, he deemed

insufficient, and the character of the force provided, he feared would

make it unreliable. Lord Palmerston vindicated the bill against Lord

John's objections, and thought it at once less expensive and more

efficient than the one submitted by the late government. On the 26th,

to which the debate was adjourned, after further discussion, the

second reading of the bill was carried by 315 to 105.----The bill came

up again on the 6th, when Mr. Disraeli declared that its main object

was to habituate the people of Great Britain to the use of arms, and

thus to lay the foundation of a constitutional system of national

defense. He did not claim that the bill would at once produce a

disciplined army, able to encounter the veteran legions of the world;

but it would be a step in the right direction. After the debate, an

amendment, moved by Mr. Gibson, that the words 80,000 should not form

part of the bill, was rejected, 106 to 207. On the 13th, the debate

was renewed, and several other amendments, designed to embarrass the

bill, were rejected. But up to our latest dates, the vote on its final

passage had not been taken.----On the 10th of May, the Ministry was

defeated, upon a motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for leave

to bring in a bill to assign the four seats in Parliament, which would

be vacated if the bill for the disfranchisement of the borough of St.

Albans should pass. He proposed to assign two of these seats to the

West-Riding of Yorkshire, and the other two to the southern division

of the county of Lancaster. The motion was lost: receiving 148 votes

in favor, and 234 against it--being an anti-Ministerial majority of

86.----The Tenant Right Bill, intended to meliorate the condition of

land cultivators in Ireland, was rejected on the 5th, by a vote of 57

to 167, upon the second reading.----The Court of Exchequer having

decided against the right of Alderman Salomons to take his seat in

Parliament, Lord Lyndhurst has introduced a bill to remove Jewish

disabilities.----The Duke of Argyle called attention, on the 17th, to

the case of Mr. Murray, an Englishman, who was said to have been

imprisoned for several years in Rome, without a trial, and to be now

lying under sentence of death. The Earl of Malmesbury said that

strenuous efforts had been made to procure reliable information upon

this case; but that great difficulty had been experienced, in

consequence of the very defective and unworthy provisions which

existed for diplomatic intercourse with the Roman government. The Duke

of Argyle thought that the English government owed to its own dignity

some energetic action upon this case. The correspondence upon this

subject, as also that with Austria upon the expulsion of Protestant

missionaries from that country, was promised at an early day. On the

27th of April, Mr. Disraeli, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, made the

annual statement of the financial condition and necessities of the

kingdom, which had been awaited with great interest, as an official

announcement of the intended course of the new Ministry upon the

subject of taxation. He discussed, in succession, the three modes of

deriving income--from duties on imports, duties on domestic

manufactures, and direct taxation. During the last ten years, under

the policy established in 1842 by Sir Robert Peel, the duties upon

corn and other articles of import, have been reduced, in the

aggregate, upward of nine million pounds sterling; and this reduction

had been so steadily and regularly made every year, that any

proposition to restore them would now have very slight chances of

success. In the excise duties, also, there had been reductions to the

amount of a million and a half; and it was clear that the Minister who

should propose to increase the revenue by adding to the duties on

domestic manufactures, could not expect to be sustained by the House

or the country. The income tax had been very unpopular, and could only

be renewed last year, for a single year, and then with very

considerable modifications. Comparing the actual income of the past

year, with that which had been estimated, Mr. Disraeli said that,

while it had been estimated at £52,140,000, the actual income had been

£52,468,317, notwithstanding the loss of £640,000 by the change of the

house tax for the window duty, and the reduction in the coffee,

timber, and sugar duties. The customs had been estimated to produce

£20,000,000. After deducting the anticipated loss, £400,000, on

account of the three last-named duties, they had produced £20,673,000;

and the consumption of the articles on which the duties had been

reduced had increased--foreign coffee by 3,448,000 lbs., as compared

with 1851, when the higher and differential duty prevailed; and

colonial coffee from 28,216,000 lbs. to 29,130,000 lbs. Foreign sugar

had increased in the last year by 412,000 cwts., and since 1846 (when

the first reduction took place) by 1,900,000 cwts. a year; British

colonial sugar, by upward of 114,000 in 1852, as compared with 1851;

and during the last six years the consumption had increased 95,000

tons, or 33 per cent. on the consumption of 1846; and in timber the

result was the same. The other heads of revenue had been thus

estimated: Excise, £14,543,000; stamps, £6,310,000; taxes, £4,348,000;

property tax, £5,380,000; Post-office, £830,000; Woods and Forests,

£160,000; miscellaneous, £262,000; old stores, £450,000; and had

produced respectively £14,543,000, £6,346,000, £3,691,000, £5,283,000,

£1,056,000, £150,000, £287,000, and £395,000. The expenditure of the

year, estimated at £50,247,000, had been £50,291,000, and the surplus

in hand was £2,176,988. The expenditure for the current year he

estimated at £51,163,979, including an additional vote to be proposed

of £200,000 for the Kaffir war, and another of £350,000 for the

expenses of the militia. The income, which in some items had been

increased by the Exhibition last year, was estimated for the next year

thus--Customs, £20,572,000; Excise, £14,604,000; stamps, £6,339,000;

taxes, £3,090,000; property tax (the half-year), £2,641,500;

Post-office, £938,000; Woods and Forests, £235,000; miscellaneous,

£260,000; old stores, £400,000; total, £48,983,000, exhibiting a

deficiency of £2,180,479, which would be increased in the next year by

the total loss of the income tax, supposing it not to be renewed, to

£4,400,000. If, however, that tax were re-imposed, he calculated it

would produce net £5,187,000, which would give a gross income, from

all sources, of £51,625,000, the surplus would then be £461,021. And

though it would give him great pleasure to re-adjust the burdens of

taxation fairly and equally on all classes, and all interests, yet,

seeing the position of the finances, and the difficulty, if not

impossibility, of dealing with the subject in the present state of

feeling in the House and the country, he felt bound to propose the

re-imposition of the property and income tax for a further limited

period of one year. This statement was received by the House, as by

the whole country, as embodying a substantial tribute from the

Protectionist Ministry to the soundness of the Free Trade policy and

to the necessity of leaving it undisturbed.

The annual dinner of the Royal Academy was attended on the 1st with

more than usual eclat. Sir Charles Eastlake presided, and proposed the

health of the Duke of Wellington, who duly acknowledged the

compliment. The Earl of Derby was present, and spoke encouragingly of

the prospect of having a better building soon erected for the

accommodation of the Academy's works. Pleasant compliments were

exchanged between Disraeli and Lord John Russell, and speeches were

made by sundry other dignitaries who were in attendance.----At the

Lord Mayor's dinner, on the 8th, the festivities partook more of a

political character. The Earl of Derby spoke long and eloquently of

the nature of the British Government, urging that in all its various

departments it was a compromise between conflicting expedients and a

system of mutual concessions between apparently conflicting interests.

Count Walewski, the French Minister, congratulated the company on the

good understanding which prevailed between France and England, and Mr.

Disraeli spoke of the House of Commons as a true republic--"the only

republic, indeed, that exists founded upon the principles of liberty,

equality, and fraternity; but liberty there was maintained by

order--equality is mitigated by good taste, and fraternity takes the

shape of cordial brotherhood."----The anniversary dinner of the Royal

Literary Fund took place on the 12th, and was chiefly distinguished by

an amusing speech from Thackeray.

An important collision has occurred between the book publishers in

London and the retail booksellers, which has engrossed attention to no

inconsiderable extent. The publishers, it seems, have been in the

habit of fixing a retail price upon their books, and then selling them

to dealers at a deduction of twenty-five per cent. Some of the

latter, thinking to increase their sales thereby, have contented

themselves with a smaller rate of profit, and have sold their books at

less than the price fixed by the publishers. Against this the latter

have taken active measures of remonstrance, having formed an

association among themselves, and agreed to refuse to deal with

booksellers who should thus undersell the regular trade. On the other

hand the retail dealers have held meetings to assert their rights, and

one of them, held on the 4th, was attended by a very large number of

the authors and men of letters interested in the question. Mr. Dickens

presided, and a characteristic letter was read from Mr. Carlyle, who

was warmly in favor of the objects of the meeting, though he thought

many other things necessary to give authors their proper position in

society. The rights of the case were submitted to Lord Campbell, Mr.

Grote, and Dr. Milman, who heard both sides argued, and gave a

decision on the 18th, on all points _against_ the regulations for

which the publishers contended.

Very sad intelligence has reached England of the fate of a party of

seven missionaries, who were sent out by the Protestant Missionary

Society, in 1850, to Patagonia. Captain Gardiner was at the head of

the band. The vessel that took them out landed at Picton Island, off

the southern coast of Terra del Fuego, on the 6th of December, 1850,

and kept hovering about to see how they were likely to be received.

