Early in 1879, when a convention to make a new State

constitution[516] had been called and was about to assemble in

New Orleans, Mrs. Merrick tried to arouse the ladies of the

board, representing to them that in the controlling power they

exercised over St. Anna's Asylum they were only children

_playing_ they were a part of the people and citizens of the

State, when in reality they were legally powerless to perform any

free and independent act. The ladies were mortified by the

position in which they found themselves but were not willing to

take any step to remedy their pitiful case, not even to sign the

petition which was afterwards drawn up by Mrs. Saxon and Mrs.

Merrick to present to the constitution-makers to have these

disabilities removed. The petition was as follows:

_To the Honorable President and Members of the Convention of

Louisiana, convened for the purpose of framing a new

Constitution:_

The undersigned, citizens of the State of Louisiana,

respectfully represent:

That up to the present time all women, of whatever age or

capacity, have been debarred from the right of

representation, notwithstanding the burdensome taxes which

they have paid.

They have been excluded from holding any office save in

cases of special tutorships in limited degree, or of

administration only in specified cases.

They have been debarred from being witnesses to wills or

notarial acts, even when executed by their own sex.

They look upon this condition of things as a grievance

proper to be brought before your honorable body for

consideration and relief.

As a question of civilization, we look upon the

enfranchisement of women as an all-important one. In

Wyoming, where it has been tried for ten years, the

law-makers and clergy unite in declaring that this influx of

women voters has done more to promote morality and order

than thousands of armed men could have accomplished.

Should the entire franchise seem too extended a privilege,

we most earnestly urge the adoption of a property

qualification, and that women may be allowed a vote on

school and educational matters, involving as they do the

interests of women and children in a great degree.

So large a proportion of the taxes of Louisiana is paid by

women, many of them without male representatives, that in

granting consideration and relief for grievances herein

complained of, the people will recognize justice and equity.

To woman as well as man "taxation without representation is

tyranny," she being "a person, a citizen, a freeholder, a

tax-payer," the same as man, only government has never held

out the same fostering, protecting hand to all alike, nor

ever will, until women are directly represented.

Wherefore, we, your petitioners, pray that some suitable

provision remedying these evils be incorporated in the

constitution you are about to frame.

While this petition was being circulated, favorable articles

appeared from time to time in the public prints. The following,

signed "Fatima," the _nom de plume_ of Clara Merrick Guthrie,

appeared in the _Democrat_:

A well-known notary signed this petition with a flourish,

remarking that "few women and not over half the men were

aware of the disabilities of wives and daughters."

If the convention should invest women of property with the

elective franchise it would give to the respectable side of

politics a large body of sensible voters which would go far

toward neutralizing the evil of unlimited male suffrage. The

policy in the Northern States has been to demand

unrestricted suffrage, but the women of Louisiana may with

propriety exhibit certain variations in the nature of their

appeal. This subject in all its phases inspires my

enthusiasm, but I dare not be as eloquent as I might, lest a

messenger should be sent to me with an urgent request to

address the convention next Monday evening. * * * *

_On dit._--Other ladies beside our brave Mrs. Saxon are

desired to give their views. Now surely the convention would

not ask these quiet house-mothers, who are not even remotely

akin to professional agitators, to do such violence to their

old-time precedents if the prospect of some reward were not

encouraging and immediate. Nothing could induce me to make

personal application save the solemn obligation of the whole

august body to accede to my timid proposal simultaneously

and by acclamation. Fortunately for us there are women in

Louisiana more sacrificing of their naturally shrinking

disposition, who perhaps take the cause more seriously than

your correspondent, who would make a most persuasive

enrolling-officer but not so gallant a general for active

service.

After securing over 400 influential names[517] the petition was

sent in to the convention and was referred to the Committee on

Suffrage, Mr. Felix P. Poche, chairman, now judge of the Supreme

Court. On May 7, the committee invited the ladies to a conference

at Parlor P, St. Charles Hotel. Mr. and Mrs. Saxon, Colonel and

Mrs. John M. Sandige and Mrs. Mollie Moore Davis were present.

Mrs. Saxon spoke for an hour and replied to questions from the

committee. She made a very favorable impression and was highly

commended for her argument. On June 16 the friends of the

petition were notified that a hearing would be granted them at

the evening session of the convention. Mrs. Harriette C. Keating

and Mrs. Elizabeth L. Saxon had consented to speak if such a

hearing were granted.

Col. John M. Sandige, who had occupied prominent positions in the

political affairs of the State, gave much encouragement and

assistance. He did not hesitate to urge the importance of this

movement, and the necessity that the women who were most

interested should cheerfully assume their responsibility in

relation to it. While Mrs. Saxon was known already as a fearless

and able reformer, and Dr. Harriette C. Keating as a noble

representative of woman in professional life, he thought it was

desirable to have a voice from the home and from society, and

Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick was solicited to come forward and

endorse what her colleagues would say, in a few words at the

close of the proceedings. Mrs. Merrick finally agreed that she

should see her duty in the light in which it was presented if

Judge Merrick, who constituted her court of last resort, should

leave her entirely free to act in the case. After a consultation,

to her great surprise and consternation the judge said, "You have

always desired to help women--here is an opportunity; go forward

and do your share in this work."

The surprise could hardly have been greater if a procession of

slaves twenty-five years ago had come up in force to the lordly

mansion of their master with several spokesmen chosen from their

ranks, for the avowed purpose of asking for their freedom. The

ladies were treated with a delicate courtesy and kindness on this

unusual occasion, which they can never forget. Judge Poche, with

the tact of a true gentleman, endeavored to smooth a difficult

way, reassuring the failing courage of the ladies while assisting

them to mount the platform. The _Daily Picayune_ of June 17,

1879, said:

The usually prosaic and unimpressive appearance of the

convention hall assumed for the occasion an entire change

last evening. When the convention closed its forenoon's

labors, it took a recess until half-past 7 o'clock for the

purpose of affording the female suffragists an opportunity

to plead their cause before a full meeting. The scene before

the convention was called to order was interesting and

amusing. As the minutes rolled on the crowd of ladies

commenced to pour in, and by 8 o'clock the hall contained

some fifty representatives of the gentler sex of the

Crescent City. Every age of womanhood and every class of

beauty found a representative upon the floor. About half a

dozen "society girls" occupied a retired corner of the room,

while a number of the notables, including Mrs. Myra Clark

Gaines, took possession of the middle of the hall.

Promptly at 8 o'clock President Wiltz climbed to his seat

and called the convention to order in a tone slightly husky

from nervous excitement. Secretary Harris, having summoned

up his spare courage, called the roll in a determined voice.

Of the 134 members 106 responded to their names. After the

usual preliminaries Mr. Poche announced that a committee of

ladies were in attendance, prepared to address the

convention upon the question of woman suffrage. He then

introduced Mrs. Dr. Keating. The fair speaker had scarcely

begun before it was seen that she possessed a clear, slow

enunciation and perfect confidence in her ability to enforce

the doctrines of the cause she was to advocate. She read

from manuscript and showed no little knowledge of the rules

of oratory.

Mrs. Saxon was greeted with a burst of applause, which was

gracefully acknowledged by the recipient; her address was

earnest and made a deep impression.

Mr. Robertson of St. Landry then offered the following

resolution, which lies over under the rules:

_Resolved_, That the committee on elective franchises be

directed to embody in the article upon suffrage reported in

this convention, a provision giving the right of suffrage to

women upon the same terms as to men.

After some talk the resolution was laid aside to allow

another speech to be made. Mrs. E. T. Merrick was introduced

by Mr. Poche, as the wife of ex-Chief-Justice Merrick, and a

shower of applause followed the appearance of the lady. She

said:

_Mr. President and Delegates of the Convention:_--We have

met with such unexpected kindness in the reception which you

have accorded us to-night, that we find it hard to give

expression to anything but thanks. When we remember the

persistent and aggressive efforts which our energetic

sisters of the North put forth before they could obtain a

hearing before any legislative assembly, we find ourselves

lost in a pleasing astonishment at the graciousness which

beams upon us here from all quarters. Should we even now be

remanded to our places and have our petitions met with an

utter refusal, we should be grieved to the heart, we should

be sorely disappointed, but we never could cherish the least

feeling of rebellious spite toward this convention of men,

who have shown themselves so respectful and considerate

toward the women of Louisiana.

Perhaps some of the gentlemen thought we did not possess the

moral courage to venture even thus far from the retirement

in which we prefer to dwell; perhaps they thought we would

not dare to appear in person before this formidable body and

speak for our own cause. Be assured that a resolute and

conscientious woman can put aside her individual preferences

at the call of duty, and act unselfishly for the good of

others. You are our witnesses that we have not wearied you

by our importunities, nor have we sought in any disingenuous

manner to influence you in our favor. We are simply here in

response to your own courteous invitation to explain our

ideas and opinions on the great question of woman's

enfranchisement. The ladies who have already addressed you

have given you our arguments, and in eloquent language have

made their appeal, to which you could not have been

insensible. It only remains for me to give you some of my

own individual views in the few words which are to conclude

this interview.

We assure you we are not cherishing any ambitious ideas of

political honors and emoluments for women. We do not wish to

become governors or legislators, nor have we any inordinate

desire to obtain seats in congress. I have seen but one

woman who ever expressed even a wish to be president of

these United States. But we do ask with most serious

earnestness that you should give us the ballot, which has

been truly called the expression of allegiance and

responsibility to the government. All over the world this

same movement is advancing. In many countries earnest,

thoughtful, large-hearted women are working day and night to

elevate their sex; to secure higher education; to open new

avenues for their industrious hands; trying to make women

helpers to man, instead of being millstones round his neck

to sink him in his life struggle. Ah, if we could only

infuse into your souls the courage which we,

constitutionally timid as we are, now feel on this subject,

you would hasten to perform this act of justice, and

inaugurate the beginning of the end which all but the blind

can see is surely and steadily approaching. We are willing

to accept anything. We have always been in the position of

beggars, as now, and cannot be choosers if we wished. We

will gladly accept the franchise on any terms, provided they

be wholly and entirely honorable. If you should see proper

to subject us to an educational test, even of a high order,

we should try to attain it; if you require a considerable

property qualification, we would not complain. We would be

only too grateful for any amelioration of our legal

disabilities. Allow me to ask, are we less prepared for the

intelligent exercise of the right of suffrage than were the

freedmen when it was suddenly conferred upon them? Has not

this right been to them a beneficial stimulant, inducing

them to use exertions to promote their improvement, and has

it not raised them to a superior place, above the

disfranchised classes, such as the Chinese, Indians and

women?

Perhaps you think only a few of us desire the ballot. If

that were so, we think it would not be any sufficient reason

for withholding it. In old times most of our slaves were

happy and contented. Under the rule of good and humane

masters, they gave themselves no trouble to grasp after a

freedom which was beyond their reach. So it is with us

to-day. We are happy and kindly treated (as witness our

reception here to-night), and in the enjoyment of the

numerous privileges which our chivalrous gentlemen are so

ready to accord; many of us who feel a wish for freedom, do

not venture even to whisper a single word about our rights.

For the last twenty-five years I have occasionally expressed

a desire to vote, and it was always received as a matter of

surprise, but the sort of effect produced was as different

as the characters of the individuals with whom I conversed.

* * * *

Gentlemen of the convention, we now leave our cause in your

hands, and commend it to your favorable consideration. We

have pointed out to you the signs of the dawning of a

better day for woman, which are so plain before our eyes,

and implore you to reach out your hand and help us up, that

we may catch the first glimpse of its glory before it floods

the world with noon-day light.[518]

Col. John M. Sandidge read a letter from Mrs. Sarah A.

Dorsey:

JUNE 11, 1879.

_Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention:_--Too weak

from recent illness and suffering to appear personally

before you by the side of the women of Louisiana who are

asking for the privilege and responsibility of political

suffrage, I am forced to use this mode of indorsing their

movement.

