SCIENCE.
The achievements of science as a rule hardly come within the purview of
the critic of literature, for language is commonly used by science for a
purpose other than that of literary expression, and even when science is
popularised by writers like Mary Somerville the result is apt to be
something not very valuable for its substance nor yet for its style.
Nevertheless, all science may indirectly, and some of it does directly,
influence literature. In point of fact, this influence has been one of the
great features of the present century. We see it on the one hand as a
force of attraction, on the other as a force of repulsion; for while some
have been fired with the hope of human progress, others have been chilled
by the fear of its materialising tendency. Both classes have been prone to
exaggerate the mere mechanical results of science and to forget that its
true aim is knowledge, not machines. It is however in the sphere of ideas
that we must look for its effect upon literature. Whether we travel by
railways or by stage-coaches, whether we transmit our messages by letter
or by telegraph, matters little; but it matters much whether we are
hopeful or despondent, whether we feel that there is no new thing under
the sun, or are inspired by ideas that seem to open new worlds to our
intellect. We must ask then, in the first place, what is the effect of
science on the spirit of men and their view of life; and in the second
place, what are the scientific ideas which directly and in themselves
influence popular thought and colour literature.
It is obvious that there are certain departments of science which from
their very nature can have little or no direct influence. The mathematical
researches of men like Sir William Rowan Hamilton are far too technical,
too difficult and too abstruse for popular apprehension. They remain a
mere name, and not even their general import is understood. The same
remark applies to the mathematical work of Augustus de Morgan, who, by the
way, gave valuable hints for Hamilton's great work on quaternions. But De
Morgan was a logician as well, and the author of the _Budget of Paradoxes_
is worthy of remembrance in literature. In physics the case is somewhat
different. The processes by which physicists like Joule and Faraday attain
their results remain mysterious, but the general character of the results
becomes known, their great importance is obvious, and they generate a
confidence in the powers of man which in the present day goes far towards
counteracting tendencies to pessimism.
There are however certain sciences whose influence upon life and thought
is direct, because their results bear upon man's own position in the
universe. Astronomy, through its relation to the Mosaic cosmogony, belongs
to this class; but its force had been felt long before the opening of the
period. It is especially the sciences of geology and biology that have
changed men's minds, and it is they that have produced the most books
which, apart from the scientific value of their contents, might claim to
rank as literature.
Geology was at the opening of the period practically a new science. What
had previously been done in it was trifling compared with what has been
accomplished since, and its bearing upon questions of universal interest
was not even suspected by the multitude. Darwin in his brief autobiography
relates an anecdote illustrative of the primitive state of the science in
his youth. 'I,' says he, 'though now only sixty-seven years old, heard the
Professor [of Geology in Edinburgh], in a field lecture at Salisbury
Crags, discoursing on a trap-dyke, with amygdaloidal margins and the
strata indurated on each side, with volcanic rocks all around us, say that
it was a fissure filled with sediment from above, adding with a sneer that
there were men who maintained that it had been injected from beneath in a
molten condition.' Even more striking than any aberration of an individual
is the general fact that the prevailing theory at that time in geology was
the 'catastrophic,' and a science with an unlimited command of
catastrophes is no more scientific in spirit than a theology with an
unlimited command of miracles.
[Sidenote: Sir Charles Lyell (1797-1875).]
The first need of a science in this state is the accumulation of facts,
and most of the older geologists of the time, like Sedgwick, Murchison and
Buckland, bent themselves to this task. But the man who dealt the
death-blow to the old uncritical view of geology was Sir Charles Lyell,
whose _Principles of Geology_ (1830-1833) marks an epoch in the science.
Lyell's central doctrine is that the past history of the earth must be
inferred by ordinary processes of observation and reasoning from the
present, and that it is possible to interpret 'the testimony of the rocks'
by means of principles which we still see at work. In other words, he was
a 'uniformitarian.' The victory of his view established 'the reign of law'
over the field of geology, and went far towards convincing men of its
universality. Assuming no causes except such as he could point to in
experience, Lyell showed how the geological formations of the earth
arose. According to Darwin, the effect of Lyell's work could formerly be
seen in the much more rapid progress of geology in England than in France;
and the _Principles of Geology_ was most helpful to Darwin himself.
In his _Antiquity of Man_ (1863) Lyell touched the verge of the problem of
organic life. He did so in a spirit of open-minded conservatism. He had
now to guide him the great light of the _Origin of Species_, and even
before its publication he had had glimmerings of evolution. He saw that
Darwin only extended to the animal and vegetable world his own central
principle. But he felt a deep objection to tracing the descent of man
through some ape-like creature, and hence, while _The Antiquity of Man_
recognises the long history of the race upon earth, it contains no avowal
of belief in his descent from inferior forms of life.
