CHAPTER X

MODERN COMMUNICATION: SUPERFICIALITY AND STRAIN

STIMULATING EFFECT OF MODERN LIFE—SUPERFICIALITY—STRAIN—PATHOLOGICAL

EFFECTS.

The action of the new communication is essentially stimulating, and so

may, in some of its phases, be injurious. It costs the individual more

in the way of mental function to take a normal part in the new order of

things than it did in the old. Not only is his outlook broader, so that

he is incited to think and feel about a wider range of matters, but he

is required to be a more thoroughgoing specialist in the mastery of his

particular function; both extension and intension have grown. General

culture and technical training are alike more exigent than they used to

be, and their demands visibly increase from year to year, not only in

the schools but in life at large. The man who does not meet them falls

behind the procession, and becomes in some sense a failure: either

unable to make a living, or narrow and out of touch with generous

movements.

Fortunately, from this point of view, our mental functions are as a

rule rather sluggish, so that the spur of modern intercourse is for the

most part wholesome, awakening the mind, abating sensuality, and giving

men idea and purpose. Such ill effect as may be ascribed to it seems

to fall chiefly under the two heads, superficiality and strain, which

the reader will perceive to be another view of that enlargement and

animation discussed in the last chapter but one.

There is a rather general agreement among observers that, outside

of his specialty, the man of our somewhat hurried civilization is

apt to have an impatient, touch-and-go habit of mind as regards both

thought and feeling. We are trying to do many and various things, and

are driven to versatility and short cuts at some expense to truth

and depth. “The habit of inattention,” said De Tocqueville about

1835, “must be considered as the greatest defect of the democratic

character”[39]; and recently his judgment has been confirmed by

Ostrogorski, who thinks that deliverance from the bonds of space

and time has made the American a man of short views, wedded to the

present, accustomed to getting quick returns, and with no deep root

anywhere.[40] We have reduced _ennui_ considerably; but a moderate

_ennui_ is justly reckoned by Comte and others as one of the springs of

progress, and it is no unmixed good that we are too busy to be unhappy.

In this matter, as in so many others, we should discriminate, so far

as we can, between permanent conditions of modern life and what is due

merely to change, between democracy and confusion. There is nothing in

the nature of democracy to prevent its attaining, when transition has

somewhat abated, a diverse and stable organization of its own sort,

with great advantage to our spiritual composure and productivity.

In the meanwhile it is beyond doubt that the constant and varied

stimulus of a confused time makes sustained attention difficult.

Certainly our popular literature is written for those who run as they

read, and carries the principle of economy of attention beyond anything

previously imagined. And in feeling it seems to be true that we tend

toward a somewhat superficial kindliness and adaptability, rather than

sustained passion of any kind. Generally speaking, mind is spread out

very thin over our civilization; a good sort of mind, no doubt, but

quite thin.

All this may be counteracted in various ways, especially by

thoroughness in education, and is perhaps to be regarded as lack of

maturity rather than as incurable defect.

Mental strain, in spite of the alarming opinions sometimes expressed,

is by no means a general condition in modern society, nor likely

to become so; it is confined to a relatively small number, in whom

individual weakness, or unusual stress, or both, has rendered life too

much for the spirit. Yet this number includes a great part of those who

perform the more exacting intellectual functions in business and the

professions, as well as peculiarly weak, or sensitive, or unfortunate

individuals in all walks of life. In general there is an increase

of self-consciousness and choice; there is more opportunity, more

responsibility, more complexity, a greater burden upon intelligence,

will and character. The individual not only can but must deal with a

flood of urgent suggestions, or be swamped by them. “This age that

blots out life with question marks”[41] forces us to think and choose

whether we are ready or not.

Worse, probably, than anything in the way of work—though that is often

destructive—is the anxious insecurity in which our changing life keeps

a large part of the population, the well-to-do as well as the poor. And

an educated and imaginative people feels such anxieties more than one

deadened by ignorance. “In America,” said De Tocqueville, “I saw the

freest and most enlightened men placed in the happiest circumstances

which the world affords; it seemed to me as if a cloud habitually hung

upon their brows, and I thought them serious and almost sad, even in

their pleasures.”[42]

Not long ago Mr. H. D. Sedgwick contributed to a magazine a study of

what he called “The New American Type,”[43] based on an exhibition of

English and American portraits, some recent, some a century old. He

found that the more recent were conspicuously marked by the signs of

unrest and strain. Speaking of Mr. Sargent’s subjects he says, “The

obvious qualities in his portraits are disquiet, lack of equilibrium,

absence of principle, ... a mind unoccupied by the rightful heirs, as

if the home of principle and dogma had been transformed into an inn

for wayfarers. Sargent’s women are more marked than his men; women,

as physically more delicate, are the first to reveal the strain of

physical and psychical maladjustment. The thin spirit of life shivers

pathetically in its ‘fleshly dress’; in the intensity of its eagerness

it is all unconscious of its spiritual fidgeting on finding itself

astray—no path, no blazings, the old forgotten, the new not formed.”

The early Americans, he says, “were not limber minded men, not readily

agnostic, not nicely sceptical; they were ... eighteenth century

Englishmen.” Of Reynolds’ women he observes, “These ladies led lives

unvexed; natural affections, a few brief saws, a half-dozen principles,

kept their brows smooth, their cheeks ripe, their lips most wooable.”

People had “a stable physique and a well-ordered, logical, dogmatic

philosophy.” The older portraits “chant a chorus of praise for national

character, for class distinctions, for dogma and belief, for character,

for good manners, for honor, for contemplation, for vision to look upon

life as a whole, for appreciation that the world is to be enjoyed, for

freedom from democracy, for capacity in lighter mood to treat existence

as a comedy told by Goldoni.”[44]

This may or may not be dispassionately just, but it sets forth one side

of the case—a side the more pertinent for being unpopular—and suggests

a very real though intangible difference between the people of our time

and those of a century ago—one which all students must have felt. It is

what we feel in literature when we compare the people of Jane Austen

with those, let us say, of the author of The House of Mirth.

I do not propose to inquire how far the effects of strain may be seen

in an increase of certain distinctly pathological phenomena, such as

neurasthenia, the use of drugs, insanity and suicide. That it has an

important working in this way—difficult, however, to separate from that

of other factors—is generally conceded. In the growth of suicide we

seem to have a statistical demonstration of the destructive effect of

social stress at its worst; and of general paralysis, which is rapidly

increasing and has been called the disease of the century, we are told

that “it is the disease of excess, of vice, of overwork, of prolonged

worry; it is especially the disease of great urban centres, and its

existence usually seems to show that the organism has entered upon a

competitive race for which it is not fully equipped.”

FOOTNOTES:

[39] Democracy in America, vol. ii, book iii, chap. 15.

[40] Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties, ii, 579-588.

[41] J. R. Lowell, The Cathedral.

[42] Democracy in America, vol. ii, book ii, chap. 13.

[43] Since published in a book having this title.

[44] The Atlantic Monthly, April, 1904.

_PART III_

THE DEMOCRATIC MIND

Social organization · 第 10 / 36 章