Being left by the fiat of God entirely alone in the world,

with no man to represent me, having large interests in the

State and no voice either in representation or taxation

while hundreds of my negro lessees vote and control my life

and property, I feel that I ought to say one word that may

perhaps aid many other women whom fate has left equally

destitute. It is doubtful whether I shall rise from my couch

of pain to profit by the gift should the men of Louisiana

decide to give the women of the State the right which is the

heritage of the Anglo-Saxon race--representation for

taxation. But still I ask it for my sisters and for the

future of the race. We women of Louisiana have always been

treated before the law as civil partners of our husbands. In

every respect our rights have been protected.

It needs but one more step to make us civilly free, and this

we ask you to embody in your new constitution. Many men are

not opposed to the fact of female suffrage, but to its mode

at present; that could be corrected, and women need not be

exposed to the coarseness and strife of the polls as they

are now conducted. There is no man among you who does not

believe his wife or his daughter intelligently capable of

taking a voice in the government. If my lessees are capable

of being citizens of Louisiana, it is because for thirty

years of my life and for five generations of my ancestors we

have interested ourselves in their civilization and in their

instruction. Gentlemen, we ask nothing that would unsex

ourselves. We do not expect to do man's work; we can never

pass the limits which nature herself has set. But we ask for

justice; we ask for removal of unnatural restrictions that

are contrary to the elemental spirit of the civil law; we do

not ask for rights, but for permission to assume our natural

responsibilities.

Praying that the hearts and minds of the men of Louisiana

may be moved toward this act of justice, I am, with profound

respect, your obedient servant,

SARAH A. DORSEY.

The Webster _Tribune_, Mr. Scanland, editor, of June 25, 1879,

shows the sensation created in the remotest parishes of Louisiana

by this hearing before the convention:

The ladies, it seems, are about walking up and demanding

enlarged liberties. We were under the impression that women

generally had about as much latitude as they wanted, but if

they desire more, the _Tribune_ says, in the name of

gallantry if not justice, let them have all they wish. There

is an element throughout the Union agitating the proposition

that they are entitled to vote because they are taxed. The

Constitution of the United States provides that no one shall

be taxed without representation. Representation is based on

population, and, of course, the ladies are enumerated; and

the "horrid men" claim that the ladies are represented

through them. This a great many repudiate, and their heads

are about level. When a man assumes to represent a woman, he

undertakes a larger contract than he imagines--something we

would not dream of attempting in a political or any other

sense.

The ladies who advocate female suffrage claim that as they

are governed by the laws they have a right to a voice in

making them. Many of the ablest women of this country hold

that belief, and of all our noble statesmen, not one has

advanced an answer to this demand--reasonable, if it does

come from women. A French essayist held that as women are a

part of society, they have a right to be judges of its

members, assist in making its laws, and condemn and punish

transgressors. They have their influence, but that is not so

effective as power. * * * * Some of the brightest intellects

that adorn the social circles throughout this country and

State hold these views and ably advance them. Among them in

this State are Mrs. E. L. Saxon, Mrs. Merrick, wife of

ex-Chief-Justice Merrick, and Mrs. Dr. Harriette Keating.

When our convention was discussing the suffrage question,

these ladies petitioned to be heard. Of course the request

was allowed. Last Tuesday evening the above-mentioned ladies

addressed the congress at length. Their speeches were able,

and the ideas they advanced were sound logic; but if carried

into effect may prove beneficial, and may not. Woman

suffrage is an experiment. Like everything else, we will

never know its effects until after it is tried. We only wish

that there were a few more men in that convention who could

make as able speeches as did these ladies--notwithstanding

the Utopian ideas advanced.

When the new constitution finally went forth, it contained, as

the result of all our arguments and appeals, but one little

concession:

ARTICLE 232. Women twenty-one years of age and upwards,

shall be eligible to any office of control or management

under the school laws of the State.

Judge I. F. Marshall of Catahoula parish, an accomplished

gentleman and able lawyer, suggested this article, and it was

presented and championed by Hon. F. L. Claiborne[519] of Pointe

Coupee. The women of Louisiana have never realized any advantage

from this law. All school offices are filled by appointment of

the governor, and there was no serious agitation for the

enforcement of this clause in the new constitution until the

autumn of 1885, when, in response to the demand that women should

be appointed on the school-board of New Orleans, Gov. McEnery,

through a correspondent of the _Times-Democrat_, gave his opinion

as follows:

If a married woman occupied an office under the school laws,

in which it was necessary to bring a suit to enforce some

right connected with it, she would have to get the consent

of her husband to bring the suit and join him with her.

There are only a few exceptional cases where the married

woman can legally act independently of her husband. Our code

so recognizes the paramount control of the husband that when

a widow, who is the tutor of her minor children, wishes to

marry, and gets the consent of a family meeting to be

retained in the tutorship, the code, article 255, says: Her

second husband becomes of necessity the co-tutor, and, for

the administration of the property subsequently to his

marriage, becomes bound _in solido_ with his wife. And so it

would be in the appointment of a married woman to a public

office. Her husband, of necessity, would share it with her;

would, in fact, be the officer. And as to unmarried women,

Article 232 does not repeal any of their disabilities. It

does not repeal the laws creating the essential differences

between men and women. It, as I stated, simply asserts a

right, and is inoperative until there is legislation to

enforce it.

The _Daily Picayune_ of November 16, under the head lines of

"Women as Members of School Boards," "The Law and the Facts in

the Case Presented by Mrs. Merrick," gives the following:

Last Thursday evening, November 12, a special meeting or

reception was held by the women's club at their rooms on

Baronne street. On this occasion the club was addressed by

Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick, a good and practical-minded friend

of the cause of woman. The 12th was the seventieth birthday

of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and a decorated picture of

the famous woman hung in the rooms. Mrs. Merrick read a

sketch of the life of Mrs. Stanton, but devoted the first

part of the evening to reading the following paper, the

matter of which is, of the keenest interest to all thinking

men and women in the State:

More than eighty thousand children attend the public schools

in Louisiana, and of this number one-half are girls, and of

the 389 teachers employed in the public schools of New

Orleans, 368 are women. It cannot be denied that these are

of equal concern and importance to the State with any like

number of boys and men, nor does it require any argument to

prove that mothers are best qualified to superintend and

look after the welfare of their own children. In view of

this fact the convention of 1879 embodied the following

article in the constitution of the State:

ARTICLE 232. Women 21 years of age and upward shall be

eligible to any office of control or management under the

school laws of this State.

Notwithstanding the absolute right conferred by this article

on women over twenty-one years of age, the chief executive

of the State, with his present views, is apparently

unwilling to make any appointment of women to such

management without further legislation. The views of the

Governor on all questions are always entitled to great

respect. The question is one of interpretation, and many of

the best lawyers in Louisiana do not hesitate to hold and

declare a different view.

I am told that there are in the various constitutions of the

States and general government two classes of provisions, the

one self-executing and absolute, and the other requiring

legislative action before they can be exercised. For example

of the first class, article 59 of the constitution declares

that "the supreme executive power of the State shall be

vested in a chief magistrate, who shall be styled the

Governor of Louisiana." Nobody would ever undertake to say

that the governor was dependent on any more legislation to

carry this into effect so as to enable him to fill his

office. If he were, it would then become necessary to

legislate about every other article, and so the constitution

would be worthless, everything being required to be done

over by the legislature before the constitution could have

any effect.

Article 232 of the constitution is imperative. It declares

that women over twenty-one years of age shall be eligible to

any office of control or management under the school laws of

the State. Can the legislature repeal or modify this

mandate? Of course not. Could the absoluteness of this right

be expressed in plainer or more energetic terms? No, indeed.

We are told and have been made to understand that it is a

right conferred by the constitution of the State, which

cannot be defeated or enlarged, or even abridged in any way

by the legislature; neither by modification, repeal, or

inaction. That this article being paramount law, itself

repeals all legislation inconsistent with it. The

constitution, I am told, prescribes the legal and other

qualifications for our judges of the courts. Nobody ever

thought legislative action was needed when their

qualifications are according to that instrument, to enable

them to take their places on the bench.

Article 185 of the constitution prescribes the

qualifications of voters or electors, and we are instructed

that all conflicting laws on that point are annulled by the

sovereign will of the people in convention assembled. In

fact, good lawyers have given us innumerable examples,

illustrations and decisions to this effect; and even women,

who are for the most part ignorant of the laws of their

State, begin to understand that they have a right to a place

on the school-board for some one of their own sex here in

Louisiana. True, it has been said that there are other

articles which are in conflict with article 232, but we are

told the other provisions of the constitution relate to

other and more general subjects, and on this very subject

the framers of the constitution have in very positive and

unmistakable terms declared its precise will, and it is

wasting time to try to explain it away. These wise jurists

do not fear to tell us further, that special laws or

provisions in a constitution or statute abrogate or limit

the general provisions in the same instrument.

We are sorry that our governor apprehends any difficulty

would arise in regard to married women being school

directors. He says the husband might change his domicile and

the wife would be obliged to follow him, and if bond were

required she could not sign it without his consent, and

finally the fact was she could not do _anything_ without the

husband's consent. Then "the husband would share the office

with her." I have heard that it was difficult to prevent

outside influences from operating upon the minds of men in

office. We have certainly heard some complaints of this

sort, but it seems that there would be no great danger

encountered from this source. The duties which this article

of the constitution permits women to perform are not

generally remunerative, and would be probably more a labor

of love than of reward. As to the other objections, perhaps

the husband _would_ sign his wife's bond, and perhaps he

would _not_ move away while she held the office. I have

heard that sheriffs sometimes run away after giving bond,

and people are sometimes elected to office and unable to

qualify, and others disappoint the public by resigning.

Moreover we have ascertained the fact that a tutrix may

subsequently marry, and that act does not prevent her from

filling the office of tutrix, neither does the fact of being

already married prevent her from discharging the duties of

tutrix. But I see no harm done if the husband should become

the assistant of his wife in this office. Is it not manifest

that the two together would have a superior official

knowledge of the needs and exigencies of the girls sent to

the public schools and the women who teach them daily, than

the husband could possibly attain by himself? But the whole

difficulty, it seems to us, might be obviated. Let the

governor appoint unmarried women. A woman who has been so

unfortunate as to be a widow would not be objectionable.

The article says: "Women over twenty-one years shall be

eligible" to these offices. It does not say the legislature

may make them "eligible." By its own inherent force it

declares them eligible. If they are really eligible, then

why not have them selected and appointed? They have every

requisite for the office, and as the dictionary says, are

"proper to be chosen." They are "qualified to be elected."

They are "legally qualified." They are eligible. It is not

at all likely that the legislature will ever do the vain

thing of affirming a constitutional right so explicitly

given.

The opposition of the executive, therefore, seems to be a

bar not only to this provision being carried out, but also

to the raising of any question under it for the

consideration of the judiciary. It is confidently hoped and

expected that he will consent to reconsider the whole

question. We feel sure the governor will not intentionally

be guilty of any injustice to the women of Louisiana, and

will not desire to withhold any benefit from them which has

already been conferred by the State constitution. Women all

over the Union rejoiced when this generous concession was

granted here in Louisiana. In many other States they enjoy

the same, and greater privileges, and letters and inquiries

have come from distant States, asking why this law has not

gone into effect. We are aware that any reform changing

existing conditions must move slowly, and is apt to be

unpopular with men in authority; then it also antagonizes

the inertia of women, who are too modest to thrust

themselves forward, saying, "I am ready to serve the State";

yet they know all the time they can do good service in

relation to the schools. Only give them a kindly helping

hand, and we feel sure that a valuable cooeperating influence

will be felt, of which no one has ever dreamed in the past.

We leave this matter to the governor, to the citizens of

Louisiana, and to the fathers who take a deep interest in

the welfare of their daughters as well as of their sons.

Our legislature passed a law requiring physiology to be taught in

the public schools, while the vast majority of the teachers of

the State are women, and no college in which that science is

taught is open to them. In 1885, Dr. Chaille gave a course of

free lectures on physiology and anatomy for the benefit of the

New Orleans teachers, who, while they are doing the most

important-public work in training the rising generation in the

rudiments of learning, are denied the advantages of the higher

education that would fit them for the duties of their profession.