[Sidenote: Hugh Miller (1802-1856).]
Another geologist, who was rather a popular expositor than a profound man
of science, was Hugh Miller. Miller was bred as a mason, and it was in the
quarries where he pursued his trade (quarrying being in his time and
district associated with stone-cutting) that he laid the foundation of his
geological knowledge. But Miller was more than a geologist. He threw
himself energetically into the contest which culminated in the Scottish
Disruption of 1843; and for the last sixteen years of his life he was
editor of the bi-weekly paper, _The Witness_, which had been established
by the leaders of the Free Church movement as the organ of their opinions.
The sad close of Miller's life by suicide is well known. His health had
been undermined by early hardships and by subsequent overwork, and an
examination after death proved that the brain was diseased.
A great deal of Miller's work was done for _The Witness_. He was a most
conscientious as well as a most able journalist, and he brought to his
occupation a rare literary power. There was an imaginative and poetic
strain in his nature which sometimes showed itself in the weaker form of
fine writing, but often gave eloquence to his descriptions and fervour to
his argument. This is the living part of him; for it is certainly not
their scientific value that causes Hugh Miller's books to be still read.
Miller's most important works are _The Old Red Sandstone_ (1841),
_Footprints of the Creator_ (1847), _My Schools and Schoolmasters_ (1854),
and _The Testimony of the Rocks_ (1857). In their geological aspect they
merely supply the raw material of science. Miller had not the previous
training requisite to give his work the highest value. He knew little or
nothing about comparative anatomy, and therefore could not himself deal
with the fossils he discovered. In the view of modern experts his
scientific value lies in his strong common sense and his keen powers of
observation amounting almost to genius. His function is to stimulate
others rather than to sway thought by great discoveries. A liberal in
politics, he was something of a conservative in science. _The Footprints
of the Creator_ was written in answer to the _Vestiges of Creation_, and
its author figures as one of the numerous reconcilers of the text of
Genesis with the discoveries of geology. His value in literature is higher
than in science, for he wrote a style always pleasant, and sometimes
eloquent. _My Schools and Schoolmasters_, a volume of autobiography, is
one of the best of its class in the language, and is the work by which
Miller will be longest remembered.
Related to geology, and even more influential upon modern thought, has
been the theory of biological evolution, represented within the present
period by Robert Chambers, Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace.
Thomas Huxley too, though so much of his work is of a later date, demands
mention for his long polemic on behalf of evolution, begun immediately
after the publication of _The Origin of Species_ and continued till his
death. The work of Sir Richard Owen the great anatomist had an important
bearing upon this theory, but he was neither a Darwinian nor are his
scientific writings literature.
[Sidenote: Robert Chambers (1802-1871).]
Robert Chambers stands by himself. He was of the best class of self-made
men, and as a publisher perhaps even more than as a writer did service to
literature. He had great talent for not only acquiring information but
making it popular. His most remarkable book, the _Vestiges of the Natural
History of Creation_ (1844), was published anonymously, and, in fear of
the outcry of orthodoxy, extraordinary precautions were taken to guard the
secret of the authorship. For a long time the efforts were successful,
and, though the secret gradually became an open one, it was not till 1884
that his responsibility for the book was authoritatively avowed. The
_Vestiges of Creation_ has been unduly depreciated since the time of
Darwin. The gaps in the argument, and still more perhaps the untenable
assumptions and mistaken assertions, are easy to detect now; but it is at
least ungracious to insist upon them. Chambers was not an accomplished
naturalist; on the contrary, Huxley charges him with 'prodigious
ignorance.' He had not laboured as long, as patiently or as strenuously at
the subject as Darwin; but at the same time his book is in an uncommon
degree bold and suggestive. The best minds were already dallying with the
idea of evolution, but in 1844 there nowhere existed in English such a
concrete and clear presentation of it as Chambers gave. Judged in
relation to what was known and thought then, his work was a memorable,
though, from lack of a sufficiently firm foundation, hardly a great one.
[Sidenote: Charles Robert Darwin (1809-1882).]
