In view of these things, the first subject of inquiry is not soil,
climate, productiveness, and possibilities of wealth, but the
exceptional and abnormal proceedings of our own Government. This
inquiry is essentially preliminary in character. Before considering the
treaty or any question of acquisition, we must at least put ourselves
right as a nation; nor do I see how this can be done without retracing
our steps, and consenting to act in subordination to International Law
and the Constitution of the United States.
Beside the essential equity of such submission, and the moral dignity
it would confer upon the Republic, which rises when it stoops to Law,
there are two other reasons of irresistible force at this moment. I
need not remind you that the Senate is now occupied in considering how
to suppress lawlessness within our own borders and to save the African
race from outrage. Surely our efforts at home must be weakened by the
drama we are now playing abroad. Pray, Sir, with what face can we
insist upon obedience to Law and respect for the African race, while
we are openly engaged in lawlessness on the coasts of San Domingo
and outrage upon the African race represented by the Black Republic?
How can we expect to put down the Ku-Klux at the South, when we set
in motion another proceeding kindred in constant insubordination to
Law and Constitution? Differing in object, the two are identical in
this insubordination. One strikes at national life and the other at
individual life, while both strike at the African race. One molests a
people, the other a community. Lawlessness is the common element. But
it is difficult to see how we can condemn, with proper, whole-hearted
reprobation, our own domestic Ku-Klux, with its fearful outrages,
while the President puts himself at the head of a powerful and costly
proceeding operating abroad in defiance of International Law and the
Constitution of the United States. These are questions which I ask with
sorrow, and only in obedience to that truth which is the requirement
of this debate. Nor should I do otherwise than fail in justice to the
occasion, if I did not declare my unhesitating conviction, that, had
the President been so inspired as to bestow upon the protection of
Southern Unionists, white and black, one half, nay, Sir, one quarter,
of the time, money, zeal, will, personal attention, personal effort,
and personal intercession, which he has bestowed on his attempt to
obtain half an island in the Caribbean Sea, our Southern Ku-Klux would
have existed in name only, while tranquillity reigned everywhere within
our borders. [_Applause in the galleries._]
THE VICE-PRESIDENT. The Senator from Massachusetts will
suspend.--The Chair cannot consent that there shall be
manifestations of approval or disapproval in the galleries;
and he reprehends one as promptly as the other. If they are
repeated, the Chair must enforce the order of the Senate.--The
Senator from Massachusetts will resume.
MR. SUMNER. Another reason for retracing the false steps already
taken will be found in our duty to the African race, of whom there
are four millions within our borders, recognized as equal before the
Law. To these new-found fellow-citizens, once degraded and trampled
down, are we bound by every sentiment of justice; nor can we see
their race dishonored anywhere through our misconduct. How vain are
professions in their behalf, if we set the example of outrage! How
vain to expect their sympathy and coöperation in the support of the
National Government, if the President, by his own mere will, and in the
plenitude of kingly prerogative, can strike at the independence of the
Black Republic, and degrade it in the Family of Nations! All this is
a thousand times wrong. It is a thousand times impolitic also; for it
teaches the African race that they are only victims for sacrifice.
Now, Sir, as I desire the suppression of the Ku-Klux wherever it shows
itself, and as I seek the elevation of the African race, I insist
that the Presidential scheme, which instals a new form of lawlessness
on the coasts of San Domingo, and which at the same time insults the
African race represented in the Black Republic, shall be arrested. I
speak now against that lawlessness on the coasts of San Domingo, of
which the President is the head; and I speak also for the African race,
which the President has trampled down. Is there any Senator in earnest
against the Ku-Klux? Let him arrest the present lawlessness on the
coasts of San Domingo. Is there any Senator ready at all times to seek
the elevation of the African race? Here is the occasion for his best
efforts.
On the question of acquisition I say nothing to-day, only alluding to
certain points involved. Sometimes it is insisted that emigrants will
hurry in large numbers to this tropical island when once annexed, and
thus swell its means; but this allegation forgets, that, according to
the testimony of History, peaceful emigration travels with the sun
on parallels of latitude, and not on meridians of longitude, mainly
following the isothermal line, and not turning off at right-angles,
whether North or South. Sometimes it is insisted that it will be
better for the people of this island, if annexed to our Republic;
but this allegation forgets the transcendent question, Whether it is
better for them, better for the African race, better for Civilization,
that the Black Republic should be absorbed out of sight, instead of
being fostered into a successful example of self-government for the
redemption of the race, not only on the Caribbean islands, but on the
continent of Africa? Then, again, arises that other question, Whether
we will assume the bloody hazards involved in this business, as it has
been pursued, with the alternative of expenditures for war-ships and
troops, causing most painful anxieties, while the land of Toussaint
L’Ouverture listens to the constant whisper of Independence? And there
is still that other question of debts and obligations, acknowledged
and unacknowledged, with an immense claim by Hayti and an unsettled
boundary, which I have already called a bloody lawsuit.
Over all is that other question, Whether we will begin a system, which,
first fastening upon Dominica, must, according to the admission of
the plenipotentiary Fabens made to myself, next take Hayti, and then
in succession the whole tropical group of the Caribbean Sea,--so that
we are now to determine if all the islands of the West Indies shall
be a component part of our Republic, helping to govern us, while the
African race is dispossessed of its natural home in this hemisphere. No
question equal in magnitude, unless it be that of Slavery, has arisen
since the days of Washington.
These questions I state only. Meanwhile to my mind there is something
better than belligerent intervention and acts of war with the menace
of absorption at untold cost of treasure. It is a sincere and humane
effort on our part, in the spirit of peace, to reconcile Hayti and
Dominica, and to establish tranquillity throughout the island. Let
this be attempted, and our Republic will become an example worthy of
its name and of the civilization which it represents, while Republican
Institutions have new glory. The blessings of good men will attend such
an effort; nor can the smile of Heaven be wanting.
And may we not justly expect the President to unite in such a measure
of peace and good-will? He that ruleth his spirit is greater than
he that taketh a city; and so the President, ruling his spirit in
subjection to the humane principles of International Law and the
Constitution of his country, will be greater than if he had taken all
the islands of the sea.
The Commission appointed under the Joint Resolution visited San
Domingo, and their Report, which was favorable to the proposed
annexion, the President communicated to Congress; but no
further action was taken to carry the scheme into effect.
PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH THE PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY OF STATE. AN
EXPLANATION IN REPLY TO AN ASSAULT.