A fitting precedent for the action of our rulers may be found in

Shakespeare's, "Titus Andronicus," in which rude men seize the

king's daughter, cut out her tongue and cut off her hands, and

then bid her go call for water and wash her hands.

The State Pharmaceutical Association, formed in 1882 with 110

members, unanimously elected Miss Eliza Rudolph a member. Miss

Rudolph was then the only woman in the drug business. Having been

refused admission to the medical college of the State University,

she perfected herself in pharmacy by a course of private

lectures. In 1884 she was elected corresponding secretary of the

association.

The _Daily Picayune_, in closing its half-century, gives the

following of Mrs. E. J. Nicholson, its chief owner and manager

since January, 1876:

"Pearl Rivers," the lady's _nom de plume_, was already well

known in the republic of letters before she became, as she

now is, the most eminent female journalist in the world,

largely owning and successfully directing for years a great

daily political journal. The fact is unique. The fame of

Mrs. Nicholson belongs to the world of letters and her

biography may be found in any dictionary of Southern

authors, nevertheless a history of the _Picayune_ would not

be complete without some notice of one who has had so much

to do with its destiny. Miss Eliza J. Poltevent is a native

of Hancock county, Mississippi. She was born on the banks of

one of the most beautiful streams in the South, Pearl river.

She wrote over the name of "Pearl Rivers," and her poems

made her a conspicuous niche in the temple of Southern

letters. She wrote much for the _Picayune_ and wrote herself

into love as well as fame. She was married to Col. Holbrook,

the proprietor of the paper, and after his death in 1876,

she succeeded to the ownership. This was a trying position

for a woman. The South had not recovered from the

devastation of the war, and the _Picayune_ was involved in

embarrassments. Friends even advised her to dispose of the

property and not to undertake so formidable a task as the

conduct of a daily paper under existing complications. Brave

and true-hearted, with a profound and abiding conviction of

her duty in the matter, she assumed the control of the

paper. She wisely surrounded herself with able and devoted

assistants, and with their help has gallantly and

successfully surmounted many formidable obstacles, until she

has seen the _Picayune_ reestablished on a sound and

prosperous basis. Mr. George Nicholson had acquired a

proprietorship in it, and when Mrs. Holbrook assumed control

the firm name was E. J. Holbrook & Co. On June 28, 1878, the

interests of the two copartners were further consolidated by

marriage. Since then the _Picayune_ has been published under

the firm name of Nicholson & Co., and the columns daily

attest the energy, enterprise and ability with which it is

conducted, while its advertising patronage speaks for

itself.

Mrs. Martha R. Field is a member of the editorial staff of the

_Picayune_. She has charge of the Sunday woman's column, besides

her regular column over the _nom de plume_ of Catherine Cole.

The _Times-Democrat_ is owned by Mrs. Burke, who however leaves

its management to her husband, Col. Burke. Miss Bessie Bisland,

under the name of B. L. R. Dane, contributes to the Sunday paper,

and edits the "_Bric-a-Brac_ column" which consists of criticisms

and reviews of the leading magazines. This paper boasts the most

clever "Society column" in the country; it is edited by Mrs.

Jennie Coldwell Nixon who is now, 1886, superintendent of the

Woman's Department of the Exposition.

Mrs. J. Pinkney Smith edits the "Social Melange" of the _States_.

Among the regular Sunday contributors are Miss Corrinne

Castillanos, who buzzes as the Society Bee, and Mrs. Mollie Moore

Davis, known as the "Texas Song Bird." Mrs. Ada Hilderbrand,

editor of the _Courier_ at Gretna, did the printing for the

Woman's Exposition.

New Orleans has a Woman's National Press Association of which

Mrs. E. J. Nicholson is president; a Christian Woman's Exchange,

Mrs. R. M. Wamsley, president, doing a business of $45,000 a

year,[520] a Southern Art Union and Woman's Industrial

Association, with Mrs. J. H. Stauffer and others on the auxiliary

executive committee, and a Woman's Club,[521] originated by Miss

Bessie Bisland who was the president of the club for the first

year, 1885.

The laws of Louisiana relating to women have been given by Judge

E. T. Merrick, a well-known legal authority and for ten years the

chief-justice of the Supreme Court of the State:

The rights of married women to their estates are probably

better secured in Louisiana than in any other of these

United States. The laws on this subject are derived from

Spain. Certain provinces of that kingdom were conquered and

for centuries held by the Visigoths, among whom, as among

the Franks at Paris, the institution called the community of

aquets and gains between husband and wife, prevailed. In

Spain, as in France, there were certain provinces in which

the ancient Roman law continued in force, and they were

called the provinces of the written law. In these (called

also the countries of the _dotal regime_) there was no

community between the spouses of their acquisitions. Both of

these systems are recognized by the Louisiana civil code,

but if the parties marry without any marriage settlement the

law implies that they have married under the _regime_ of the

community. To prevent error it is proper to observe that

there have been three civil codes adopted in Louisiana,

viz., in 1808, 1825 and 1870. The marriage laws are

substantially the same in all, but bear different numbers in

each code. The following references are to the code of 1870.

Except in a very limited number of cases the husband and

wife are incapable of making binding contracts with each

other during the marriage. Hence all settlements of

property, to be binding, must be executed before marriage

and in solemn form, that is, before a notary and two male

witnesses having the proper qualifications. The betrothed

are granted considerable liberty over the provisions of

their marriage contract, as the following quotations show:

ART. 2,325. In relation to property, the law only regulates

the conjugal association in default of particular

agreements, which the parties are at liberty to stipulate as

they please, provided they be not contrary to good morals

and under the modifications hereafter prescribed.

ART. 2,326. Husband and wife can in no case enter into any

agreement or make any renunciation the object of which would

be to alter the legal order of descents, either with respect

to themselves, in what concerns the inheritance of their

children, posterity, or with respect to their children

between themselves, without prejudice to the donations

_inter vivas_ or _mortis causa_, which may take place

according to the formalities and in the cases determined by

this code.

The parties are also "prohibited from derogating from the

power of the husband over the person of his wife and

children which belongs to the husband as the head of the

family, or from the rights guaranteed to the surviving

husband or wife" (C. C., Art. 2,327).

If the parties adopt the _dotal regime_ in their marriage

contract the dotal effects are (except under some

circumstances) inalienable during marriage; and at the

dissolution of the marriage, they are to be replaced or

returned to the wife, or her heirs, and to secure this, the

wife has a mortgage on her husband's lands, and a privilege

on his movables, including those of the community (C. C.,

Art. 2376; Art. 2347). "The dower is given to the husband,

for him to enjoy the same as long as the marriage shall

last." Strong as is this language, the dowry is given by the

wife or her father or mother or other relations or friends,

simply to support the marriage.

Under the _regime_ of the community, the individual property

of the husband or wife, and all property either may acquire

afterwards by inheritance or donations re-remain separate

property. The conjugal partnership is defined by C. C., Art.

2402. "This partnership, or community, consists of the

profits of all the effects of which the husband has the

administration and enjoyment, either of right or in fact, of

the produce of the reciprocal industry and labor of both

husband and wife, and the estates which they may acquire

during marriage, either by donations made jointly to them

both, or by purchase, or in any other similar way, even

should the purchase be in the name of one of the two, and

not of both, because in that case the period of time when

the purchase is made is alone attended to, and not the

person who made the purchase."

During the marriage the husband has the management of the

community, and he can sell or exchange the same, but he

cannot give away the real estate without binding his estate

to recompense the wife or her heirs, for the one-half so

given away. All the income of his estate must enter into the

community. On the other hand the wife may at her pleasure

take her own estate from the management of the husband into

her own control and discretion (C. C. 2384). But in this

contingency she must contribute to the family expenses (C.

C. 2389 and 2435).

If the affairs of the husband become embarrassed, the wife

can sue the husband for a separation of property, and get a

judgment against him for all indebtedness, on account of

money or property used or disposed of by him, and sell him

out under execution, and buy in the property herself if she

sees fit. Thus she stands in a more favorable position

toward the community than the husband, who is bound for all

its debts, for she can stand by and choose. If the community

becomes prosperous, she has the absolute right, as owner, to

one-half of it after payment of debts, and a right to the

income of the other half until she dies, or marries a second

time.

By causing her claims on account of her separate or

paraphernal estate to be recorded, she secures a mortgage

against her husband's lands and the lands of the community.

If a husband or wife dies affluent, leaving the survivor in

necessitous circumstances, the latter can claim one-fourth

of the estate of the deceased. This is called "the marital

fourth." The wife, also, if she or the children do not

possess one thousand dollars in their own right, can claim

as a privilege and against the creditors, one thousand

dollars, or a sum which, with her own estate, shall equal

that amount.

The wife cannot appear in court, or dispose of, or mortgage,

or acquire real estate, without the consent of the husband,

but the judge of the court of the domicil may authorize the

wife to sue, or be sued. If the husband refuses to empower

the wife to contract, she may cite him into court and have

the property of the proposed contract settled by an order of

the judge. The wife has full power to make a will without

any authorization from her husband or the court.

ART. 2,398. The wife, whether separated in property, by

contract, or by judgment, or not separated, cannot bind

herself for her husband, nor conjointly with him, for debts

contracted by him before or during the marriage.

ART. 119. The husband and wife owe to each other mutual

fidelity, support and assistance.

ART. 120. The wife is bound to live with her husband, and

follow him wherever he chooses to reside; the husband is

obliged to receive her, and furnish her with whatever is

required for the convenience of life in proportion to his

means and condition.

It is provided that the domicil for granting divorces of

such marriages as have been solemnized in Louisiana, shall

be in that State so that the courts of Louisiana may grant

divorces for causes and faults committed in foreign

countries. For abandonment and other causes, a final divorce

cannot be granted until one year after a decree of

separation from bed and board has elapsed without a

reconciliation. In other particulars the law is similar to

that of the other States.

[Illustration: Caroline E. Merrick]

One day in 1842, the New Orleans _Delta_ had this item: "Myra Clark

Gaines argued her own case in court in this city; the only instance

of a lady appearing as counsel in the courts." Mrs. Gaines was a

remarkable woman. She carried on a suit for many years against the

city of New Orleans to recover property that belonged to her, and,

through untold difficulties and delays, triumphed at last. She

preserved her youth, beauty and vivacity until late in life. All

who knew her can readily recall her bright, sparkling face, and

wonderful powers of conversation. In her long experience in

litigation, she became well versed in the laws regarding real

estate and the right of descent. Mrs. Gaines was a generous woman

and did not desire to rob the poor; to many such she gave a

quit-claim title to the property which she had secured under her

suits.

In 1869, the New Orleans _Republican_ had an excellent editorial

fully endorsing the demand for woman's enfranchisement. In 1870 the

_Livingston Herald_, published in Ponchatoula parish, by J. O. and

J. E. Spencer, advocated suffrage for women.

In 1874, the secretary of the treasury rendered a decision that

when a woman owns a steamboat she may be named in the papers as the

master of the same. This decision, despite the opposition of

Solicitor Raynor, received confirmation in case of Mrs. Miller, in

1883, from Secretary Charles J. Folger.

II.--TEXAS.

In the adoption of the first constitution of Texas, woman had some

representatives in the convention to remind the legislators of that

State of her existence, and to demand that the constitution be so

framed as to secure the right of suffrage alike to both sexes. On

the resolution of Mr. Mundine, to extend suffrage to women, in the

constitutional convention of Texas, January, 1869, Hon. L. D. Evans

said:

I do not favor the adoption of this measure at the present time,

because the country is not yet prepared, yet it is entitled to

our respectful consideration--therefore I thank the convention

for allowing me the opportunity to state the ground on which the

friends of woman suffrage place their advocacy, so far as I may

be able under the five-minute rule. It does not comport with the

dignity of a representative body engaged in forming a

constitution of government to thrust aside the claim of woman to

the right of suffrage,--a claim that is advocated by some of the

ablest statesmen and political philosophers of Europe and

America, and is destined to a sure and speedy triumph.