Charles Robert Darwin is the true father of evolution as applied in modern
science, and of all the men of science of the century he most demands and
deserves attention in connexion with literature. No recent doctrine,
either in science or philosophy, has produced anything comparable to the
revolution in thought caused by _The Origin of Species_. Its central ideas
have been applied not merely in the department of biology, but everywhere
in the world of thought,--in philosophy, in religion, in literature and
literary criticism. We cannot refer all this to Darwin alone, for the
conception of evolution can be traced for two thousand years or more; but
it was Darwin who first planted it firmly in the human mind, and
consequently he is the chief though not the sole cause of the revolution.
Another element of his greatness, important in a criticism of literature,
is that his works are themselves literature. Writing a perfectly plain
style, he yet succeeds in so expressing his meaning that the manner is no
inconsiderable part of his charm. Some of the less compressed works, like
the _Naturalist's Voyage round the World_ and the monograph on earthworms,
are as fascinating and as difficult to relinquish as a skilful story of
adventure; and if this cannot be said of _The Origin of Species_ itself,
the reason is that it is so packed with thought that the reader is
compelled to pause over it.
Darwin, the son of a physician, was originally destined to follow his
father's profession, and went to study in Edinburgh; but he liked neither
the teaching nor the profession. In 1828 he went to Cambridge, and though
he derived no great benefit from the regular studies of the place, the
connexions he formed influenced the course of his life. He began the study
of geology under Sedgwick, and he was on very intimate terms with
Professor Henslow, through whom he became naturalist of the 'Beagle.' The
voyage of this ship laid the foundations of his fame but permanently
injured his health. In 1839 Darwin married, and in 1842 he settled at Down
in Kent, where he lived an exceptionally retired and quiet life,
compulsorily sequestered from society because of his health.
Darwin's literary life had begun before this. In 1839 his _Journal of
Researches_ (better known as _A Naturalist's Voyage round the World_) was
printed as part of the narrative of the voyage of the 'Beagle,' and in
1845 a second edition was called for. It is full to overflowing of the
results of observation set down in a delightfully easy narrative style.
Darwin was not yet an evolutionist, though the materials are there out of
which the evolutionist grew, and occasional remarks indicate that the
subject was not foreign to his mind. _The Structure and Distribution of
Coral Reefs_ (1842) was another product of this memorable voyage. The
theory maintained is that the reefs are the result of gradual subsidence,
and form the last relics of submerged continents. Geologists were
impressed by the boldness and originality of the speculation and by the
great mass of facts with which, in Darwin's invariable way, it was
supported. This was followed by two other publications on volcanic
islands, and on the geology of South America. These writings won for
Darwin a high position among men of science; but it was not until the
appearance of the second edition of the _Naturalist's Voyage_ that he
became widely known.
The highly characteristic and instructive story of the incubation and
writing of _The Origin of Species_ has been told by Darwin himself. He had
been long haunted by the idea of a possible modification of species; and
shortly after his return in the 'Beagle' he began to collect all facts
bearing on the variation of animals and plants. His first note-book was
opened in July, 1837. He read widely, conversed with breeders and
gardeners, and addressed printed enquiries to such as seemed likely to
give him information. He was led to the conclusion that 'selection was the
keystone of man's success in making useful races of animals and plants;'
but he could not understand how selection could be applied in a state of
nature. The reading for amusement of Malthus on _Population_ gave him the
clue. In the fierce competition for life among animals and plants,
favourable variations would tend to be preserved, and unfavourable ones to
be destroyed. He read Malthus in October, 1838. But, to avoid prejudice,
for three years and a half, till June, 1842, he refrained from writing
even the briefest sketch of his theory. In 1844 the first sketch was
enlarged. In 1856 he began to write out his views on a scale much more
extensive than that finally adopted; and yet, even so, it was only an
abstract of the materials collected. In 1858 Mr. Wallace, then in the
Malay Archipelago, sent Darwin an essay which proved to contain exactly
his own theory. On the advice of Lyell and the great botanist Hooker an
abstract from Darwin's manuscript was published in 1858, simultaneously
with Mr. Wallace's essay. The concurrence of ideas between Mr. Wallace and
himself set Darwin vigorously to work. He undertook once more to make an
abstract of the manuscript begun in 1856, and in 1859 published the
celebrated _Origin of Species_.