The natives seemed menacing: but on the 18th of December the

missionaries left the ship, and with their stores of provisions,

Bibles, &c., embarked in two boats, meaning to make for the coast of

Terra del Fuego. On the 19th the ship sailed; and no news of them

having reached England, the ship _Dido_ was ordered by the Admiralty

in October, 1850, to touch there, and ascertain their fate. The _Dido_

reached the coast in January, and after ten or twelve days of search,

on a rock near where they first landed on Picton Island, a writing was

found directing them to go to Spaniard Harbor, on the opposite Fuegan

coast. Here were found, near a large cavern, the unburied bodies of

Captain Gardiner and another of the party; and the next day the bodies

of three others were found. A manuscript journal, kept by Captain

Gardiner, down to the last day when, only two or three days before his

death, he became too weak to write, was also found, from which it

appeared that the parties were driven off by the natives whenever they

attempted to land; that they were thus compelled to go backward and

forward in their boats, and at last took refuge in Spaniard harbor, as

the only spot where they could be safe; that they lived there eight

months, partly in a cavern and partly under shelter of one of the

boats, and that three of them died by sickness, and the others by

literal and lingering starvation. Four months elapsed between the

death of the last of the party and the discovery of their bodies. The

publication of the journal of Captain Gardiner, in which profound

piety is shown mingled with his agonizing grief, has excited a deep

sensation throughout England.----An explosion occurred in a coal pit

in the Aberdare valley, South Wales, on the 10th, by which sixty-four

lives were lost; another pit near Pembrey filled with water the same

night, and twenty-seven men were drowned.----The fate of the Crystal

Palace was sealed by a vote in the House of Commons of 103 to 221 on a

proposition to provide for its preservation. It has been sold, and is

to be forthwith taken down, and re-erected out of town, for a winter

garden.----A memorial numerously and most respectably signed, was

presented to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, on the 17th of May,

praying that the Queen would extend clemency to the Irish State

prisoners now in exile at Van Dieman's Land. The Lord Lieutenant, in a

brief and direct speech, declined to lay the memorial before her

Majesty, on the ground that the exiles in question deserved no further

clemency at her hands. He noticed, with censure, the fact that one of

them had effected his escape.

FRANCE.

The _fêtes_ of May 10th, were attended with great splendor and eclat;

but the non-proclamation of the Empire on that occasion is the feature

most remarked upon by the foreign press. The number of troops present

is estimated at 80,000. The whole Champ de Mars had been prepared

especially for the occasion. The President was received with loud

applause. After distributing the eagles among the various regiments,

he addressed them briefly, saying that the history of nations was, in

a great measure, the history of armies--that on their success or

reverse depends the fate of civilization and of the country; that the

Roman eagle adopted by the Emperor Napoleon at the commencement of the

century was the most striking signification of the regeneration and

the grandeur of France; and that it should now be resumed, not as a

menace against foreign powers, but as the symbol of independence, the

souvenir of an heroic epoch, and as the sign of the nobleness of each

regiment. After this address the standards were taken to the chapel

and blessed by the Archbishop. The ceremonies were protracted and

attended by an immense concourse of spectators.----General Changarnier

has addressed a remarkable letter to the Minister of the Interior in

reply to his demand that he should take the oath of allegiance to

Louis Napoleon. He says that the President had repeatedly endeavored

to seduce him to his support--that he had offered not only to make him

Marshal but to confer upon him another military dignity unknown since

the Empire, and to attach to it immense pecuniary rewards; that when

he perceived that personal ambition had no effect upon him, he

endeavored to gain him over, by pretending a design to prepare the way

for the restoration of the Monarchy to which he supposed him to be

attached. All these attempts had been without effect. He had never

ceased to be ready to defend with energy the legal powers of Louis

Napoleon, and to give every opposition to the illegal prolongation of

those powers. The exile he had undergone in solitude and silence had

not changed his opinion of the duties he owed to France. He would

hasten to her defense should she be attacked, but he refused the oath

exacted by the perjured man who had failed to corrupt him. In reply to

this letter, M. Cassagnac, editor of the _Constitutionnel_, brought

against General Changarnier specific charges--that in March, 1849, he

demanded from Louis Napoleon written authority to throw the

Constituent Assembly out of the window--that he subsequently urged him

in the strongest manner to make a _coup d'etat_; and that in November,

1850, he assembled a number of political personages, and proposed to

them to arrest Louis Napoleon and send him to prison, to prorogue the

Assembly for six months, and to make him Dictator. It was further

alleged that one of the persons present at this meeting was M. Molé,

who refused to sanction the scheme and immediately disclosed it to the

President. Count Molé immediately published an indignant denial of the

whole story, so far as his name had been connected with it.----General

Lamoriciere has, also, in a published letter, refused to take the oath

required; he declares his readiness to defend France against foreign

foes whenever she shall be attacked, but he will not take the oath of

fidelity to a perjured chief.----The venerable astronomer, Arago, has

also refused to take the oath of allegiance required of all connected

in any way with the government. He wrote a firm and dignified letter

to the Minister notifying him of his purpose, and calling on him to

designate the day when it would be necessary for him to quit the

Bureau of Longitude with which he had been so closely connected for

half a century. He also informed him that he should address a circular

letter to scientific men throughout the world, explaining the

necessity which drove him from an establishment with which his name

had been so long associated, and to vindicate his motives from

suspicion. The Minister informed him that, in consideration of his

eminent services to the cause of science, the government had decided

not to exact the oath, and that he could therefore retain his

post.----These examples of non-concurrence in the new policy of the

President have been followed by inferior magistrates in various parts

of France. In several of the departments members of the local councils

have refused to take the oaths of allegiance, and in the towns of

Havre, Thiers, and Evreux the tribunals of commerce have done

likewise. The civil courts of Paris have also, in one or two

instances, asserted their independence by deciding against the

government in prosecutions commenced against the press. On the 23d of

April, moreover, the civil tribunal gave judgment on the demand made

by the Princes of the Orleans family to declare illegal the seizure by

the Prefect of the Seine, of the estates of Neuilly and Monceaux,

under the decree of the 22d of January, relative to the property of

the late king, Louis Philippe. In answer to this demand, the Prefect

of the Seine, in the name of the government, called on the tribunal to

declare that the decree of 22d January was a legislative act, and the

seizure of the property an administrative act, and that consequently

the tribunal had no jurisdiction. The case was pleaded at great

length; and the court pronounced a judgment declaring itself

competent, keeping the case before it, fixing a day for discussing it

on its merits, and condemning the Prefect in costs. These movements

indicate a certain degree of reaction in the public mind, and have

prepared the way for the favorable reception of a letter which the

Bourbon pretender, the Count de Chambord, has issued to the partisans

of monarchy throughout France. This letter is dated at Venice, April

27, and is designed as an official declaration of his wishes to all

who wish still to remain faithful to the principles which he

represents. He declares it to be the first duty of royalists to do no

act, to enter into no engagement, in opposition to their political

faith. They must not hesitate, therefore, to refuse all offices where

promises are required from them contrary to their principles, and

which would not permit them to do in all circumstances what their

convictions impose upon them. Still, important and active duties are

devolved upon them. They should reside as much as possible in the

midst of the population on whom they can exercise influence, and

should try, by rendering themselves useful to them, to acquire, each

day, still greater claims to their gratitude and confidence. They

ought also to aid the government in its struggles against anarchy and

socialism, and to show themselves in all emergencies the most

courageous defenders of social order. Even in case of an attempt to

re-establish the Empire, they are exhorted to abstain from doing any

thing to endanger the repose of the country, but to protest formally

against any change which can endanger the destinies of France, and

expose it once more to catastrophes and perils from which the

legitimate monarchy alone can save it. He urges them to be unalterable

on matters of principle, but at the same time calm, patient, and ever

moderate and conciliating toward persons. "Let your ranks, your

hearts," he says, "like mine, remain continually open to all. We are

all thrown on times of trials and of sacrifices; and my friends will

not forget that it is from the land of exile that I make this new

appeal to their constancy and their devotedness. Happier days are yet

in store for France and for us. I am certain of the fact. It is in my

ardent love for my country--it is in the hope of serving it--of being

able to serve it--that I gather the strength and the courage necessary

for me to accomplish the great duties which have been imposed on me by

Providence."----Additional importance is ascribed to this proclamation

from the fact that it was made just after a visit from the Grand Dukes

of Russia and Venice, and just before the arrival of the Emperor

Nicholas at Vienna. The death of Prince Schwarzenberg is supposed to

have led to a still closer union of interest and of policy between

Austria and Russia, as the personal leanings both of the Austrian

Emperor, and the new prime Minister are known to be in that direction.