Aristotle, the profoundest thinker of antiquity, in his treatise

on politics, defines a citizen to be "one who enjoys a due share

in the government of that country of which he is a member." If he

does not enjoy this right, then he is no citizen, but a subject.

Every citizen, therefore, is entitled to a voice--a vote--a due

share in the government of his country. I am aware that the

courts and politicians in democratic America have not so defined

citizenship. The reason is that politics is not yet a positive

science, and they have failed to analyze this question. Had they

a clear conception of the constituent elements--the anatomy, so

to speak, of the body politic, they would perceive that

suffrage--a voice in the government--is an essential condition of

citizenship. Aristotle, in his treatise, which is perhaps the

ablest yet given to the world, pointed out that families, not

individuals, are the constituent units of a State.

A family--a household--exists and is held together by natural

laws, independent of the State, and an aggregation of these

constitute the State. The head of the family, whoever that may

be, according to its structure, is the representative in the

State. All the constituent members of the family, consisting, in

its most perfect form, of husband, wife, children and domestics,

are subject to the authority of the head, and have no voice, no

vote, no share in the government, except through their head or

representative. In societies where the common law obtains, which

in this respect is a transcript of the Bible, the wife, like the

child, is subordinated to the authority of the husband, and on

principle, has no voice, no vote. On the decease of the husband,

the widow becomes the head of the family, and on principle is

entitled to a voice, a vote. But in countries where the civil law

governs, the wife is the partner, and not the subject of her

husband, and on principle ought to have her due share in the

government.

When the children in a family, whether male or female, attain the

age fixed by law for the control of their own affairs, and do

control them, they are free, independent, and on every principle

are entitled to a due share in the government--to a vote. Every

member of society who is free and independent--capable of

managing his own affairs, or making his own living, and does make

it, should have the same right of choice in the selection of his

political agents that he has to select his legal or business

agents. But all persons, no matter from what cause, who are

unable to maintain themselves, and are dependent for their

support upon others, are incapable of any share in the

government, and should have no voice--no vote. As soon as the

principle of citizenship comes to be thoroughly understood, woman

suffrage must be adopted throughout the United States, in

England, and in every country where representative government

exists.

_The Revolution_ of August 20, 1868, said:

We have received from Loring P. Haskins, esq., a delegate to the

convention, the following excellent report and declaration made

and signed by a majority of the committee to whom the subject of

woman suffrage was referred. We need scarcely bespeak attentive

reading:

_Report of the Committee on State Affairs upon Female

Suffrage, with accompanying Declaration:_

July 30, 1868--Introduced and ordered to be printed.

COMMITTEE ROOM, AUSTIN, Texas, July 10, 1868.

_To the Hon. E. J. Davis, President of the Convention:_

A majority of your Committee on State Affairs, to whom was

referred the declaration introduced by the Hon. T. H.

Mundine of the county of Burleson, to extend the right of

suffrage to all citizens of the State over the age of

twenty-one years, possessing the requisite qualifications

for electors, have examined with much care said declaration

and considered the object sought to be accomplished, and

have arrived at the conclusion that said declaration ought

to be a part of the organic law.

It was said by George Washington that the safety of

republican government depends upon the virtue and

intelligence of the people. This declaration is not a new

theory of government for the first time proposed to be made

a part of our republican institutions. The idea of extending

the elective franchise to females has been discussed both in

Great Britain and in the United States. Your committee are

of the opinion that the true base of republican government

must ever be the wisdom and virtue of the people.

In this State our system of jurisprudence is a combination

of civil and Spanish law, intermixed with the common law of

England; and this peculiar system, just in all its parts for

the preservation of the rights of married and unmarried

women, is likely to be continued. The time was when woman

was regarded as the mere slave of man. It was believed, in

order to perpetuate the pretended divine right of kings to

rule, that the mass of the people should be kept in profound

ignorance and that woman was not entitled to the benefits of

learning at all. It is not remarkable that as the benign

principles of Christianity have been promulgated, free

government has steadily progressed and the divine rights of

woman have been recognized.

The old constitution of the republic of Texas, the

constitution of the State of Texas of 1845, the laws enacted

for the protection of married women, the many learned

decisions of the Supreme Courts of Texas and Louisiana, and

other courts, clearly indicate that the march of

intelligence is onward and that our advanced civilization

has approximated to the period when other and more sacred

rights are to be conceded. Is it just that woman, who bears

her reasonable portion of the burdens of government, should

be denied the right of aiding in the enactment of its laws?

The question of extending the freedom of the ballot to woman

may well claim the attention of the law-maker, and in view

of the importance of the subject a majority of your

committee earnestly recommend the passage of the

declaration.

H. C. HUNT, _Chairman_,

T. H. MUNDINE, BENJ. WATROUS,

WM. H. FLEMING, L. P. HARRIS.

A DECLARATION.

Be it declared by the people of Texas in convention

assembled, that the following shall be a section of the

constitution of the State of Texas, known as section ---- of

article ----: Every person, without distinction of sex, who

shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years, and who

shall be a citizen of the United States, or is at the time

of the adoption of this constitution by the congress of the

United States a citizen of the State of Texas, and shall

have resided in this State one year next preceding an

election, and the last six months within the district,

county, city or town in which he or she offers to vote,

shall be an elector.

The _Woman's Journal_ of December 4, 1875, contains a letter from

Mrs. Sarah W. Hiatt, who presented a memorial to the constitutional

convention. The memorial was referred to the Committee on Suffrage.

In regard to the effect, she says:

Since the presentation of the memorial I have had some very

interesting letters on the subject from a few of our leading men;

some for, others against woman suffrage, but all treating the

subject respectfully. I copy below a portion of one just

received. I should like to give it entire with the writer's name,

but have not his permission to do so:

As you apprehended, the question of suffrage had been

definitely settled in the convention before the reception of

your letter. It remains as heretofore, unrestricted manhood

suffrage. That all the rabble, the very _debris_ of society,

should be allowed a voice in government, and yet

intelligent, highly-cultivated women who are amenable to the

laws of the State and who own and pay taxes on property,

should be debarred from a voice in making the laws which are

to affect their persons and property equally with that of

the men, is to my mind simply an outrage on reason and

justice. * * * The fear of ignoring the right of petition,

and gallantry towards your sex on the part of a few,

prevented the memorial from being summarily rejected.

Outside of ---- and ---- I know of no member of the

convention who openly favors woman suffrage in any form. It

is true there are a number of gentlemen who, in private

conversation, will admit the justice of your plea, but avoid

it by saying that ladies generally neither demand nor desire

the right to vote. The truth is, these men (and society is

full of them) have not the moral courage to do simple

justice.

Thus you see that, so far as the action of this convention is

concerned, our cause is defeated. Yet I do not feel discouraged.

I think there is hardly a State in the Union that has such just

and excellent laws concerning the property rights of women as

Texas. There is also great liberality of sentiment here

concerning the avocations of women. But the right of women to the

ballot seems to be almost a new idea to our people. I have never

lived in a community where the women are more nearly abreast of

the men in all the activities of life than here in this frontier

settlement. In our State a woman's property, real or personal, is

her own, to keep, to convey, or to bequeath. The unusual number

of widows here, due to the incursions of the Indians during and

since the war, has made the management as well as the ownership

of property by women so common a thing as to attract no notice. I

might give interesting instances, but that would take time, and

my point is this, that the laws which have enabled, and the

circumstances which have driven women to rely upon and to exert

themselves, have been educational, not only to them, but also to

the community. The importance of this education to the

future--who can measure it? It is true that many of them can

neither read nor write, but in this the men are not in advance of

them. It as often happens that the woman can read while the man

cannot, as the reverse. And they are almost universally resolved

that their children shall not grow up in the ignorance that has

been their portion. If the women could vote, our convention would

not think of submitting a constitution that did not secure to the

State a liberal free school system.

The legislature of 1885, after a hard struggle, enacted a law

making it compulsory on the heads of all departments to give at

least one-half of the clerical positions in their respective

offices to women. The action has extraordinary interest, and is

regarded as a victory for the woman's rights party. Mrs. Jenny

Bland Beauchamp of Dennison writes:

Texas claims to be a woman's State, in that her laws are

unusually just and lenient to women. A woman who has property at

marriage can keep it. She can even claim any property that she

can prove was bought with that money. The wife is entitled to

half the community whether she owned any of the original stock or

not. She has a life interest in the homestead; no deed of trust

can be put upon it, nor can it be mortgaged. It can only be

conveyed from her by actual sale with her written consent. Under

our latest revised statutes women have the right of suffrage, but

have never exercised it; nor is the subject agitated to any great

extent.

Three years ago, when the State University was built, it was

decided that it should be coeducational, and young women are now

being educated there side by side with young men. Texas has many

liberal men and women. It is generally remarked that the women of

the State are better educated than the men.

Miss Julia Pease, a Vassar graduate and daughter of the late

ex-Governor Pease, has charge of 6,000 acres of land. She

lives in the family mansion at Austin with her mother, and

in addition to her other duties superintends the education

of the three children of her deceased sisters.

Mrs. Rogers, the "cattle queen" of Texas, inherited from her

first husband a herd of 40,000 cattle. The widow managed the

business, and in due time married a preacher twenty years

younger than herself, who had seven children. She attends to

her estate herself, rides among her cowboys on horseback,

and can tell just what a steer or cow is worth at any size

or age.

The largest individual sheep-owner is a woman, known all

over the State as the "Widow Cullahan." Her sheep, more than

50,000 in number, wander over the ranges of Uvalda and

Bandern counties, in the southwestern part of the State.

Their grade is a cross between the hardy Mexican sheep and

the Vermont merino. They are divided into flocks of 2,000

head each, with a "bossero" and two "pastoras" in charge of

each flock. At the spring and fall shearings long trains of

wagons transport the "widow's" wool to the market at San

Antonio.

Texas has two female dentists. Mrs. Stocking is one of the

most successful dental surgeons in the State. The other,

Miss Emma Tibler, went from Kentucky to Texas for the

purpose of teaching. Finding this profession full, she

studied dentistry and is now a successful practitioner of

Cleburne.

The youngest telegrapher in the world is probably Hattie

Hutchinson, in charge of an office in Texas. She is only ten

years old.

III.--ARKANSAS.

Under date of March, 1868, Miles L. Langley writes from

Arkadelphia, Arkansas, in regard to the efforts for equality in the

constitutional convention:

ARKADELPHIA, Ark., March 5, 1868.

SUSAN B. ANTHONY--_Dear Friend_: With a sad heart but an

approving conscience, I will give you some information relative

to the action of our constitutional convention on the franchise

question.

The new constitution--a copy of which I send you--makes no

difference between men, on account of race or color and contains

other excellences; but alas! it fails to guarantee to woman her

God-given and well-earned rights of civil and political equality.

I made a motion to insert in the constitution a section to read

thus: "All citizens twenty-one years of age, who can read and

write the English language, shall be eligible to the elective

franchise, and be entitled to equal political and legal rights

and privileges." The motion was seconded and I had the floor,

but the House became so clamorous that the president could not

restore order, and the meeting adjourned with the understanding

that I was to occupy the floor next morning. But next morning,

just as I was about to commence my speech, some of the members

tried to "bully" me out of the right to speak on that question. I

replied that I had been robbed, shot, and imprisoned for

advocating the rights of the slaves, and that I would then and

there speak in favor of the rights of women if I had to fight for

the right! I then proceeded to present arguments of which I am

not ashamed. I was met with ridicule, sarcasm and insult. My

ablest opponent, a lawyer, acknowledged in his reply that he

could not meet my argument. The motion was laid on the table.

The Democrats are my enemies because I assisted in emancipating

the slaves. The Republicans have now become my opponents, because

I have made an effort to confer on the women their rights. And

even the women themselves fail to sympathize with me.

Very respectfully, MILES L. LANGLEY.