The book owes much of its effect to this process of gradual expansion and
gradual contraction. The reader is struck with three things in it: first,
the great range, combined with sobriety, of speculation; secondly, the
wonderful mastery of detail; and thirdly, the beautiful balance and
proportion, the sufficiency without undue length of the arguments. Hardly
any other pioneer in untravelled realms of thought has left such an
impression of wholeness.[4] Neither could Darwin have done so without the
long preliminary training. The _Origin_ bears on almost every page the
marks that it too is a product of selection. Darwin sifts his mass of
examples and chooses those best suited for his purpose. The completeness
of the book moreover is largely owing to the fact, noted by Darwin
himself, that for many years he had made a memorandum, at the moment, of
every fact, observation or thought _opposed_ to his results; because he
had found that such facts and thoughts were more apt to be forgotten than
favourable ones. 'Owing to this habit,' he says, with truth, 'very few
objections were raised against my views which I had not at least noticed
and attempted to answer.'
No book of this century has roused such a tempest as _The Origin of
Species_. A number of the younger men of science hailed the theory with
eagerness, and one or two of the older were extremely friendly; but many
were startled and were unprepared to accept views so novel. Still more,
the exponents of orthodox religion were wild against the theory; and in
the British Association meeting in 1860, at Oxford, Bishop Wilberforce, by
an unmannerly attack, drew down upon himself a crushing rebuke from
Huxley. Gradually a calmer temper prevailed, and the problems were
discussed fairly on both sides, as questions of science, not matters of
faith to be determined by an appeal to Genesis.
The time has not yet come for a final verdict upon _The Origin of
Species_; but even if Darwin's theory should in the end prove to need
great modification, his book will still be one of first-rate importance.
It has proved itself already the most stimulating book of the century.
Those who oppose Darwin oppose him now with his own weapons: they are
evolutionists, though they think some other scheme of evolution the true
one. The change is vast from the almost universally prevalent belief in
special acts of creation and fixed types to a belief, nearly as
widespread, in the gradual development of all the variety of life from at
most a few primordial forms. And this result has been, more than almost
any result equally great, the work of one man.
This great book was followed by some of those special studies which Darwin
had the gift of making almost as interesting as his discussions of central
principles. This is partly because he makes all his work illustrative of
those principles. No one was ever more steadfastly guided by a single
idea; and hence his works have an unusually intimate connexion with one
another. Thus, _The Fertilisation of Orchids_ (1862) is a detailed study
of a subject which occupies one or two paragraphs in the _Origin_. In _The
Movements and Habits of Climbing Plants_ (1865) Darwin broke new ground;
for it was after the publication of _The Origin of Species_ that he was
led to notice these phenomena. The new material however served the purpose
of the theory, and the author was 'pleased to find what a capital guide
for observations a full conviction of the change of species is.' The book
on climbing plants was the outcome of observations carried on in broken
health. 'All this work about climbers,' says Darwin, 'would hurt my
conscience, did I think I could do harder work.' In _The Variation of
Animals and Plants under Domestication_ (1868), on the other hand, he was
reverting to that department of investigation in which he had first seen
clear light on the question of species. The most debated point in this
book is the celebrated speculation of Pangenesis. Darwin advanced it, not
as something proved, but because 'it is a relief to have some feasible
explanation of the facts, which can be given up as soon as any better
hypothesis is formed.' It throws light however on the essentially
speculative character of his intellect to find that this admittedly
doubtful hypothesis of Pangenesis is the part of the book on which he
looks with the greatest affection,--'my beloved child,' as he phrases it.
_The Descent of Man_ (1871) ranks next in wide importance to _The Origin
of Species_. It is the application in detail of the same principles to the
human race. That the application was inevitable was already evident in the
earlier book; and it was this that brought upon the _Origin_ the most
virulent abuse. Just because it is so inevitable, _The Descent of Man_ has
not the unique interest of _The Origin of Species_. Once we are familiar
with the view that all the species of animals have been produced by the
accumulation of minute variations, there is no surprise in the idea that
man and all his powers may have been so produced likewise. Nevertheless,
Darwin differs on this point from the man who shares with him the honour
of discovering the theory of evolution. Mr. Wallace, while arguing with
Darwin that man has been evolved out of some lower form, holds that
'natural selection could only have endowed the savage with a brain a
little superior to that of an ape,' and that in the higher human faculties
there is evidence of the working of a supernatural power. The position is
a strange one. If the whole creation moves harmoniously through all its
grades by the action of one law, it will need overwhelming evidence to
show that just at the end this law is superseded by another altogether
unlike it. Either the supernatural governs the whole of life, or its
introduction to explain one stage is gratuitous.