Some further developments have been made of the sentiments of the

three allied powers, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, concerning the

re-establishment of the Empire in France. It is represented that the

late Minister of Austria was in favor of encouraging such a step, but

that both the other powers concurred in saying that the accomplishment

of it would be a "violation of the treaties of 1814 and 1815, inasmuch

as those treaties have excluded for ever the family of Bonaparte from

the government of France." Now, those treaties form the basis of the

whole policy of Europe; and it is the duty of the powers to demand

that they shall be respected by the President of the Republic himself

in all their provisions, and particularly not to permit any infraction

of them as to the point in question, which has reference to him

personally. Nevertheless, the sovereigns of Prussia and Russia would

not perhaps be disposed to refuse to recognize Louis Napoleon

Bonaparte as Emperor of the French Republic--if that title were

conferred on him by a new plébiscite--as had been spoken of but they

should only recognize him as an elective Emperor, and for life, with

only a status analogous to that of the former kings of Poland. If the

two cabinets of St. Petersburg and Berlin consented to such a

recognition, it was the utmost that it was possible to do; but, most

certainly, beyond that point they should never go. At the same time,

the cabinets formally declare, that they would only recognize the

Emperor of the French Republic on the condition of his election being

the result of the mode already announced (the plébiscite). They will

not admit any other manner of re-establishing in France an imperial

throne, even were it but for life; the two sovereigns being firmly

resolved never to accept in the person of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte,

any other than the supreme elective chief of the Republic, and to

oppose by all the means in their power the pretension of establishing

the actual President of the French Republic as Emperor, in the sense

of an hereditary transmitter or founder of a Napoleonian dynasty. They

add, that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte not being the issue of a sovereign

or reigning family, can not become a real sovereign, or assimilate

himself to reigning houses.----The pictures belonging to the late

Marshal Soult were sold at auction on the 19th. The collection

consisted of 157 paintings, and among them were many of the

master-pieces of the old masters. The most celebrated was Murillo's

'Conception of the Virgin,' for which the chief competitors were the

Emperor of Russia, the Queen of Spain, and the Director of the Louvre.

It was bought by the latter at the enormous price of 586,000

francs,--or about $117,200.

EASTERN AND SOUTHERN EUROPE.

In PRUSSIA, a communication was made on the 28th of April by the King

to the Chambers, transmitting a bill to abolish the articles of the

Constitution and regulate the organization of the peerage. In the

First Chamber it was referred to the existing committee on the

constitution of the body concerned. In the Second Chamber a committee

was appointed to consider the measure. The minister desired that the

matter might be quickly dispatched. In the same sitting of the 28th,

the Second Chamber came to two other important votes. It rejected, by

a majority of 186 to 82, the resolution of the First Chamber, and

which, dividing the budget of ordinary and extraordinary expenses,

decided that the first should be no longer fixed annually, but once

for all, and that no future modification should take place, except by

a law. It also rejected, by 225 to 57, another decision of the First

Chamber, by which it had declared, in opposition to the Constitution,

that it could vote the budget, article by article, like the Second

Chamber.

In TUSCANY a decree of the Grand Duke has abolished the Constitution

and Civic Guard, and constituted the government on the same basis as

before 1848. The ministers are henceforward responsible to the Grand

Duke; the Council of State is separated from that of the Ministers;

the communal law of 1849 and the law on the press are to be revised.

The DANISH question has been settled in London, by conferences of the

representatives of the several powers concerned. Prince Christian of

Glucksberg is to succeed to the crown on the death of the present King

and his brother, both of whom are childless.

In TURKEY all differences with Egypt have been adjusted. Fuad-Effendi,

it is announced by the Paris _Presse_, justifying all the hopes which

his mission had given birth to, has come to a complete understanding

with the Egyptian government, whose good intentions and perfect fair

dealing he admits. The Viceroy accepts the code with the modifications

called for by the state of the country, and which the Turco-Egyptian

Commissioners had already fixed in their conferences at

Constantinople. On its side, the Porte accords to the Viceroy the

right of applying the punishment of death during seven years, without

reference to the divan.

Editor's Table.

The birth-day of a nation is not merely a figurative expression.

Nations are _born_ as well as men. The very etymology of the word

implies as much. Social compacts may be _declarative of their

independence_, or definitive of their existence, but do not create

them. In truth, all such compacts and conventions do in themselves

imply a previous natural growth or organization lying necessarily

still farther back, as the ground of any legitimacy they may possess.

There can be no _con-vening_ unless there is something to determine,

_a priori_, who shall _come together_, and how they shall come

together--as _representatives_ of what _principals_--as _parts_ of

what ascertained _whole_--with what powers, on what terms, and for

what ends. There can no more be an artificial nation than an

artificial language. Aside from other influences, all attempts of the

kind must be as abortive in politics as they have ever been in

philology. Nations are not manufactured, either to order or otherwise,

but born--born of other nations, and nurtured in those peculiar

arrangements of God's providence which are expressly adapted to such a

result. The analogy between them and individuals may be traced to

almost any extent. They have, in general, some one event in which

there may be discovered the conceptive principle, or _principium_, of

their national life. They have their embryo or formative period. They

have their _birth_, or the time of their complete separation from the

maternal nationality to which they were most nearly and dependently

united. They have their struggling infancy--their youth--their

growth--_their heroic period_--their iron age of hardship

and utility--their manhood--their silver age of luxury and

refinement--their golden age of art and science and literature--their

acme--their decline--their decay--their final extinction, or else

their dissolution into those fragmentary organisms from which spring

up again the elements or seeds of future nationalities.

We need not trace our own history through each of these periods. The

incipient stages have all been ours, although, in consequence of a

more healthy and vigorous maternity, we have passed through them with

a rapidity of which the previous annals of the world present no

examples. Less than a century has elapsed since that birth, whose

festive natal day is presented in the calendar of the present month,

and yet we are already approaching the season of manhood. We have

passed that proud period which never comes but once in a nation's

life, although it may be succeeded by others far surpassing it in what

may be esteemed the more substantial elements of national wealth and

national prosperity. Almost every state has had its HEROIC AGE. We too

have had ours, and we may justly boast of it as one equaling in

interest and grandeur any similar period in the annals of Greece and

Rome--as one which would not shrink from a comparison with the

chivalrous youth of any of the nations of modern Europe. It is the

unselfish age, or rather, the time when the self-consciousness, both

individual and national, is lost in some strong and all-absorbing

emotion--when a strange elevation of feeling and dignity of action are

imparted to human nature, and men act from motives which seem

unnatural and incredible to the more calculating and selfish

temperaments of succeeding times. It is a period which seems designed

by Providence, not for itself only, or the great effects of which it

is the immediate cause, but for its influence upon the whole

after-current of the national existence. The strong remembrance of it

becomes a part of the national life; it enters into its most common

and constant thinking, gives a peculiar direction to its feeling; it

imparts a peculiar character to its subsequent action; it makes its

whole historical being very different from what it would have been had

there been no such epic commencement, no such superhuman or _heroic

birth_. It furnishes a treasury of glorious reminiscences wherewith to

reinvigorate from time to time the national virtue when impaired, as

it ever is, by the factious, and selfish, and unheroic temper produced

by subsequent days of merely economical or utilitarian prosperity.

This heroic age must pass away. It is sustained, while it lasts, by

special influences which can not have place in the common life and

ordinary work of humanity. Its continuance, therefore, would be

inconsistent with other benefits and other improvements of a more

sober or less exciting kind, but which, nevertheless, belong to the

proper development of the state. The deep effects, however, still

remain. It inspires the poet and the orator. It furnishes the

historian with his richest page. It tinges the whole current of the

national literature. In fact, there can be no such thing as a national

literature, in its truest sense--there can be no national poetry, no

true national art, no national music, except as more or less

intimately connected with the spirit of such a period.

It was not the genius of democracy simply, as Grote and some other

historians maintain, but the heroic remembrances of the Persian

invasion, that roused the Grecian mind, and created the brilliant

period of the Grecian civilization. The new energy that came from this

period was felt in every department--of song, of eloquence, of art,

and even of philosophy. Marathon and Salamis still sustained the

national life when it was waning under the mere political wisdom of

Pericles, the factious recklessness of Alcibiades, and the still more

debasing influence of the venal demagogues of later times. When this

old spirit had gone out, there was nothing in the mere forms of her

free institutions that could prevent Athens from sinking down into

insignificance, or from being absorbed in the growth of new and rising

powers.

Rome would never have been the mistress of the world, had it not been

for the heroic impetus generated in the events which marked her

earliest annals. Even if we are driven to regard these as in a great

measure mythical, they still, in the highest and most valid sense,

belong to Roman history, and all the efforts of Niebuhr and of Arnold

have failed, and ever will fail, to divest them of the rank they have

heretofore maintained among the formative influences in the Roman

character. They entered into the national memory. They formed for ages

the richest and most suggestive part of the national thinking. They

became thus more really and vitally incorporated into the national

being than many events whose historical authenticity no critic has

ever called in question. But we can not believe them wholly or even

mainly mythical. Some of the more modern theories on this subject will

have to be re-examined. With all their plausibility they are open to

the objection of presenting the mightiest effects without adequate or

corresponding causes. Twelve hundred years of empire, such as that of

Rome, could not well have had its origin in any period marked by

events less strangely grand and chivalrous than those that Livy has

recorded. Brutus, and Cincinnatus, and Fabricius, must have been as

real as the splendid reality which could only have grown out of so

heroic an ancestry. The spirit of Numa more truly ruled, even in the

later Roman empire, than did ever that of Augustus. It was yet

powerful in the days of Constantine. It was still present in that

desperate struggle which made it difficult, even for a Christian

senate, to cast out the last vestiges of the old religion, and to

banish the Goddess of Victory from the altars and temples she had so

long occupied.