The Arkansas _Ladies' Journal_ says:

They tell us that women are not fit for politics. This may

be true; and as it is next to impossible to change the

nature of a woman, why wouldn't it be a good idea to so

change politics that it shall be fit for women?

In 1885, Arkansas formed its first woman suffrage society at

Eureka Springs through the efforts of Miss Phoebe Couzins, Mrs.

Lizzie D. Fyler, president. The association numbers some fine

speakers. The press is not in opposition, one or two papers favor

the cause.

Misses Pettigrew and Sims have been elected clerks of the

legislature. Several other ladies were candidates for the

positions, and the contest was quite exciting. Mrs. Simonson and

Miss Emily Thomas are members of the board of directors of a

lumber company at Batesville, and Miss Thomas is also bookkeeper

of the firm.

A very able report[522] of what has been done in Arkansas for the

elevation of woman was presented by Mrs. Lizzie D. Fyler at the

annual Washington convention in March, 1884.

IV.--MISSISSIPPI.

Mississippi secures to a married woman her own separate estate, and

enables her to contract with her husband, or others, and carry on

business in her own name. She may sue her husband, or others, and

be sued, and has practically most of her civil rights; but her

political rights are denied as in all other States.

In 1877 a law was passed by which henceforth no one can legally

sell liquor in Mississippi unless he can obtain the written

consent of a majority of the adult citizens of both sexes

resident in the township.

The Mississippi Industrial College for Women held its formal

opening October 22, 1885, at Columbus. Students had come from all

parts of the State. More than 300 had already entered. The

occasion was a brilliant one. Speeches were made by Senator E.

T. Sykes, Senator J. McMcartin of Claiborne county, Col. J. L.

Power of Jackson, Hon. James T. Harrison, Governor Lowry, and Dr.

Jones. Mrs. E. G. Peyton of Hazelhurst, to whose efforts the

founding of the Industrial College is largely due, was called

upon, and in a few well-chosen remarks expressed the pride she

felt in the State and in the college, feeling sure, she said,

that Mississippi's daughters were now in safe hands.

Miss Lilian Light, the eight-year-old daughter of Mr. Jere Light

of Hayneville, when only five or six years old began to make

figures in clay, and now (1885) has a large collection of mud

cats, hogs, dogs, cows, horses, and men. The figures are declared

to be not childish imitations, but remarkably acute likenesses.

Her best piece represents a negro praying, and is said to be very

clever.

Miss C. F. Boardman of Elmore's Point, two miles from Biloxi, on

the Bock Bay, has received the chief premiums awarded for oranges

grown on the Gulf coast outside of Florida. This lady has 1,000

bearing orange trees of the choicest varieties, and has devoted

her attention to the production of these and other tropical

fruits, with great success. She came to the South for health a

few years ago, and has not only found that, but has established

for herself a pleasing and profitable industry in fruit culture.

Her oranges were exhibited among numerous fine competing

specimens, and were chosen for high excellence.

Miss Eliza A. Dupuy for many years contributed copiously to Mr.

Bonner's _Ledger_. Miss Dupuy, who was descended from prominent

Virginia families, was in her youth a teacher. The first story

written by her was produced when she was only fourteen years old.

More fortunate than the majority of authors, she leaves behind

her a considerable sum earned by her ever-busy pen.

Mrs. Sarah A. Dorsey was perhaps the most remarkable woman that

Mississippi can boast. She was the niece of Mrs. Warfield, the

author of the "Household of Bouverie," who had great influence in

forming her literary tastes. The New Orleans Monthly _Review_

contains many able articles on abstruse questions from her pen.

One, in the February number for 1876, on the "Origin of the

Species," is exceptionally able and interesting. It was read in

October, 1875, before the New Orleans Academy of Sciences by Mrs.

Dorsey herself. This article shows extensive reading in scientific

questions. She was made corresponding member of the Academy, an

honor she appreciated more highly for her sex than for herself. She

was a large-souled, noble woman, devoted to what she considered

Southern interests. She bequeathed to Jefferson Davis the estate,

called Beauvoir, on which he now resides.

FOOTNOTES:

[516] Emily P. Collins of Ponchatoula, Louisiana, wrote Miss

Anthony: "Our State is to form a new constitution this spring. I

feel that now if ever is the time to strike for woman's

emancipation. 'We, the people' includes women as well as men, and

regardless of former legislative enactments we should be allowed to

vote and be voted for as delegates to the constitutional

convention. If I only had some one to aid me, or had your moral

courage, I would proclaim myself a candidate for the constitutional

convention. The colored people ought to sustain me for I have ever

been their steadfast friend, and they themselves owe their

emancipation chiefly to women. They cannot elect a colored man

here, but could I have their support I have personal friends enough

to secure my election. The parish ought to be stumped in support of

some candidate whose efforts should be pledged to the insertion of

a clause in the new constitution to prohibit future legislatures

making sex a qualification for voting."

[517] The following letter from Mrs. Saxon to Mrs. Minor gives the

reason why she could not be present at the National Convention held

in St. Louis:

"Almost entirely unaided I have gained 300 names in five weeks.

Among them two Presbyterian ministers, wives of three others, seven

of the most prominent physicians, all of the city administrators,

two distinguished judges, several lawyers and many leading business

men. I have begged Mrs. Emily P. Collins to urge upon the

Association to meet here next year. I feel that now and before this

convention is our most important work, so I must stay and try and

influence the members all in my power. I was unaware of the action

I was to take here, and if I get before the convention it will not

be before the morning of the 7th, or I would come anyway as I have

been offered a free passage by both rail and river. Mrs. Collins

was with me for a few days and will assure you of my untiring

efforts in the cause here. God knows I would be willing to buy

fifteen minutes before the whole convention, the day they vote on

that bill, by the sacrifice of my life; for remembering the grand

women I have seen sacrificed along life's path, I think from their

memory a power and eloquence would spring that might win hearts of

steel and force justice to women from them. I will write again in a

few days and report progress.

"Very sincerely your friend, E. L. SAXON."

"_May 5, 1879._"

[518] Of her speech Mrs. Merrick writes: "Fearing that I could not

be heard, I proposed to my son-in law, Mr. Guthrie, that he should

read it for me, but Mrs. Saxon objected, saying, 'No matter if they

do not hear a word you say! You do not wish a man to represent you

at the polls; represent yourself now, if you only stand up and move

your lips.' 'I will,' said I, 'you are right.'--[EDITORS.

[519] The Claibornes are a distinguished Virginia family, but

belong to the history of Mississippi and Louisiana since

territorial times. Mr. Claiborne now regrets that he did not go

farther, for he is satisfied that women may be trusted with powers

that have long been withheld. He says he was led to reflect

seriously on the subject by the able addresses of Mrs. Keating,

Mrs. Saxon and Mrs. Merrick, who made a profound impression on the

convention.

[520] The officers of the Christian Woman's Exchange for 1885,

were: _President_, Mrs. R. M. Walmsley; _Vice-Presidents_, Mesdames

T. G. Richardson, M. W. Bartlett, Albert Baldwin, John R. Juden, J.

H. Allen; _Recording Secretary_, Mrs. Theo. Auze; _Corresponding

Secretary_, Mrs. E. J. Wharton; _Treasurer_, Mrs. S. H. Davis;

_Acting Treasurer_, Mrs. F. N. Griswold; _Board of Managers_,

Mesdames S. Landrum, M. C. Jennings, B. D. Wood, A. Brittin, Percy

Roberts, S. Delgado, F. N. Griswold, E. L. Wood, Wm. Muller, E.

Ranlett, G. W. Pritchard, L. P. Wayne, T. H. Holmes, J. B. Wallace,

Albert Baldwin, P. N. Strong, K. Fuhri, S. H. Kennedy, H. J. Leovy,

John Parker, R. M. Walmsley, T. G. Richardson, Theo. Auze, E. J.

Wharton, S. H. Davis. M. W. Bartlett, D. A. Given, John R. Juden,

J. H. Allen, Fred. Wing.

[521] The original members of the Woman's Club were: Miss Bessie

Bisland, Mrs. Elizabeth W. Baker, Miss C. Farrar, Mrs. J. M.

Ferguson, Miss M. E. Hagan, Miss J. E. Linsler, Miss H. D. Pickens,

Miss M. Siebold, Mrs. M. J. C. Swayze, Miss E. Schrieves, Miss M.

Manning, Miss P. Teiltebaum.

[522] See Report Washington Convention, 1884.

CHAPTER LV. (CONTINUED).

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA--MARYLAND--DELAWARE--KENTUCKY--TENNESSEE--

VIRGINIA--WEST VIRGINIA--NORTH CAROLINA--SOUTH CAROLINA--FLORIDA--

ALABAMA--GEORGIA.

Secretary Chase--Women in the Government Departments--Myrtilla

Miner--Mrs. O'Connor's Tribute--District of Columbia Suffrage

Bill--The Universal Franchise Association, 1867--Bill for a

Prohibitory Law Presented by Hon. S. C. Pomeroy, 1869--A Bill for

Equal Wages for the Women in the Departments, Introduced by Hon.

S. M. Arnell, 1870--In 1871 Congress Passed the Organic Act for

the District Confining the Right of Suffrage to Males--In 1875 it

Withdrew all Legislative Power from the People--Women in Law,

Medicine, Journalism and the Charities--Dental College Opened to

Women--Mary A. Stuart--The Clay Sisters--The School of

Pharmacy--Elizabeth Avery Meriwether--Judge Underwood--Mary

Bayard Clarke--Dr. Susan Dimock--Governor

Chamberlain--Coffee-Growing--Priscilla Holmes Drake--Alexander H.

Stephens.

I.--DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

The District covers an area of 64 square miles, and contains a

population of 200,000. It was originally a portion of Maryland, and

was ceded to congress by that State for the exclusive use of the

Federal government. Hon. Salmon P. Chase, secretary of the treasury

under Abraham Lincoln, seeing that most of the gifted young men had

been drafted or had enlisted in the army, introduced young women as

clerks in the government departments. The experiment proved

successful, and now there are about six thousand women in the

various departments. Mr. Chase often alluded to this afterwards as

one of the most important acts of his life. The war brought many

bright, earnest women to Washington, led thither by patriotism,

ambition, or the necessity of finding some new employment. This new

vital force, this purer element, infused into the society at the

capitol, has been slowly introducing more liberal ideas into that

community.

The first specific work for woman in the District of Columbia of

which we find any record was that of Myrtilla Miner of New York,

who opened a Normal School for colored girls, December 3, 1851. She

began with six pupils in a small room in a private house, but soon

had more offered than could be accommodated. Through much ridicule

and untold difficulties she struggled alone, but successfully, for

ten years, when Miss Emily Howland came to her aid. The heroism of

this noble woman has been told by Mrs. Ellen O. Connor in a little

volume[523] which is a beautiful tribute to the memory of Miss

Miner. The Miner Normal School of Washington is now a thorough and

popular school for colored girls.

For a brief report of what has been accomplished in the District of

Columbia, we are indebted to Belva A. Lockwood:

In 1866, the women of Washington were first aroused to the

consideration of the suffrage question, by the discussion of "The

District of Columbia suffrage bill" proposing to strike out the

word "white" in order to extend the franchise to colored men. Mr.

Cowan, a Democrat from Pennsylvania, offered an amendment to

strike out the word "male" also, and thus enfranchise the women

of the District. It was said his proposition was not made in good

faith, but simply to embarrass Republican legislation. However it

served a good purpose for all disfranchised classes, as the

amendment called out a notable debate,[524] lasting three days,

and received the votes of nine influential senators in its favor.