After _The Descent of Man_ came _The Expression of the Emotions in Man and
Animals_ (1872); and that again was followed by _Insectivorous Plants_
(1875). The former was originally intended merely to form a chapter in the
_Descent_; but the materials grew, and the result is one of the most
readable of books. The _Insectivorous Plants_ embodies one of the most
remarkable of Darwin's discoveries. Its richness is due to the patience
and skill with which the facts were accumulated. Sixteen years passed
between the time when Darwin first noticed that plants lived on insects
and the appearance of the book. In the interval he had done many things;
but, whenever he had leisure, he was always adding to his store of facts
relating to this class of plants; and, as he justly says, 'a man after a
long interval can criticise his own work, almost as well as if it were
that of another person.'
Later, Darwin wrote on the fertilisation of plants, in order to
demonstrate the importance of cross-fertilisation; on the forms of
flowers; and on the movements of plants,--the last a kind of extension and
generalisation of the book on climbing plants, endeavouring to co-ordinate
all the movements of plants as variations of an inherent tendency of the
parts to a revolving motion. The theory has not been accepted by
botanists. Last of all, in 1881, appeared the monograph on _The Formation
of Vegetable Mould through the Action of Worms_. This book is just the
expansion and completion of a paper read by Darwin to a scientific society
as far back as 1837. All that time the subject dwelt in his mind; and when
at last leisure permitted, he developed it into what is perhaps the most
purely delightful of all his books. In greatness it does not come into
competition with some of them at all; but the familiarity of the
phenomena, the care with which they are examined, the skill of the
arrangement and the charm of finding meaning in what had been so
meaningless, have made the volume one of the most widely read of all
Darwin's works.
That which distinguishes Darwin from other naturalists is the combination
of extraordinary speculative power with great knowledge of detail and
unlimited patience. These qualities have been combined in others as well,
but never, within the field of natural history, in the same degree. More
commonly they are found separate. The ordinary type of naturalist is the
man who knows an immense number of facts about plants and animals, and who
rests content with that knowledge. He may be master of everything about
the great subject of scarabees, but it scarcely occurs to him to _explain_
the scarabees themselves, still less to use them in explaining other
creatures. On the other hand, the opposite type, the type which speculates
only without first laying the foundation of fact, is likewise common
enough. How ineffectual this is may be seen from the history of earlier
speculations on evolution. The _Vestiges of Creation_ and the theory of
Lamarck are superseded, not so much because of deficiency in speculative
power, as because the theories are not sufficiently buttressed by facts.
Even though Darwin's own theory should ultimately be, in one sense, as
dead as that of Chambers, it will always remain one of the landmarks of
thought.
Undoubtedly Darwin's intellect was fundamentally speculative. We have seen
how in the book on _Variation under Domestication_ his affection clung to
Pangenesis, perhaps the most questionable part of its contents. He was
restless under the sense of an unexplained fact, and thankful for even a
provisional explanation. He notes the effect upon him of the discovery
that science cannot remain content with facts alone. Geologising with
Sedgwick in North Wales, he heard about a tropical shell which had been
picked up in a neighbouring quarry. 'I told Sedgwick of the fact, and he
at once said (no doubt truly) that it must have been thrown away by some
one into the pit; but then added, if really embedded there it would be the
greatest misfortune to geology, as it would overthrow all that we know
about the superficial deposits of the Midland Counties.... I was then
utterly astonished at Sedgwick not being delighted at so wonderful a fact
as a tropical shell being found near the surface in the middle of England.
Nothing before had ever made me thoroughly realise, though I had read
various scientific books, that science consists in grouping facts so that
general laws or conclusions can be drawn from them.' It is this conception
that he kept steadily before his eyes, and his glory lies in his success
in drawing general laws from his facts.
[Sidenote: Alfred Russel Wallace (1822).]
The work of the other evolutionists, so far as it is not technical rather
than literary, is almost accounted for when Darwin's is described. With
respect to one indeed, Mr. Alfred Russel Wallace, an inevitable injustice
is done whatever course be pursued. He is the co-discoverer with Darwin of
the scheme of evolution associated with the name of the latter; and though
the fame has gone to the elder man, it seems clear that if not Darwin then
Mr. Wallace was destined to stir the mind of the age with this great
conception. Mr. Wallace has been an extensive traveller; he published, in
1853, a volume of _Travels on the Amazon_, giving an account of journeys
in that region during part of which he was the companion of Mr. Henry
Walter Bates, whose _Naturalist on the Amazon_ (1863) is well known as one
of the most interesting and valuable books of travel and natural history
in the language. It was however his observations in the Malay Archipelago
that led Mr. Wallace to the theory of evolution, and perhaps he is best
known by his book, _The Malay Archipelago_ (1869).