A similar view, drawn from the Jewish history, must commend itself to

every one who has even an ordinary knowledge of the Scriptures. The

glorious deliverances from Egyptian bondage, the sublime reminiscences

of Sinai, the heroic, as exhibited in Moses, and Joshua, and Jephthah,

and Gideon, are ever reappearing in the Hebrew prophetic and lyrical

poetry. These proud recollections cheer them in the long years of the

captivity. Even in the latest and most debasing periods of their

history, they impart an almost superhuman energy to their struggle

with Rome; and what is more than all, after having sustained the

Jewish song, and the Jewish eloquence, during ages of depressing

conflict, their influence is still felt in all the noblest departments

of Christian art and Christian literature.

No, we may almost say it, there can not truly be a nation without

something that may be called its heroic age; or if there have been

such, the want of this necessary fountain of political vitality has

been the very reason why they have perished from the pages of history.

We, too, have had such a period in our annals, and we are all the

better for it, and shall be all the better for it, as long as our

political existence shall endure. Some such chapter in our history

seems necessary to legitimate our claim to the appellation; and

however extravagant it may seem, the assertion may, nevertheless, be

hazarded, that one borrowed from the maternal nationality, or from a

foreign source, or even altogether mythical, would be better than none

at all. If we had not had our Pilgrim Fathers, our Mayflower band, our

Plymouth Rock, our Bunker Hill, our Saratoga, our Washingtons, our

Warrens, our Putnams, our Montgomerys, our heroic martyr-Congresses,

voting with the executioner and the ax before their eyes, we might

better have drawn upon the epic imagination for some such introduction

to our political existence, than regard it as commencing merely with

prosaic paper compacts, or such artificial gatherings as are presented

in your unheroic, though very respectable Baltimore and Harrisburg

Conventions.

Some such chivalrous commencement is, moreover, absolutely essential

to that great idea of national _continuity_, so necessary for the

highest ends of political organization; and yet so liable to be

impaired or wholly lost in the strife of those ephemeral parties,

those ever-gathering, ever-dissolving factions, which, ignoring both

the future and the past, are absorbed solely in the magnified

interests of the present hour. For this purpose, we want an antiquity

of some kind--even though it may not be a distant one--something

parted from us by events so grand, so unselfish, so unlike the common,

every-day acts of the current years, as to have the appearance at

least of a sacred and memory-hallowed remoteness. We need to have our

store of glorious olden chronicles, over which time has thrown his

robe of reverence--a reverence which no profane criticism of after

days shall be allowed to call in question, no subsequent statistics be

permitted to impair. We need to have our proud remembrances for all

parties, for all interests, for all ages--our common fund of heroic

thought, affording a constant supply for the common mind of the state,

thus ever living in the national history, connecting each present not

only with such a heroic commencement, but, through it, with all the

past that intervenes, and in this way furnishing a historical bond of

union stronger than can be found in any amount of compromises or paper

constitutions.

If we would be truly a State, we must have "_the Fathers_," and the

revered "olden time." It is in some such veneration for a common

glorious ancestry that a political organization finds its deepest

root. Instead of being absurd, it is the most rational, as well as the

most conservative of all feelings in which we can indulge. The more we

are under its influence, the higher do we rise in the scale of being

above the mere animal state, and that individualism which is its chief

characteristic. It is a "good and holy thought" thus to regard the

dead as still present with us, and past generations as still having an

interest in our history--still justly claiming some voice in the

administration of that _inheritance_ they have transmitted to us, and

in respect to which our influence over the ages to come will be in

proportion to our reverential remembrance of those that have preceded.

Such a feeling is the opposite of that banefully radical and

disorganizing view which regards the state as a mere aggregation of

individual local fragments in space, and a succession of

separately-flowing drops in time--which looks upon the present

majority of the present generation as representing the whole national

existence, and which is, of course, not only inconsistent with any

true historical life, but with any thing which is really entitled to

the name of fundamental or constitutional law. It is the opposite,

both in its nature and its effects, of that contemptible cant now so

common in both political parties, and which is ever talking of "Young

America" as some new development, unconnected with any thing that has

ever gone before it. The heroic men of our revolution, they were

"Young America;" the gambling managers of modern political caucuses,

to whatever party they may belong, or whatever may be their age or

standing, are the real and veritable "old fogies."

We can not attach too much importance to this idea of _inheritance_,

so deeply grounded in the human mind. The _Sancti Patres_ are

indispensable to a true historical nationality. Hence the classical

name for country--_Patria a patribus_--_The Father-land_. We love it,

not simply for its present enjoyments and present associations, but

for its past recollections--

Land of the Pilgrims' pride,

Land where our fathers died.

Without some such thought of transmitted interest continually carrying

the past into the present, and both into the future, patriotism is but

the cant of the demagogue. Our country is our country, not only in

space, but in time--not only territorially, but historically; and it

is in this latter aspect it must ever present its most intense and

vital interest. Where such an interest is excluded, or unappreciated,

there is nothing elevated, nothing heroic, to which the name of

patriotism can be given. There is nothing but the most momentary

selfishness which can bind our affections to one spot on earth more

than to any other.

Opposed to this is a species of cosmopolitanism, which sometimes

claims the Scriptures as being on its side. The opinion, however, will

not stand the test of fair interpretation. The Bible, it is true,

enjoins love to all mankind, but not as a blind and abstract

philanthropy which would pass over all the intermediate gradations

that Infinite Wisdom has appointed. Love of "the fathers," love of

family, love of kindred, love of "our own people"--"our own,

our _native_ land"--our "own Zion," nationally, as well as

ecclesiastically, are commended, not only as good in themselves, but

as the foundation of all the other social virtues, as the appointed

means, in fact, by which the circle of the affections is legitimately

expanded, and, at the same time, with a preservation of that intensity

of feeling which is never found in any inflating abstract cosmopolitan

benevolence.

In no book, too, do we find more distinctly set forth that idea which

we have styled the root of all true patriotism--the idea of the

national continuance from generation to generation, as a living,

responsible whole--as one ever-flowing stream, in which the individual

parts are passing away, it is true but evermore passing to that

"congregation of the fathers" which still lives in the present organic

life. It is presented, too, not as any difficult or transcendental or

mystical conception, but as a thought belonging everywhere to the

common mind, and necessarily underlying all those dread views the

Scripture so often give us of national accountability and national

retribution.

Every country distinguished for great deeds has ever been proud of its

ancestors; has ever gloried in the facts of its early history; has

ever connected them with whatever was glorious in its later annals has

ever made them the boast of its eloquence, the themes of its poetry,

and the subjects of festal rejoicings. In the preservation of such

feelings and such ideas, our annual Fourth of July celebrations

instead of being useless, and worse than useless periods of noisy

declamation, as some would contend, are, in fact, doing more to

preserve our union than the strongest legislative acts. This may hold

when every other cable in the vessel has parted. The bare thought that

our glorious old Fourth of July could never more be celebrated in its

true spirit (and it would be equally gone for each and every sundered

fragment) is enough to check the wildest faction, and to stay the hand

of the most reckless disunionist.

It was in view of such an effect, that one of our wisest statesmen,

one the farthest removed from the demagogue, and himself a

participator in our heroic struggle, is represented as so

enthusiastically commending this annual festival to the perpetual

observation of posterity, "Through the thick gloom of the present," he

exclaims, "I see the brightness of the future as the sun in heaven. We

shall make this _a glorious, an immortal day_. When we are in our

graves our children will honor it. They will celebrate it with

thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations. On its

annual return, they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears of

exultation of gratitude, and of joy." "And so that day _shall_ be

honored," continues his eloquent eulogist--"And so that day shall be

honored, illustrious prophet and patriot! so that day shall be

honored, and as often as it returns thy renown shall come along with

it, and the glory of thy life, like the day of thy death, shall not

fail from the remembrance of men!"

The highest reason, then, as well as the purest feeling, bid us not be

ashamed of glorying in our forefathers. Scripture is in unison here

with patriotism in commending the sacred sentiment. There is a

religious element in the true love of race and country. "The God of

our Fathers" becomes a prime article of the national as well as of the

ecclesiastical creed, and without the feeling inspired by it,

nationality may turn out to be a mere figment, which all political

bandages will fail to sustain against the disorganizing influence of

factious or sectional interests. It is not absurd, too, to cherish the

belief that our ancestors were better men than ourselves, if we

ourselves are truly made better by thus believing.