The voting of the newly enfranchised negroes at the May election,

1867, brought out in strong color the beauties of masculine

legislation, and immediately after there was a movement among the

friends of woman's enfranchisement. A meeting was called by James

and Julia Holmes at their residence, where the "Universal

Franchise Association" was organized.[525] As soon as their

meetings, regularly held, took on a serious air, the combined

power of the press was brought to bear upon them with the

determination to break them up. But the meetings were continued,

notwithstanding the opposition; and although most of the speeches

were good, they were often interrupted with hisses and yells, and

the police, when appealed to, failed to keep order, seeming

rather to join hands with the mob. In order to put a check on the

rabble, contrary to the spirit of the society, a fee was charged

at the door. Strangely enough, so great had the interest become,

the crowd increased instead of lessening, and night after night

Union League Hall was crowded, until the coffers of the

association contained nearly $1,000. The press of the city in the

meantime had kept up a fusilade of ludicrous reports, in which

the women were caricatured and misrepresented, all of which they

bore with fortitude, and without any attempt at reply. The

meetings continued through the year notwithstanding the cry of

the timid that the cause was being injured and fair reputations

blighted.

June 25, 1868, a deputation from the District Franchise

Association appeared, by appointment, before the House Committee

of the District, to urge the passage of the bill presented in the

House of Representatives by Hon. Henry D. Washburn, accompanied

by a petition signed by eighty women of the District:

"Be it enacted, etc., That from and after the passage of

this act, no person shall be debarred from voting or holding

office in the District of Columbia by reason of sex."

Mrs. Josephine S. Griffing began by saying that the friends

of equal freedom for women in the District had thought the

revision of the local government a fit time to present their

claims and submit a memorial, setting forth the justice of

passing the bill before the committee to remove the

restrictions that forbid women to vote in the District. The

movement was not wholly new, and was known by those active

in the work to be approved by a large mass of women who were

not prepared to express themselves openly. The

enfranchisement of woman is needful to a real

reconstruction.

Mr. Wilcox read a memorial, signed by a committee of

residents of the district, consisting of eleven ladies and

eleven gentlemen, including Mrs. Griffing, Mrs. E. D. E. N.

Southworth, Miss Lydia S. Hall (formerly of Kansas), Mrs.

Annie Denton Cridge, Judge A. B. Olin and Mrs. Olin,

recalling the fact that congress had freed 3,000 slaves, and

enfranchised the 8,000 colored men of the district, both of

which experiments had worked well, notwithstanding

conservative predictions to the contrary; and showing that,

while the former experiments, on a small scale

comparatively, had yielded rich results, so the

enfranchisement of half the adult population would produce

vast good. He incidentally answered the usual arguments

against suffrage, and affirmed that those who possess

neither the power of wealth nor of knowledge wherewith to

protect themselves, most need political power for that

purpose. He remarked that the competition for votes among

politicians was a tremendous educating force, and that laws

would not be certain of enforcement unless those for whose

benefit they were made were clothed with power to compel

such enforcement.

Mrs. Mary T. Corner presented a number of points as to the

laws of the district relating to women, of some of which

Judge Welker took notes with a view to their speedy

investigation by the committee. As to suffrage, she pointed

out that women do not come under the head of paupers,

minors, felons, rebels, idiots or aliens, and that the

reasons existing for the disfranchisement of such persons do

not apply to native-born, loyal women. She showed that women

are not represented in the government of the district,

though taxed by it, and by law cannot properly protect

themselves, their children, or their property, nor hold

municipal office, however fit. A wife cannot hold property

in the district except by proxy. Women understand their

needs and condition better than men, and should be free to

regulate them. The swarms of foreigners who are freely

admitted to the polls know less of our institutions than the

masses of our women. Women have voted and held the highest

offices in other countries with great success. Are our women

less capable than these? At the conclusion Mrs. Corner

returned thanks to the committee for their attention; and

the latter, without expressing an opinion on the matter,

complimented the speakers on the ability and eloquence with

which their views had been presented. It was also stated

that a large number of petitions would be presented in

support of the bill. The committee expressed themselves as

unable, by reason of the lateness of the session and the

pressure of other business, to promise an early report. The

interview lasted about an hour, and was very cordial and

pleasant on both sides.

September 25, 1868, the Universal Franchise Association held its

first annual meeting[526] at Union League Hall, Mrs. Josephine S.

Griffing presiding. A letter was read from Senator Pomeroy,

stating that he was willing to act as president of the society.

In closing he said:

I trust the friends will unite in one association. We have

but one object in view, and should all labor together to

accomplish this end, viz.: the enfranchisement of every

citizen, with no partiality for race or sex. The American

citizen is the only safe depository for the ballot, and the

only safeguard for individual and national liberty. Let us

labor to realize, even in our day and time, this true type

of republican government. The rights and safety of

individuals and of the nation demand it.

In 1869, the executive committee passed a resolution to expend

the money that had been accumulated at the meetings of the

association in a series of lectures for the purpose of

enlightening the public mind upon the question of equal political

rights for women. Among the speakers engaged were Anna Dickinson,

Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, D. R. Locke (Nasby), Theodore Tilton.

From that time the women of the district were permitted to speak

their minds freely.

In the House of Representatives, March 21, 1870, Mr. Arnell, on

leave, introduced the following bill:

_A bill to do justice to the female employees of the

Government, and for other purposes._

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of

the United States of America in Congress assembled, That

hereafter all clerks and other employes in the civil service

of the United States shall be paid, irrespective of sex,

with reference to the character and amount of services

performed by them.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That, in the employment

of labor, clerical or other, in any branch of the civil

service of the United States, no discrimination shall be

made in favor of either sex.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That where examinations

of candidates for positions in the civil service of the

United States are prescribed by law, or by the heads of

departments, bureaus, or offices, said examinations shall be

of the same character for persons of both sexes.

SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That the designations,

chief clerk, chief or head of division, chief or head of

section, clerk of the fourth class, clerk of the third

class, clerk of the second class, clerk of the first class,

copyist, messenger, laborer, and all other designations of

employes, in existing acts of Congress, or in use in any

branch of the civil service of the United States, shall be

held, hereafter to apply to women as well as to men; and

that women shall be regarded equally eligible with men to

perform the duties of the afore-designated clerks and

employes, and shall receive the compensation therefor

prescribed by law.

SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That this act shall not

be so construed as to require the displacement of any person

now employed, but shall apply to all vacancies hereafter

occurring, for any cause.

SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That all acts and parts

of acts, in conflict with any of the provisions of this act

be, and the same are hereby, expressly repealed.

Thousands of petitions for this bill were circulated. Mrs.

Lockwood went to New York, and secured seven hundred signatures,

visiting both of the suffrage conventions then in session in that

city, the National and the American. The bill was shortly

afterward passed in a modified form, and has ever since been in

force in all of the government departments.

In February, 1871, congress passed the organic act for the

district, making of it a territory and granting suffrage to the

male members of the commonwealth. There was also granted under

this bill a right to a delegate in congress. In the meetings

which followed for the nomination of delegates a number of women

took part. Mrs. Lockwood often broke the monotony with a short

speech, and on one occasion only lacked one vote of an election

to the general convention for the nomination of a delegate to

congress.

The women of the district were not permitted to vote under the

organic act, but soon after the organization of its legislature,

bills to provide for this were introduced into both Houses. Mrs.

Lockwood prepared an exhaustive address upon these pending bills,

and was granted a hearing before both Houses of the legislature,

but they were finally lost. In 1875 congress withdrew the

legislative power from the people of the District of Columbia.

It was also in 1871 that the National University Law School, then

principally under the control of Prof. Wm. B. Wedgewood,

organized a law class for women, in which fifteen matriculated.

Mrs. Lockwood had been denied admission the previous year to the

law class of Columbia College for the reason, as given by the

trustees, "that it would distract the attention of the young

men." About this time a young colored woman, Charlotte Ray of New

York, was graduated from the law class of Howard University and

admitted to the bar with the class. Of the fifteen women who

entered the National University only two completed the course,

viz., Lydia S. Hall, and Belva A. Lockwood. The former never

received her diploma. The latter, after an appeal to President

Grant, received her diploma, and was admitted to the district

bar, September 23, 1873. Since that period Emma M. Gillett,

Marilla M. Ricker, and Laura DeForce Gordon have been admitted to

the district bar, and there seems to be no longer any hindrance

to such admissions. The above-named have all appeared in court,

and a number of other ladies have been graduated in the district.

Women have also been appointed notaries public, and examiners in

chancery.

In the profession of medicine there has been more liberality. Dr.

Susan A. Edson and Dr. Caroline B. Winslow have been in full

practice here since the close of the war. Dr. Mary Parsons and

Dr. Cora M. Bland and others, are practicing with marked success.

Last year there were fourteen women duly registered with the

health department, and they all seem to be in good standing.

Howard University has admitted women to its medical classes for

some years, and both white and colored women have availed

themselves of the privilege. Last year Columbia College opened

its doors in the medical department, with a suggestion that the

classes in law and theology may soon be opened also.

Many women in the district within the last few years have entered

into business for themselves, as they are now permitted to do

under the law of 1869, and are milliners, merchants,

market-women, hucksters. In the art of nursing, which has been

reduced to a science, they have free course.

In 1871, a large number of ladies tried to register in the city

of Washington. They marched in solid phalanx some seventy[527]

strong to the registrar's office, but were repulsed. They tried

afterwards to vote, but were refused, whereupon Mrs. Spencer sued

the inspectors, and Mrs. Webster sued the registrars, so testing

their rights in two suits in the Supreme Court of the

District.[528]

In 1866 Jane G. Swisshelm commenced the publication of a liberal

sheet in the District of Columbia, known as _The Wasp_. This was

the continuation of a paper formerly published by her in

Pittsburg, Pa., and in St. Cloud, Minn., called _The Visitor_.

Many other papers by women have been since published in the

District. Perhaps the most voluminous author in this country is

Mrs. E. D. E. N. Southworth, who has written a volume for each

year of her life, and is now sixty-five years of age. Her

authorship has been confined to romances, which have been very

popular. A large proportion of the teachers of the public schools

in the District are women, some of them of very marked culture.

Many of the most noted and successful private schools, some with

collegiate courses, are conducted by women. Among these, Mrs.

Margaret Harover who taught in the District during the war, is

worthy of mention, also Mrs. Ellen M. O'Connor, president of the

Miner school. Mrs. Sarah J. Spencer, as associate principal of

the Spencerian business college whence large classes of young

women have been graduated for many years past, is deservedly

popular. She was at one time prominent in the woman suffrage

movement, acting as corresponding secretary of the National

Association. She is now engaged in one of the large charity

organizations of the city. Many colored women who have been

graduated from Howard University, have become quite successful as

teachers, and some have studied medicine. All of the copyists in

the office of registrar of deeds are women. A goodly number are

short-hand reporters for the courts, among whom Miss Camp,

daughter of the assistant clerk, is notably skillful.

The number of women who hold property in the District is large

and rapidly increasing. A woman may now enter into almost any

honorable profession that she chooses, and maintain her

respectability. All of the professions are open to her, and the

sphere of trades is rapidly widening. The progress made in this

regard in the last quarter of a century amounts almost to a

revolution. The first women ever admitted to the reporter's

gallery of the Senate and House were Abigail Dodge (Gail

Hamilton), and Helen M. Barnard, both political writers of great

power; the former as a reporter for the New York _Times_, and the

latter for the New York _Herald_. Mrs. Barnard, during Grant's

administration, was sent as commissioner of immigration to

Liverpool, visiting England, Ireland and Scotland. Returning in

the steerage of an ocean steamer, she gave one of the finest

reports ever made upon this question. This resulted in the

passage by the legislature of New York of a bill for the better

protection of emigrants on shipboard, and the appointment by the

United States government of an inspector of immigration for every

out-going steamer.

Women were first appointed as clerks in the government

departments in 1861 by Secretary Chase, at the earnest

solicitation of Treasurer Spinner. They were employed at

temporary work at $50 a month--one-half the lowest price paid to

any male clerk--until they were recognized by an act of congress

in which their salary was fixed at $900 a year, in the general

appropriation bill of July 23, 1866. The men doing the same work

were of four classes, receiving, respectively, $1,000, $1,400,

$1,600, $1,800. Treasurer Spinner, in his report of October,

1866, said:

The experiment of employing females as clerks has been, so

far as this office is concerned, a success. For many kinds

of office-work, like the manipulation and counting of

fractional currency, they excel, and in my opinion are to be

preferred to males. There is, however, quite as much

difference in point of ability between female clerks as

there is between the several classes of male clerks, whose

equals some of them are. Some are able to accomplish twice

as much as others, and with greater accuracy. So, too, some

of them incur great risks, being responsible for making

mistakes in count, and for counterfeits overlooked. Such

should, by every consideration of justice and fair dealing,

be paid according to their merits, and the risks and

liabilities they incur.