As we have remarked before, there may be mythical exaggeration

attending such tradition, but if so, this very exaggeration must have

had its ground in something really transcending what takes place in

the ordinary course of a nation's life. Some late German scholars have

been hunting out depreciating charges against the hero of Marathon,

and, for this purpose, have subjected his very ashes to the most

searching critical analysis. Truth, it may be said, is always sacred.

We would not wish to undervalue the importance of the sentiment. But

Miltiades the patriot is the real element that exerted so heroic an

effect upon the subsequent Grecian history. Miltiades charged with

political offenses lives only as the subject of antiquarian research,

or a humiliating example of the common depravity appearing among the

most lauded of mankind. And so, in our own case, what political

utility can there be in discovering, even if it were so, that

Washington was not so wise, or Warren so brave, or Putnam so

adventurous, or Bunker Hill so heroically contested, as has been

believed? Away with such skepticism, we say, and the mousing criticism

by which it is sometimes attempted to be supported. Such beliefs have

at all events become real for us by entering into the very soul of our

history, and forming the staple of our national thought. To take them

away would now be a baneful disorganizing of the national mind. Their

influence has been felt in every subsequent event. Saratoga and

Monmouth have reappeared in Chippewa, and New Orleans, and Buena

Vista. May it not be hoped, too, that something of the men who

convened in Philadelphia on the 4th of July, 1776, or of that earlier

band on whom Burke pronounced his splendid eulogy, may still live,

even in the worst and poorest of our modern Congresses!

Again, this reverence for "the fathers" is the most healthfully

conservative of all influences, because it presents the common sacred

ground on which all political parties, all sectional divisions, and

all religious denominations can heartily unite. Every such difference

ought to give way, and, in general, does give way, in the presence of

the healing spirit that comes to us from the remembrance of those old

heroic times. The right thinking Episcopalian not only acquiesces, but

rejoices cordially in the praises of the Pilgrim Fathers. He can glory

even in their stern puritanism, without losing a particle of reverence

or respect for his own cherished views. The Presbyterian glows with

pride at the mention of the cavaliers of Virginia, and sees in their

ancient loyalty the strength and consistency of their modern

republicanism. The most rigid Churchman of either school--whether of

Canterbury or Geneva--finds his soul refreshed by the thought of that

more than martial heroism which distinguished the followers of Penn

and the first colonists of Pennsylvania.

Our rapid editorial view has been suggested by the great festal period

of the current month; but we can not close it without the expression

of one thought which we deem of the highest importance. If the

influences coming from this heroic age of our history are so very

precious, we should be careful not to diminish their true conservative

power, by associating them with every wretched imitation for which

there may be claimed the same or a similar name. The memory of our

revolution (to which we could show, if time permitted, there should be

given a truer and a nobler epithet) is greatly lowered by being

compared continually with every miserable Cuban expedition and

Canadian invasion, or every European _émeute_, without any reference

to the grounds on which they are attempted, or the characters and

motives of those by whom they are commenced. We may indeed sympathize

with every true effort to burst the hard bonds of irresponsible power;

but we should carefully see to it that our own sacred deposit of

glorious national reminiscences lose not all its reverence by being

brought out for too common uses, or profaned by too frequent

comparison with that which is really far below it, if not altogether

of a different kind. When Washington and Greene and Franklin are thus

placed side by side with Lopez, and Ledru-Rollin, and Louis Blanc, or

a profane parallel is run between the Pilgrim colonists and modern

Socialists and St. Simonians, there is only an inevitable degradation

on the one side without any true corresponding elevation on the other.

They are the enemies of our revolution, and of its true spirit, who

are thus for making it subservient to all purposes that may be

supposed to bear the least resemblance. Our fathers' struggle, be it

ever remembered, was not for the subversion but the conservation of

constitutional law, and, therefore, even its most turbulent and

seemingly lawless acts acquire a dignity placing them above all vulgar

reference, and all vulgar imitation. He is neither a patriot nor a

philanthropist who would compare the destruction of the tea in the

harbor of Boston with every abolition riot, or every resistance to our

own solemnly enacted laws, or every lynching mob that chooses to

caricature the forms of justice, or every French _émeute_, or

revolutionary movement with its mock heroics--its burlesque travestie

of institutions it can not comprehend, and of a liberty for which it

so soon shows itself utterly unqualified. It is our mission to redeem

and elevate mankind, by showing that the spirit of our heroic times

lives constantly in the political institutions to which they gave

birth, and that republican forms are perfectly consistent, not only

with personal liberty, but with all those higher ideas that are

connected with the conservation of law, of reverence, of loyalty, of

rational submission to right authority--in a word, of true

_self-government_, as the positive antithesis to that animal and

counterfeit thing--the _government of self_. It is not the

conservative who is staying the true progress of mankind. A licentious

press, a corrupt and gambling spirit of faction in our political

parties, and, above all, frequent exhibitions of vulgar demagoguism in

our legislative bodies, may do more to strengthen and perpetuate the

European monarchies, than all the ignorance of their subjects, and all

the power of their armies.

Editor's Easy Chair.

An Easy Chair for July, and specially for such hot July, as we doubt

not is just now ripening over our readers' heads, should be a cool

chair, with a lining of leather, rather than the soft plushes which

beguile the winter of its iciness. Just so, we should be on the

look-out in these hap-hazard pages, that close our monthly labors, for

what may be cooling in the way of talk; and should make our periods

wear such shadows as will be grateful to our sun-beaten readers.

If by a touch of the pen, we could, for instance, build up a grove of

leaf-covered trees, with some pebble-bottomed brook fretting

below--idly, carelessly, impetuously--even as our pen goes fretting

over this Paris _feuille_; and if we could steep our type in that

summer fragrance which lends itself to the country groves of July; and

if we could superadd--like so many fragmentary sparkles of verse--the

songs of July birds--what a claimant of your thanks we should become?

Much as a man may be street-ridden, after long city experience--even

as the old and rheumatic become bed-ridden--yet the far-off shores of

Hoboken, and the tree-whispers of St. John's and Grammercy Parks, do

keep alive somewhat of the Eden longings, which are born into the

world with us, and which can only die when our hearts are dead.

And hence it is that we find it a loving duty to linger much and often

as we may in this sunny season of the year (alas, that it should be

only in imagination!) around rural haunts--plucking flowers with

broad-bonneted girls--studying shadows with artist eye--brushing the

dews away with farmers' boys--lolling in pools with sleek-limbed

cattle--dropping worms or minnow with artist anglers, and humming to

ourselves, in the soft and genial spirit of the scene, such old-time

pleasant verses as these:

The lofty woods, the forests wide and long,

Adorned with leaves and branches fresh and green,

In whose cool bowers the birds with many a song

Do welcome with their quire the summer's queen;

The meadows fair, where Flora's gifts among

Are intermixed with verdant grass between;

The silver-scaled fish that softly swim

Within the sweet brook's crystal watery stream.

All these and many more of His creation

That made the Heavens, the angler oft doth see;

Taking therein no little delectation,

To think how strange, how wonderful they be;

Framing, thereof, an inward contemplation,

To set his heart from other fancies free;

And while he looks on these with joyful eye,

His mind is rapt above the starry sky.

And since we are thus in the humor of old and rural-imaged

verse--notwithstanding the puff and creak of the printing enginery is

coming up from the caverns below us (a very Vulcan to the Venus of our

thought) we shall ask your thanks for yet another triad of verses,

which will (if you be not utterly barren) breed daisies on your

vision.

The poet has spoken of such omnibus drives and Perrine pavements as

offended good sense two or three hundred years ago:

Let them that list these pleasures then pursue,

And on their foolish fancies feed their fill;

So I the fields and meadows green may view,

And by the rivers fresh may walk at will,

Among the daizies and the violets blue,

Red hyacinth, and yellow daffodil,

Purple narcissus like the morning rayes,

Pale ganderglas, and azure culverkayes.

I count it better pleasure to behold

The goodly compass of the loftie skie;

And in the midst thereof, like burning gold,

The flaming chariot of the world's great eye;

The wat'ry clouds that in the ayre up rolled

With sundry kinds of painted colors flie;

And faire Aurora lifting up her head,

All blushing rise from old Tithonus' bed.

The hills and mountains raised from the plains,

The plains extended level with the ground,

The ground divided into sundry vaines,

The vaines enclosed with running rivers round,

The rivers making way through Nature's chaines,

With headlong course into the sea profound;

The surging sea beneath the vallies low,

The vallies sweet, and lakes that gently flow.

The reader may thank us for a seasonable bouquet--tied up with old

ribbon indeed, and in the old free and easy way--but the perfume is

richer than the artificial scents of your modern verse.

* * * * *

We do not know who first gave the epithet "leafy June;" but the

goodness of the term was never so plain, as through that twelfthlet of

the year which has just shadowed our paths. Whether it be the heavy

rains of the early spring, or an over-luxurious outburst from the

over-stiff chains of the last winter--certain it is, that the trees

never bore up such heaviness of green, or the grass promised such

height and "bottom." And we can not forbear the hope, that the

exceeding beauty of the summer will stimulate the activity and

benevolence of those guardians of our city joy, in whose hands lies

the fate of the "Up-town Park."

* * * * *

And as we speak of parks, comes up a thought of that very elegant

monument to the memory of Washington, which has risen out of the

brains of imaginative and venturesome people, any time during the last

fifty years. The affair seems to have a periodic and somewhat

whimsical growth. We suffer a kind of intermittent Washingtonianism,

which now and then shows a very fever of drawings, and of small

subscriptions; and anon, the chill takes us, and shakes the whole

fabric to the ground.

We can not but regard it as a very unfavorable symptom, that a

corner-stone should have been laid some two or three years ago in a

quarter called Hamilton Square, and that extraordinary energy should

have pushed forward the monumental design to the height of a few feet.

Since that period a debility has prevailed. The Washington sentiment

has languished painfully--proving to our mind most satisfactorily,

that the true Washington enthusiasm is periodic in its growth; and

that to secure healthful alternations of recruit and exuberance, it

should--like asparagus--be cut off below ground.

Meantime, the strangers and office-seekers of our great capital, are

doing somewhat toward redeeming the fame of the country. In connection

with their design, a suggestion is just now bruited of calling upon

clergymen, this coming Fourth of July (three days hence, bear in mind)

to drop a hint to the memory of the hero who has made that day the

Sunday of our political year, and furthermore, to drop such pennies,

as his parishioners will bestow, into the Washington monumental fund.

We should be untrue to the chit-chat of the hour--as well as to our

Washington fervor--if we did not give the suggestion a record, and the

purpose a benison!

* * * * *

It is fortunate for all minor matters--such as Jenny Lind, Kossuth,

green-peas, strawberries, and Lola Montez--that our President-making

comes only by quartettes of years. It is painful to think of the

monotone of talk which would overtake the world, if Baltimore

Conventions were held monthly or even yearly.

We are writing now in the eye of the time; and can give no guess as to

what candidates will emerge from the Baltimore ballot-boxes; but when

this shall come under our reader's eye, two names only will form the

foci of his political fears and hopes. Without any predilections

whatever, we most ardently wish that our reader may not be

disappointed--however his hopes may tend: and if any editor in the

land can "trim" to his readers' humor, with greater sincerity, and

larger latitude, we should like to know it.

* * * * *

Ole Bull has been delighting the musical world, in his way, for the

month last gone, and has made more converts to the violin, by the

fullness of his faith, and the fervor of his action, than many

preachers can win over, by like qualities, to any labor of love.

The truth is, there lies in this Scandinavian a heartiness of impulse,

and an exuberance of soul, which makes the better part of what men

call genius. You have a conviction--as you listen--that you are

dependent for your delight upon no nice conformity with rules--no

precision of compliance--no formulary excellence, but only and solely

upon the spirit of the man, creeping over him to the very finger-tips,

and making music and melody of very necessity.

There is a freshness, a wildness, a _fierté_ in the harmonies that Ole

Bull creates, which appeal not alone to your nice students of flats

and sharps, but to every ear that ever heard a river flowing, or the

soughing of pine woods. It is a make-piece--not of Donizetti's

arias--but of that unceasing and musical hum which is going up every

summer's day in the way of bee-chants, and bird-anthems, and which the

soul-wakened Scandinavian has caught, and wrought and strung upon five

bits of thread!

The papers (they are accountable for whatever may not be true in our

stories) have told us strange, sad things of the musical hero's life.

First, that he has been a great patron of the arts--nor is it easy to

believe that he could be otherwise. Next, they have told us, that he

is an earnest lover of such liberty as makes men think, and read, and

till their own lands--nor is this hard to believe. Again they tell us

that he has sometimes rendered himself obnoxious to the powers that

be--that his estates, once very large, have been confiscated, and that

he has come hitherward only for the sake of repairing his altered

fortunes.

If the truth lie indeed so hardly upon him, we wish him even more

success than his merit will be sure to win.

Among the _on dits_ of the time, we must not pass by the good and

ill-natured comments upon the new-passed Liquor Laws of Massachusetts

and of Rhode Island. When the reader remembers that Nahant and Newport

are within the limits of these two States, and that summer visitors to

the favorite watering places are not unapt to call for a wine-card,

and to moisten their roast lamb and peas (especially after an

exhilarating sea-bath) with a cup of Heidseck, or of Longworth's

sparkling Catawba, they may readily imagine the consternation that has

crept over certain portions of the visiting world. We (meaning we as

Editors) are of course without any preferences either for watering

places or--for that matter--liquoring places. Yet we are curious to

see how far the new system will favor the fullness and the gayety of

the old summer resorts.

Persistent Newport visitors, who have grown old with their sherry and

their port, are arranging for the transportation of "small stores," as

a portion of their luggage; and are negotiating with the landlords

their rates of "corkage." Whether this side-tax on the matter will not

render host and guest obnoxious to the new-started laws, is a matter

we commend to the serious attention of the hopeful lawyers of Newport.

What the reformatory legal enactments may do with the wine-growers of

Ohio, and with the distillers of Pennsylvania and Indiana, we are

curious to see. As for the latter, we can not say (speaking now in our

individual capacity) that we should greatly regret the downfall of

those huge distillery pig-yards, which spend their odors over the Ohio

river; but as for the Cincinnati wines and vineyards, we must confess

that we have a lurking fondness that way--first, because the grape

culture is Scriptural, beautiful, healthful; and next, because it is

clothing the hill-sides of our West with a purple and bountiful

product, that develops nobly the agricultural resources of the

country, and throws the gauntlet in the very face of Burgundy. Still

again, we have a fancy--perhaps a wrong one--that pure wines, well

made, and cheapened to the wants of the humblest laborer, will outgrow

and overshadow that feverish passion for stronger drink which vitiates

so sadly our whole working population: and yet once again, we have

charity for western vineyards, for a very love of their products; and

have felt ourselves, after a wee bit of the quiet hock which

Zimmermann presses out of the ripe Catawba--a better feeling toward

our fellows, and a richer relish for such labor of the office as now

hampers our pen.

* * * * *

Under story of pleasure-seeking for the summer, some Journalists

record the intent of a southern party to broach--in the August that

now lies thirty days into the sunshine--the passage of the Rocky

Mountains, skirting by the way the miniature valley of the

Missouri--wearing weapons of defense and offense--carrying parlors

upon wheels, and kitchens in their carts--shooting rabbits and Indians

as the seasons vary, and dining upon buffalo and corn bread _à

volanté_.

We wish them much pleasure of the trip--meaning good roads, few

Indians, and musquito bars.

Seriously, however, when shall we see the valley of the Missouri form

a pleasant tangent to summer travel, and the sportsman who now camps

it by Long Lake, or shoots coot by Moniment Point--oiling his rifle

for a range at the stalking varmint by St. Joseph's, and along the

thousand forked branches of the Missouri waters?

At Minnessota, they say (the doubtful newspapers again,) people have

discovered a gem of a lake,--so still, that the bordering trees seem

growing root upward, and the islands are all _Siamesed_ where they

float; and so clear that you count your fish before you throw them the

bait, and make such selections among the eager patrons of your hook,

as you would do at the City market on the corner of Spring-street.

When Professor Page's Galvanic Railroad will take us there in a day,

we will wash the ink from our fingers in the lake of Minnessota; and

if the fates favor us, will stew a trout in Longworth's Catawba;

meantime, we wait hopefully feeding upon Devoe's, moderately fatted

mutton, and great plenty of imaginative diet.

* * * * *

Among the rest, old Markham's "Summer Contentments" has furnished us

with rare meals, and inveigled us into trying with inapt hands the

_metier_ of the rod and angle. We flatter ourselves that we have won

upon the _character_ of the angler, however little we may win upon his

fish.

"He must," says pleasant old Markham, "neither be amazed with storms,

nor frighted with thunder; and if he is not temperate, but has a

gnawing stomach, that will not endure much fasting, and must observe

hours, it troubleth the mind and body, and loseth that delight which

only maketh pastime pleasing.

"He must be of a well-settled and constant belief, to enjoy the

benefit of his expectation; for than to despair, it were better never

to be put in practice: and he must ever think, when the waters are

pleasant, and any thing likely, that there the Creator of all good

things, hath stored up much of plenty; and though your satisfaction

be not as ready as your wishes, yet you must hope still, that with

perseverance you shall reap the fullness of your harvest with

contentment. Then he must be full of love both to his pleasure, and

his neighbor--to his pleasure, which will otherwise be irksome and

tedious--and to his neighbor, that he never give offense in any

particular, nor be guilty of any general destruction; then he must be

exceeding patient, and neither vex nor excruciate himself with any

losses or mischances, as in losing the prey when it is almost in hand,

or by breaking his tools by ignorance or negligence; but with pleased

sufferance amend errors, and think mischances instructions to better

carefulness."