And in 1868, Mr. Spinner urged the committee of which Mr.

Fessenden of Maine was the chairman, to so amend the bill

providing for the reorganization of the treasury department as to

increase the salary of the female clerks who have the handling of

money, stating that cases had occurred in which women had lost

more than half their monthly pay by reason of being short in

count, or of allowing counterfeit notes to pass their hands.

Secretary M'Cullough asserted that women performed their clerical

duties as creditably as men, and stated that he had three ladies

who performed as much labor, and did it as well as any three male

clerks receiving $1,800 a year. It is now a quarter of a century

that women have served the government in these responsible

positions, and still, with but few exceptions, they receive only

the allotted $900. Mrs. Fitzgerald, the expert in the redemption

bureau of the treasury, who has for fifteen years deciphered

defaced currency, in which no man has ever yet proved her equal,

receives $1,400. In 1886 she subjected herself to an examination

for an increase to $1,600, but, failing to answer some questions

foreign to her art, she was compelled to content herself with the

former salary.

II.--MARYLAND.

_The Revolution_ of February 26, 1868, shows an effort in the

direction of progress on this question in Maryland. A correspondent

says:

Notwithstanding the present ascendancy of conservatism in

Maryland, the progressive element is not wholly annihilated; in

proof of which, we send information of the working of this

leaven, as developed in an association lately organized in the

city of Baltimore, under the name of the "Maryland Equal Rights

Society." For nearly a year past it has been in contemplation to

form a society based upon the principle of equal chance to all

human kind, irrespective of sex or color, through the mediumship

of the elective franchise. The first public meeting of the

friends of the movement was held on the afternoon of November 12,

1867, at the Douglass Institute, at which twelve persons, white

and colored, were present. Some steps were taken towards

organization in the framing and adopting of a constitution based

upon the principle afore-mentioned; but further business was

deferred in hope of securing a larger attendance at a subsequent

meeting. Two weeks later a second meeting was called, when the

constitution was signed by fourteen persons, ten of whom were

white and four colored. Officers were chosen, consisting of a

president, a vice-president, a secretary and a treasurer,

together with eight other members to act as an executive

committee. The last meeting, held January 29, was attended by

Alfred H. Love and Rachel Love of Philadelphia. To Mr. Love the

society is indebted for many valuable suggestions as to the best

means of becoming an effective co-worker in the cause of human

progress.

Our colored friends, who have control of the Douglass Institute,

have testified their good will toward the movement in giving the

society the use of an apartment in the building, free of charge.

This is the one instance in which we have met with encouragement

in our own community. We have sought it in high places, among

those we supposed to be friends, and found it not. It appears to

be the nature of fine linen to dread the mud splashes of the

pioneer's spade and pick-ax, and for silk and broadcloth to

shrink from contact with the briers of an uncleared thicket;

hence our sole recourse is to appeal to those only who are

dressed for the service. We are conscious that we have entered

upon no easy task; but, ashamed of having so long left our

Northern sisters to toil and endure alone in a cause which is not

one of section but of humanity, we come forward at last to assume

our share of the hardship, trusting that what we have lost in our

tardiness may be made up in earnestness and activity.

From various papers we clip the following items:

At the election in Baltimore, January 20, 1870, there were three

women who applied to be registered as voters at the third-ward

registry office. Their names were Mrs. L. C. Dundore, Mrs. A. M.

Gardner and Miss E. M. Harris. Their cases were held under

advisement by the register.----In 1871, a Maryland young lady,

Miss Middlebrook, raised over 5,000 heads of cabbage. On

Christmas, she sold in the Baltimore market 500 pounds of turkey

at 20 cents per pound.----Mrs. H. B. Conway of Frederick county,

has established a reputation as a contractor for "fills" and

"cuts." She has filled several contracts in Pennsylvania, been

awarded a $100,000 job on the Western Maryland railroad, and now,

1885, is engaged in the work of excavating a tract in Baltimore

for building-sites.

Miss R. Muller has for several years been engaged as subscription

and general correspondence clerk for the Baltimore _Daily

American_. She was the first woman to be employed in that city on

newspaper work during the present century. In the chapter on

newspapers it will be seen that Anna R. Green established the first

newspaper in the Maryland colony one hundred and nineteen years

ago, doing the colony printing; and that Mary R. Goddard not only

published a paper, writing able editorials, but was also the first

postmaster after the revolution. And from the following item it

would seem that the first woman to claim her right to vote must be

credited to Maryland:

At the regular meeting of the Maryland Historical Society in

Baltimore, December, 1885, Hon. J. L. Thomas read a paper on

"Margaret Brent, the first woman in America to claim the right

to vote." She lived at St. Mary's city on the river of the same

name two hundred and forty years ago, and was related to Lord

Baltimore. She was the heir of Leonard Calvert, Lord Baltimore's

brother and agent, and as such she claimed not only control of

all rents, etc., of Lord Baltimore, but also the right to two

votes in the assembly as the representative of both Calvert and

Baltimore. The first claim the courts upheld, but the second was

rejected.

On March 20, 1872, Hon. Stevenson Archer made an exhaustive speech

on the floor of the House of Representatives, entitled, "Woman

Suffrage not to be tolerated, although advocated by the Republican

candidate for vice-presidency." The speech was against Senator

Wilson's bill to enfranchise the women of the territories. The

honorable representative from Maryland may have been moved to enter

his protest against woman's enfranchisement by the fact that the

women of his State had in convention assembled early in the same

month made a public demand for their political rights:

The Havre de Grace _Republican_ says that the convention of the

Maryland Equal Rights Association, held in Raine's Hall,

Baltimore, last week, was a grand success. Mrs. Lavina C.

Dundore, president of the association, presided over the

convention with dignity and grace. Many prominent and able

champions of the cause were present and delivered eloquent and

telling addresses in favor of woman's enfranchisement, which were

listened to with marked attention by the large audiences in

attendance. The friends of the cause in Maryland feel much

gratified at this exhibition of the rapidly increasing interest

in the movement.

Meetings had been held in Baltimore during the years of 1870-71,

and lectures given by Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, Susan B.

Anthony, and others.

Charlotte Richmond of Baltimore writes the _Woman's Journal_, April

22, 1873:

The American _Journal of Dental Science_ makes the following

statement: "The Baltimore College of Dental Surgery, having had

the honor of conferring the first degree of Doctor of Dental

Surgery in the world, has also graduated the first woman who ever

received a diploma in medicine or dentistry in Baltimore, in the

person of Miss Emilie Foeking of Prussia, who, after attending

two full courses of lectures and demonstrations, passed a very

creditable final examination. Miss Foeking conformed to all the

rules and regulations of the college during the two sessions that

she was a student; no favor whatever as to requirement being

asked for on her part, or extended to her by the faculty, on

account of sex. She has fairly earned her degree by proficiency

and earnest application. After a short time Miss Foeking will

return to Berlin, where she intends to locate. That she will

succeed in establishing a large and lucrative practice, there is

no doubt, as she is well qualified professionally, and is in

manner so perfect a lady as to command the respect of all who

know her."

You will see by this extract from one of our medical journals,

that a lady has been graduated from our dental college. I hope

she has left the doors open, so that some of our own countrywomen

may enter and acquit themselves as honorably, but without the

difficulties which she has been compelled to encounter. You are

aware of the proceedings of the Philadelphia college in regard to

female students. Our Baltimore dentist, for we feel proud to

claim her as ours, although admitted in the college, still had

all the prejudices to meet in the minds of the people, but they

were too courteous and hospitable to act upon those feelings so

far as to turn her from their doors. She was brave and did not

surrender; not even when her sensitive woman's heart was wounded

and humiliated by the little acts done heedlessly under the

impression that a woman had stepped out of her sphere and was

taking upon herself a vocation belonging exclusively to men. She

is naturally sincere, modest and dignified. With these lady-like

qualifications, together with ability and perseverance, she has

won the honor and esteem of the faculty and the students.

I wish that Prussia could have witnessed the success of her

daughter on the night of commencement--the wreaths of laurel, and

the incessant applause while she was on the stage. I, for one,

felt quite proud to see my city acknowledge the foreign

lady-student so gracefully. She is already practicing to some

extent, and in every case gives the most entire satisfaction. I

trust there will be no more college doors closed against our sex,

for the reason that the male students do not want us. Let the

professors and trustees be just. We have proved that a true lady

is no disadvantage in a college with male students. I think the

way is now clear for women to enter upon the dental profession.

Miss Foeking has proved that a woman can be successful when she

undertakes an honorable profession.

[Illustration: Mary B. Clay]

For the facts in regard to the Baltimore Dental College we are

indebted to the dean of the faculty:

BALTIMORE COLLEGE OF DENTAL SURGERY, Jan. 2, 1886.

MISS SUSAN B. ANTHONY--_Dear Miss_: Your letter of 27th of last

month came safely to hand. In reply I will say that only two

members of the fair sex have been graduated with us. Miss Emilie

Foeking of Prussia, whose present address I do not know, and Miss

Pauline Boeck of Germany, who has since died. Miss Foeking was

graduated in 1873, and Miss Boeck in 1877. I have learned that

both of these young ladies were attentive and energetic in the

pursuit of their studies, and were graduated with credit to

themselves. We have the "Woman's Medical College," from which

quite a number of young women have been graduated. For

information in regard to this institution I would refer you to

its dean, Prof. Wm. D. Booker, 157 Park avenue.

Very truly yours, R. B. WINDER.

III.--DELAWARE.

Mary A. Stuart is the active representative of the movement for

woman suffrage in Delaware. From year to year she has written and

contributed to our National conventions in Washington, and has been

among the delegates on several occasions to address congressional

committees. In her report she says:

My father was the first man in the State Senate to propose the

repeal of some of our oppressive laws, and succeeded in having

the law giving all real estate to the eldest male heir repealed.

The law of 1871 gave a married woman the right to make a will,

provided her husband gave his written consent, with the names of

two respectable witnesses thereunto attached. In 1873 the law was

repealed, and another act passed giving married women the right

to make a will, buy property and hold it exempt from the

husband's debts, but this law does not affect his tenancy by

courtesy.

Prior to 1868, bonds, mortgages, stocks, etc., were counted

personal property, all of which went into the possession of the

husband the moment the woman answered "I will," in the marriage

ceremony. I worked hard to get the law passed giving the wife the

right to her own separate earnings, and at last was greatly

helped by the fact that a woman petitioned for a divorce, stating

in her application that she was driven from her home, that she

and her two children had worked hard and saved $100 for a rainy

day, and now her husband claimed the money. It was a case in

point, and helped the members of our legislature to pass the

wages bill.

Delaware College, the only institution of the kind in the State,

was open to girls for thirteen years, but owing to a tragedy

committed by the boys in hazing one another, resulting in death,

the doors were thereafter closed to girls, although they were in

no way directly or indirectly implicated in the outrages. When

Governor Stockley was appealed to, he simply gave some of the old

arguments against coeducation, and did not recommend, as he

should have done, an appropriation at once by the State to build

a similar college, with all the necessary appointments for the

education of girls. We have women who are practicing physicians,

and are also in the State Medical Boards. We have none who

practice law or preach in our pulpits, and all the political

offices of the State are closed to women. No notaries, bank

cashiers, telegraph operators. Women are still in the belief that

work outside the home is a disgrace to the men of their families.

In February, 1881, Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, Miss Couzins and

Mrs. Lockwood, held various hearings before the legislature. Mrs.

Lockwood read to the gentlemen article 4 of the constitution as

amended in 1834: "Any white male citizen over 22 years of age who

shall be a tax-payer, shall be eligible to vote for electors."

She then showed them how readily, without any marked revolution,

the word "white" had been stricken out, while the word tax-payer

had virtually become a dead letter. Then turning to the first

paragraph of the United States revised code she cited the passage

which states that in determining the meaning of statutes after

February 25, 1877, "words importing the masculine gender may be

applied to females." * * * * At this point the chairman of the

committee placed before Mrs. Lockwood the Delaware code from

which she read a similar application of the law made many years

before. Having laid this foundation she asserted that the women

of Delaware were legally entitled to vote under the laws as they

are, but that to prevent all question on the subject, she would

recommend a special enactment like that prepared in the bill

before them. An amendment to the State constitution giving

suffrage to women was presented in the House of Representatives

in February, 1881, and referred to the committee on privileges

and elections. It was reported adversely. The vote showed that

all the members, with two[529] exceptions, were opposed to the

measure.

Among the friends in Delaware were several liberal families, active

in all the progressive movements of the day. Preeminent among these

was that of the noble Thomas Garrett, whose good words of

encouragement for woman's enfranchisement may be found in the bound

copies of _The Revolution_ as far back as 1868. His private letters

to those of us interested in his labors of love are among our most

cherished mementoes. He was a man of good judgment, broad

sympathies, and unswerving integrity.

IV.--KENTUCKY.

Mary B. Clay, daughter of Cassius M. Clay, sends us the following

report of what has been done to change the status of women in

Kentucky:

The earliest agitation of the suffrage question in our State

arose from the advent of Miss Lucy Stone in Louisville, in 1853,

at which time she delivered three lectures in Masonic Hall to

crowded audiences. George D. Prentice gave full and friendly

reports in the _Courier-Journal_. In later years, Anna Dickinson

and others have lectured in our chief cities. But the first note

of associated effort is that given in _The Revolution_ from

Glendale, which says:

We organized here an association with twenty members the

first of October, 1867, and now have fifty. We hope soon to

have the whole of Hardin county, and by the close of another

year the whole of the State of Kentucky, enlisted on the

side of woman's rights.

In the winter of 1872 Hannah Tracy Cutler and Margaret V. Longley

were granted a respectful hearing before our legislature at

Frankfort. In May, 1879, self-appointed, I represented Kentucky

at the May anniversary of the National Association at St. Louis.

In the autumn following, Miss Anthony, during an extended lecture

tour through the State, stopped in Richmond several days, and

aided us in organizing a local suffrage society.[530] Letters

were at once written to the leading editors asking them to

publish articles on the subject. Many favorable answers were

received, and we have largely availed ourselves of the columns of

the papers to keep up the agitation. My sister, Sally Clay

Bennett, edits a column in the Richmond _Register_, sister Anne a

column in the Lexington _Gazette_, and Kate Dunning Clarke, a

column in the _Turf, Field and Farm_. Mrs. Clarke is also

associate editor of the Kentucky _State Journal_. The Misses

Moore are making a success of a daily paper at Milledgeville.

In May, 1880, Mrs. Bennett and myself were delegates at the great

National Mass Convention in Farwell Hall, Chicago. In October,

1881, the American Association held its annual meeting in

Louisville. It was largely attended and fully and fairly reported

by the press of the city. At its close, a Kentucky State

association was organized, with Laura Clay as president.

In January, 1882, the Richmond and Louisville clubs secured a

hearing before the judiciary committee of the Senate, Mrs.

Bennett and myself representing the former, and John A. Ward the

latter. With the valuable aid of Mrs. Mary Haggart of

Indianapolis we made a most favorable impression upon our

legislators. The points in which our laws are defective and upon

which our appeals and arguments were based are well indicated by

the pleas of our several petitions:

That women might have municipal and presidential suffrage by

statute; that in marriage women might own their property as

men own theirs; that women who were married might be the

legal guardians of their children's property and persons as

well as the father; that women should be appointed with

equal responsibility and authority as assistant physicians

in insane asylums, and that the appointment of all the

officers in such asylums should be made by the legislature,

and not by the governor, as now; that women be appointed on

boards of visitors and commissioners to all asylums where

women are inmates or prisoners.

In 1884, all of the Clay sisters--Mrs. Bennet, Mary, Laura and

Anne--with Mrs. Haggart, again went to Frankfort, and held

meetings in the legislative hall, which were largely attended by

the best classes of the citizens of that city, as well as by

members of the legislature.

For several years we have had a woman for State Librarian. In

Fayette, one of our most aristocratic counties, Lexington being

its county seat, a woman was elected to the office of county

clerk by a majority of 200 over her male competitor. In two other

counties women are also county clerks. Each of them had served so

efficiently in her husband's office, that at his death she had

been elected in his place.

That woman has to fight every step of her way to the recognition

of her rights as a citizen equal before the law, is shown by the

following despatch from Frankfort, dated December 18, 1885:

Mrs. M. C. Lucas was elected by the vote of Daviess county

to the office of jailer, to succeed her husband, who was

killed by a mob while in discharge of his duty. When she

appeared before the county court to give bond for the

office, the Judge refused to allow her to qualify. A writ of

mandamus from the Circuit Court was applied for to compel

the court to allow her to qualify, but the motion was

denied. An appeal was then taken to the Court of Appeals.

Yesterday that court affirmed the decision of the Circuit

Court, that a woman cannot legally hold the office of county

jailer.

A woman in Madison county acted as census-taker, and performed

her duty well. She was the niece of Mr. Justice Miller of the

Supreme Court of the United States. Gen. W. J. Sanderson,

internal revenue collector for the eighth district, employed two

young ladies as clerks, Miss Brown and Miss Price, the former of

whom is said to be his best clerk. She is the sister of Mrs.

Smith, the circuit clerk of Laurel county. The successor of

General Sanderson, employs his two daughters as clerks, and they

receive the same pay as men who do the same work.

Many women in our State manage their own farms. My mother, during

my father's absence as minister to Russia, took his farm of 2,500

acres (he making her his attorney), paid off a large debt on the

property, built an elegant house costing $30,000, stocked the

farm, and largely supported the family of six children, with

money which she made during the war. She fed government mules,

and did it so well that she would return them to camp before the

time expired, in better condition than most feeders got theirs.

She is now, 1885, conducting her own farm of 350 acres, selling

several thousand dollars' worth of wheat, cattle, and sheep

annually, giving her personal attention to everything, at the age

of seventy. During the adventurous and perilous period of my

father's life she shared his dangers, and was ever his mainstay

in upholding his hands against slavery; and in that crowning

point of his life, when he was mobbed in Lexington, my mother sat

at his bed-side, and wrote at his dictation, "Go tell your secret

conclave of dastardly assassins, Cassius M. Clay knows his rights

and how to defend them."

Two of my sisters, Laura and Anne, and myself are practical

farmers, each having under her immediate superintendence the

workmen, both white and black, on 300 acres. We raise corn,

wheat, oats, cattle and sheep, buying and selling our own stock

and produce. We took possession of the land without stock or

utensils, and by our observation and experience, prudence and

industry, have greatly improved the lands and stock, and annually

realize a handsome income therefrom.

Miss Laura R. White of Manchester, sister of Hon. John D. White,

who ably advocated our cause in congress as well as in his own

State, was graduated with marked honor from the Michigan State

University in 1874. Since that time she has studied architecture

in the Boston Institute of Technology one year, worked as

draughtsman in the office of the supervisory architect of the

treasury department at Washington, two years, studied in the

special school of architecture in Paris one year, and is now,

1886, prosecuting her studies with a liberal selection of French

and English architectural works at her mountain home in Kentucky.

Mrs. Bessie White Heagen, the youngest daughter of Mrs. Sarah A.

White, was graduated with honor from the Roxbury High School of

Boston, and from the school of Pharmacy of Michigan University.

Being denied examination and the privileges of college graduates

of the college of pharmacy at Louisville, where she was employed

by a prominent pharmacist, she brought suit and obtained a

verdict in her favor.

Early in 1882, Dr. J. P. Barnum employed young women in his store

with the expectation of being able to educate them in the college

of pharmacy. But the hostility of the students to the proposed

innovation, and the lack of a systematic laboratory course,

caused the relinquishment of that plan and the formation of the

new school. Prominent gentlemen in the community assisted Dr.

Barnum, and the Louisville School of Pharmacy was duly

incorporated under the general laws of Kentucky.[531] Though

sustained by men of wealth and influence, the school met with

great opposition, the State Board of Pharmacy refusing to

register the women who were graduated from it until compelled to

do so by a mandamus from the Law and Equity Court, Judge Simral

presiding. March 7, 1884, the legislature incorporated the

Louisville School of Pharmacy for Women, and by special enactment

empowered its graduates to practice their profession without

registration or interference from the State board.

The school confers two degrees; its full course taking three

years and requiring more work than is done in other schools. So

far its graduates have been representative women, and all have

found responsible situations awaiting them. Its faculty remains,

with a few exceptions, as in the first session. Dr. J. P. Barnum,

to whose indefatigable efforts the foundation of the school is

due, is dean and professor of pharmacy and analytical chemistry;

Dr. T. Hunt Stuckey, a graduate of Heidelberg University, who

joined his efforts with Dr. Barnum at an early day, is professor

of _materia medica_, toxicology and microscopy. Mrs. D. N.

Marble, professor of general and pharmaceutical chemistry, and

Mrs. Fountaine Miller, professor of botany, were graduates of the

first class.

Mrs. Kate Trimble de Roode, in a recent letter says:

Kentucky has had school suffrage for thirty years, but as

the right is not generally known or understood, few women

have ever availed themselves of the privilege. The State

librarian has for many years been a woman, and there are

several post-mistresses also in this State. The State

University has recently admitted women on equal terms to all

its departments. As a general thing the young women of

Kentucky are better educated than the men, the latter being

early put to business, while most parents desire above all

things to secure to their daughters a liberal education. We

have a number of women practicing medicine in the larger

cities, one architect, but as yet no lawyers, although

several women have taken a full course of study for that

profession. The question of woman suffrage has been but

little agitated in this State, although the last

legislature gave a respectful hearing to several ladies on

the question. The property rights of married women are in a

crude state; the wife's personal property vests in the

husband; the profits and rents that accrue from her real

estate belong to him also. She can make no will without the

assent of her husband, and if given, he can revoke it at any

time before the will is probated. The wife's wages belong to

her husband. She cannot sue or be sued without he joins her

in the suit. The wife's dower is a life interest in a third

of the husband's real estate, whereas the husband's curtesy,

where there is issue of the marriage, born alive, is a life

interest in all the real estate belonging to the wife at the

time of her death. This is the statutory law, but the wife

by obtaining a decree in chancery may possess all the rights

of a _femme sole_. A bill securing more equal rights to

women passed the House of the last legislature, but failed

in the Senate. The courtesy of Kentucky men to women in

general, has kept them from realizing their civil and

political degradation, until, by some sudden turn in the

wheel of fortune, the individual woman has felt the iron

teeth of the law in her own flesh, and warned her slumbering

sisterhood. We are now awaking to the fact that an

aristocracy of sex in a republic is as inconsistent and

odious as an aristocracy of color, and indeed far more so.

V.--TENNESSEE.

We are indebted to Mrs. Elizabeth Lisle Saxon for the following:

Elizabeth Avery Meriwether is the chief representative of liberal

thought in Tennessee. Her pen is ever ready to champion the

wronged. I first came to know her when engaged in a newspaper

discussion to reestablish in the public schools of Memphis three

young women who had been dismissed because of "holding too many

of Mrs. Meriwether's views"--the reason actually given by the

superintendent and endorsed by the board of directors. A seven

month's war was carried on, ending in a triumphant reinstallment

of the teachers, a new superintendent, and a new board of

directors. Public opinion was educated into more liberal ideas,

and the _Memphis Appeal_, through its chivalrous editor, Mr.

Keating, declared squarely for woman suffrage.