We commend all this to the trout fishers among the musquitos, and

black flies of Hamilton County--for even into that dim, and barbarian

region, our monthly budget finds its way.

* * * * *

Among other things of the hour, we must spare a note for those

pleasant statistics of author-and-bookdom, which the international

discussion of Copyright has called into print.

Heretofore, the man of books has been reckoned as a liver, for the

most part, upon such manna as rained down from time to time, from a

very imaginative heaven; he has lived, by a certain charitable

courtesy of the world, (which is coy of ferreting out its injustices)

beyond the tongue of talk, and his pride and poverty have suffered an

amiable reprieve.

The time, it seems, is now gone by; and we find Prescott and Irving

submitted to the same fiscal measurement, as are the brokers upon

'Change. We wish the whole author fraternity might come as bravely out

of it as the two we have named: and should it ever come to pass, that

the fraternity were altogether rich, we hope they will not neglect the

foundation of some quiet hospital for the poor fellows (like

ourselves) who record their progress, and chronicle their honors.

In old times a fancy held men's minds, that the payment for poetry

came only from Heaven: and that so soon as the Divine fingers which

caught the minstrelsy of the angel world, touched upon gold, they

palsied, and lost their power. Under the present flattering condition

of the author world (of which, alas, we only read!) it may be well to

revive the caution: the poor may, at the least, console themselves

thereby; and as for the rich--they need no consolation.

Time and time again, we believe, spicy authors have threatened to take

the publisher's business off his hands; and in lieu of half the

profits, to measure them all with themselves. But, unfortunately for

the credit of the calling, authors are, in the general way, blessed

with very moderate financial capacity; and from Scott to Lamartine,

they have in such venture, to the best of our observation, worked very

hard--for very little pay.

* * * * *

Speaking of Lamartine, reminds us of a little episode of French life,

which has latterly crept into the French papers, and which would have

made (as the publishers say) a "companion volume" to Lamartine's

Raphael--always provided it were as well written out. The episode is

dismissed in two or three lines of the journals, and is headed in very

attracting way--"Died of Love."

Such a kind of death being mostly unheard of--especially in New

York--it will be necessary to justify the title by a somewhat fuller

_résumé_ of the story, than the journalist favors us with.

Marie of Montauban was as pretty a girl as the traveler might see in

going through all of southern France; and a pretty girl of southern

France, is more than pretty in any other quarter of France.

Her father had been a small _propriétaire_, and had married a

descendant of an old family, under circumstances of that vague and

wild romance which grew up a little after the old Revolution. Both the

parents, however, died early in life: she inherited from the mother

exceeding delicacy, and a refinement, which agreed very poorly with

the poverty to which her father's improvidence had left her an heir.

Admired and beloved, and sometimes courted by those about her, she

resolutely determined to secure her own support. She commenced in a

romantic way--by quitting secretly her home, and throwing herself upon

a very broad and a very wicked world. Fortune guided her to the home

of a worthy baker; she here learned the smaller mysteries of his

craft, and made such show in the front shop of her new-found patron,

as bewitched the provincial _gailliards_, and made its tale upon the

heart of the baker's son.

In short, the son wooed in earnest; the baker protested: and whether

it was the protest (which is sure to kindle higher flame) or the

honest heart of the wooer himself, Marie forgot the earnest longings,

which her mother's nature had planted in her, and became the runaway

wife of the runaway baker's son.

All French runaways (except from Government) go to Paris: therefore it

was, that in a year's time, you might have seen the humble sign of the

baker's son upon a modest shop of the Boulevard Beaumarchais. Beauty

is always found out in Paris, and it is generally admired. Therefore

it was, that the baker's son prospered, and the Café de Paris heard

mention of the beautiful baker's wife of the Beaumarchais.

But, with the sight of the Louvre, the Tuileries, and all the

elegancies of metropolitan life, the old longings of the motherly

nature came back to the humiliated Marie. She stole hours for reading

and for music, and quieted her riotous ambition with the ambition of

knowledge.

Still, however, her admirers besieged her; but thanks to her birth,

besieged in vain. From month to month she attended her shop; and from

month to month beguiled her mission with reading of old stories, and

with the music of her guitar.

Now, it happened that in this time, a certain Jacques Arago (well

known to fame) chanced upon a day to visit the baker's shop of the

Boulevard Beaumarchais; and it further happened, that as the customer

was a traveler and a savant, that he fell into talk with the beautiful

Marie, who even then held in her fingers some work of the visitor

himself.

Talk ripened into conversation, and conversation into interest. The

heart of Marie--always dutiful at home--now went wandering under the

guide of her mind. She admired the distinguished traveler, and from

admiring, she came presently--in virtue of his kind offices and of his

instructions continued day after day--to love him.

Therefore it was that Jacques Arago, when he came to depart upon new

voyages (and here we follow his own story, rather than probability),

did not whisper of his leave to the beautiful Marie, who still held

her place in the baker's shop upon the Boulevard Beaumarchais.

But she found her liking too strong to resist; and when she heard of

his departure, she hurried away to Havre--only to see the sails of his

out-bound ship glimmering on the horizon.

She bore the matter stoutly as she could--cherishing his letters each

one as so many parts of the mind that had enslaved her; and, finally,

years after, met him calmly, on his return. "I have lived," she said,

"to see you again."

But in a little while, Arago, sitting one day in his bureau, receives

a letter from Marie of Beaumarchais.

"You deceived me when you went away over the sea; I forgive you for

it! Will you forgive me now another deception? I was not well when you

saw me last; I am now in the Hospital Beaujon; I shall die before

tomorrow. But I die faithful to my religion--God--you! Adieu!

MARIE."

Jacques Arago himself writes so much of the story as has served to

make the back-bone for this; and we appeal to the ninety thousand

readers of our gossip if Jacques Arago needed any thing more than the

_finesse_ of Lamartine, and a touch of his poetic nature, to weave the

story of poor Marie into another Raphael?

AN OLD GENTLEMAN'S LETTER.

"THE STORY OF THE BRIDE OF LANDECK."

DEAR SIR--I now resume the very interesting tale I wished to tell you;

but from which, in my last, I was diverted in a manner requiring some

apology.

You know, however, that this failing of being carried away to

collaterals, is frequent in old gentlemen and nurses; and you must

make excuses for my age and infirmity. Now, however, you shall have

the story of "The Bride of Landeck." A bride is always interesting,

and therefore I trust that my bride will not be less so than others.

There is something so touching in the confidence with which she

bestows the care of her whole fate and happiness on another, something

so strangely perilous, even in her very joy, such a misty darkness

over that new world into which she plunges, that even the coarsest and

most vulgar are moved by it.

I recollect an almost amusing instance of this. The very words

employed by the speakers will show you that they were persons of

inferior condition; and yet they were uttered with a sigh, and with

every appearance of real feeling.

I was one day walking along through the streets of a great city, where

it is the custom, in almost all instances, for marriages to take place

in church. My way lay by the vestry of a fashionable church, and I was

prevented for a minute or two from passing by a great throng of

carriages, and a little crowd gathered to see a bride and bridegroom

set out upon their wedding tour. There were two mechanics immediately

before me--carpenters apparently--and, being in haste, I tried to

force my way on. One of the men looked round, saying quietly, "There's

no use pushing, you can't get by;" and in a moment after, the bridal

party came forth. The bridegroom was a tall, fine-looking, grave young

man; and the bride a very beautiful, interesting creature, hardly

twenty. They both seemed somewhat annoyed by the crowd, and hurried

into their carriage and drove away.

When the people dispersed, the two carpenters walked on before me,

commenting upon the occurrence. "Well," said the one, "she's as pretty

a creature as ever I saw; and he's a handsome man; but he looks a

little sternish, to my mind. I hope he'll treat her well."

"Ah, poor thing," said the other, "she has tied a knot with her

tongue, that she can not untie with her teeth."

It is not, however, only sentiment which is occasionally elicited at

weddings. I have known some of the most ludicrous scenes in the world

occur on these solemn occasions. One, especially, will never pass from

my mind, and I must try to give you an account of it, although the

task will be somewhat difficult.

Some fifty years ago, in the good city of Edinburgh, many of the

conveniences, and even necessaries of household comfort were arranged

in a very primitive manner. It was about this time, or a little before

it, that a gentleman, whom I afterward knew well, Mr. J---- F----,

wooed and won a very beautiful girl of the best society in the city.

His doing so was, indeed, a marvel to all; for, though young, witty,

and well-looking, he was perhaps the most absent man upon the face of

the earth; and the wonder was that he could ever recollect himself

sufficiently to make love to one woman for two days consecutively.

However, so it was; and a vast number of mistakes and blunders having

been got over, the wedding day was appointed and came. The ceremony

was to be performed in the house of the bride's father; and a large

and fashionable company was assembled at the hour appointed. The

bridegroom was known to have been in the house some time; but he did

not appear; and minister, parents, bride, bridesmaids, and bridesmen,

all full dressed, the ladies in court lappets, and the gentlemen with

_chapeaux bras_ under their arms, began to look very grave.

The bride's brother, however, knew his friend's infirmity, and was

also aware that he had an exceedingly bad habit of reading classical

authors in places the least fitted for such purposes. He stole out of

the room, then, hurried to the place where he expected his future

brother-in-law might be found; and a minute after, in spite of doors

and staircases, his voice was heard exclaiming, "Jimmy--Jimmy; you

forget you are going to be married, man. Every one is waiting for

you."

"I will come directly--I will come directly," cried another voice--"I

quite forgot--go and keep them amused."

The young gentleman returned, with a smile upon his face; but

announced that the bridegroom would be there in an instant; and the

whole party arranged themselves in a formidable semi-circle. This was

just complete, when the door opened, and the bridegroom appeared. All

eyes fixed upon him--all eyes turned toward his left arm, where his

_chapeau bras_ should have been; and a universal titter burst from all

lips. Poor F---- stood confounded, perceived the direction of their

looks, and turned his own eyes to his left arm also. Close pressed

beneath it, appeared, instead of a neat black _chapeau bras_, a thin,

flat, round piece of oak, with a small brass knob rising from the

centre of one side. In horror, consciousness, and confusion, he

suddenly lifted his arm. Down dropped the obnoxious implement, lighted

on its edge, rolled forward into the midst of the circle, whirled

round and round, as if paying its compliments to every body, and

settled itself with a flounder at the bride's feet. A roar, which

might have shook St. Andrews, burst from the whole party.

The bride married him notwithstanding, and practiced through life the

same forbearance--the first of matrimonial virtues--which she showed

on the present occasion.

Poor F----, notwithstanding the sobering effects of matrimony,

continued always the most absent man in the world; and one instance

occurred, some fifteen or sixteen years after his marriage, which his

wife used to tell with great glee. She was a very notable woman, and

good housekeeper. Originally a Presbyterian, she had conformed to the

views of her husband, and regularly frequented the Episcopal church.

One Sunday, just before the carriage came to the door to take her and

her husband to the morning service, she went down to the kitchen, as

was her custom, in mercantile parlance, to take stock, and give her

orders. She happened to be somewhat longer than usual: the carriage

was announced, and poor F----, probably knowing that if he gave

himself a moment to pause, he should forget himself, and his wife, and

the church, and all other holy and venerable things, went down after

her, with the usual, "My dear, the carriage is waiting; we shall be

very late."

Mrs. F---- went through her orders with customary precision, took up

her prayer-book, entered the carriage with her husband, and rolled

away toward the church.

"My dear, what an extraordinary smell of bacon there is in the

carriage," said Mr. F----.

"I do not smell it, my dear," said Mrs. F----.

"I do," said Mr. F----, expanding his nostrils emphatically.

"I think I smell it too, now," said Mrs. F----, taking a sniff.

"Well, I hope those untidy servants of ours do not smoke bacon in the

carriage," said Mr. F----.

"Oh, dear, no," replied his wife, with a hearty laugh. "No fear of

that, my dear."

Shortly after, the carriage stopped at the church door; and Mr. and

Mrs. F---- mounted the stairs to their pew, which was in the gallery,

and conspicuous to the whole congregation. The lady seated herself,

and laid her prayer-book on the velvet cushion before her. Mr. F----

put his hand into his pocket, in search of his own prayer-book, and

pulled out a long parallelogram, which was not a prayer-book, but

which he laid on the cushion likewise.

"I don't wonder there was a smell of bacon in the carriage, my dear,"

whispered Mrs. F----; and, to his horror, he perceived lying before

him, in the eyes of a thousand persons, a very fine piece of

red-and-white streaky bacon, which he had taken up in the kitchen,

thinking it was his prayer-book.

On only one subject could Mr. F---- concentrate his thoughts, and that

was the law, in the profession of which he obtained considerable

success, although occasionally, an awful blunder was committed; but,

strange to say, never in the strictly legal part of his doings. He

would forget his own name, and write that of some friend of whom he

was thinking instead. He would confound plaintiff with defendant, and

witnesses with counsel; but he never made a mistake in an abstract

legal argument. There, where no collateral, and, as he imagined,

immaterial circumstances were concerned--such as, who was the man to

be hanged, and who was not--the reasoning was clear, acute, and

connected; and for all little infirmities of mind, judges and jurors,

who generally knew him well, made due allowance.

Other people had to make allowance also; and especially when, between

terms, he would go out to pay a morning visit to a friend, Mrs. F----

never counted, with any certainty, upon his return for a month. He

would go into the house where his call was to be made, talk for a few

minutes, take up a book, and read till dinner time--dine--and lucky if

he did not fancy himself in his own house, and take the head of the

table. Toward night he might find out his delusion, and the next

morning proceed upon his way, borrowing a clean shirt, and leaving his

dirty one behind him. Thus it happened, that at the end of a

twelvemonth, his wardrobe comprised a vast collection of shirts, of

various sorts and patterns, with his own name on very few of them.

The stories of poor Jimmy F----'s eccentricities in Edinburgh were

innumerable. On one occasion, seeing a lady, on his return home,

coming away from his own door, he handed her politely into her

carriage, expressing his regret that she had not found Mrs F---- at

home.

"I am not surprised, my dear," said the lady, who was in reality his

own wife, "that you forget me, when you so often forget yourself."

"God bless me," cried Jimmy, with the most innocent air in the world.

"I was quite sure I had seen you somewhere before; but could not tell

where it was."

Dear old Edinburgh, what a city thou wert when I first visited thee,

now more than forty years ago! How full of strange nooks and corners,

and, above all, how full of that racy and original character which the

world in general is so rapidly losing! Warm hearted hospitality was

one of the great characteristics of Auld Reekie in those times, and it

must be admitted that social intercourse was sometimes a little too

jovial. This did not indeed prevent occasional instances of miserly

closeness, and well laughed at were they when they were discovered.

There was a lady of good station and ample means in the city, somewhat

celebrated for the not unusual combination of a niggard spirit, and a

tendency to ostentatious display. Large supper parties were then in

vogue; and I was invited to more than one of these entertainments at

the house of Lady C---- G----, where I remarked that, though the table

was well covered, the guests were not very strenuously pressed to

their food. She had two old servants, a butler and a foot-man, trained

to all her ways, and apparently participating in her economical

feelings. These men, with the familiarity then customary in Scotch

servants, did not scruple to give their mistress any little hints at

the supper table in furtherance of her saving propensities, and as the

old lady was somewhat deaf, these _asides_ were pretty much public

property. On one occasion, the butler was seen to bend over his

mistress's chair, saying, in a loud whisper, and good broad Scotch,

"Press the jeelies, my leddy--press the jeelies. They'll no keep."

Lady C---- G---- did not exactly catch his words, and looked up

inquiringly in his face, and the man repeated, "Press the jeelies, my

leddy: they're getting mouldy."

"Shave them, John--shave them," said Lady C---- G----, in a solemn

tone.

"They've been shaved already, my leedy," roared John; and the company

of course exploded.

But to return to my tale. The small village of Landeck, is situated in

the heart of the Tyrol, and in that peculiar district, called the

Vorarlberg. It is as lovely a spot as the eye of man can rest upon,

and the whole drive, in fact, from Innspruck is full of picturesque

beauty. But--

But I find this is the last page of the sheet, when I fondly fancied

that I had another whole page, which I think would be sufficient to

conclude the tale. I had probably better, therefore, reserve the story

of The Bride of Landeck for another letter, and only beg you to

believe me

Yours faithfully,

P.

Editor's Drawer.

It is not a very long time ago, that "bustles" formed a very essential

part of a fashionable lady's dress; nor has this singular branch of

the fine arts altogether fallen into decadence at the present day.

And, as apropos of this, we find in the "Drawer" a description of the

uses of this article in Africa, which we think will awaken a smile

upon the fair lips of our lady-readers. "The most remarkable article

of dress," says the African traveler, from whom our extract is quoted,

"that I have seen, is one which I have vaguely understood to

constitute a part of the equipment of my fair countrywomen; in a word,

the veritable '_Bustle!_' Among the belles here, there is a reason for

the excrescence which does not exist elsewhere; for the little

children ride astride the maternal bustle, which thus becomes as

useful as it is an ornamental protuberance. Fashion, however, has

evidently more to do with the matter than convenience; for old

wrinkled grandmothers wear these beautiful anomalies, and little girls

of eight years old display protuberances that might excite the envy of

a Broadway belle. Indeed, Fashion may be said to have its perfect

triumph and utmost refinement in this article; it being a positive

fact that some of the girls hereabout wear _merely_ the bustle,

without so much as the shadow of a garment! Its native name is

"_Tarb-Koshe_.""

* * * * *

Here is a formula for all who can couple "love" and "dove," by which

they may rush into print as "poets" of the common "water." The

skeleton may be called any thing--"Nature," "Poesy," "Woman," or what

not: