a temperance petition to present to the legislature. One day
while busy on the third floor of the high-school building a
fellow-teacher sent up word that a lady wished to see me.
Descending, I was introduced to Mrs. Wallace, who, in a bland
way, requested me to sign the paper which she extended. Never
doubting that I might do so, I had taken my pen when my eye
caught the words: "While we do not clamor for any additional
civil or political rights." "But I do clamor," I exclaimed, and
threw down the paper and pen and went back to my work, vexed in
soul that I should have been dragged down three flights of stairs
to see one more proof of the degree to which honorable women love
to humiliate themselves before men for sweet favor's sake. Mrs.
Wallace went forward with her work of solicitation, thinking me,
no doubt, to be a very impetuous, if not impertinent, young
woman.
When, however, upon the presentation of her petition, whose
framers had taken such care to disclaim any desire "for
additional civil and political rights," Mrs. Wallace was startled
by Dr. Thompson's avowal (having known the doctor, as she naively
says, "as a Christian gentleman"), that he was not there "to
represent his conscience, but to obey his constituents," in her
aroused soul there was that instant born the determination to
become a "constituent." As soon as the hearing was at an end,
Mrs. Wallace confessed this determination to Dr. Thompson,
thanking him for unintentionally awakening her to a sense of
woman's proper position in the republic. This change in Mrs.
Wallace's attitude was not generally known until the following
May, when the annual State Temperance convention was held in
Indianapolis; then, in her address before that body, she avowed
her conviction that it was woman's duty to seek the ballot as a
means of exerting her will upon legislation. From that time Mrs.
Wallace has neglected no opportunity to propagate suffrage
doctrines, and has been most potent in influencing her temperance
coaedjutors to embrace these principles. Earnestness and logic are
Mrs. Wallace's abiding forces. Her literary work is chiefly
confined to correspondence, in which she is so faithful that it
is doubtful if any man in public life in Indiana can plead
ignorance of the arguments in favor of suffrage. Mrs. Wallace has
been an officer in the National, the American and the State
suffrage societies, and has served the Equal Suffrage Society of
Indianapolis as president most of the time since its formation.
Having lived in this city more than half a century, related to
many men who have held high official positions, she has had an
opportunity to exert a wide influence, and it may be safe to say
that, by virtue of her own consecrated life, she exerts more
moral power in this community than any other woman in Indiana.
Mrs. Helen M. Gougar has addressed the legislatures of New York,
Kansas and Wisconsin, besides that of her own State. As an
extempore speaker she has no peer among her co-workers; her first
suffrage speech was made at Delphi, May, 1877. In July, 1881,
Mrs. Gougar became the editor of _Our Herald_, a weekly which she
conducted with great ability and success in the interest of the
two constitutional amendments then pending. In 1884, in an
extensive lecturing tour, she addressed large audiences in
Washington, Philadelphia, New York and Albany. In the year 1883,
Mrs. Josephine R. Nichols of Illinois, and Mrs. L. May Wheeler of
Massachusetts, came to reside in Indianapolis. Both these ladies
have lectured frequently and with marked effect in various parts
of the State.
I cannot close without a mention of those public men who have
honored this State by their adherence to the principle of woman
suffrage and thereby earned a title to the fame which will belong
to the advocates of this cause in the hour of its triumph. Among
these Hon. George W. Julian is most conspicuous. Referring to his
services in congress, Mr. Julian once wrote:
My opinions about woman suffrage, however, date much further
back. The subject was first brought to my attention in a
brief chapter on the "Political Non-existence of Women," in
Miss Martineau's book on "Society in America," which I read
in 1847. She there pithily stated the substance of all that
has since been said respecting the logic of woman's right to
the ballot; and finding myself unable to answer, I accepted
it. On recently referring to this chapter I find myself more
impressed by its force than when I first read it. * * * My
interest in anti-slavery was awakened about the same time,
and I regarded it as the _previous_ question, and as less
abstract and far more important and absorbing than that of
suffrage for women. For the sake of the negro I accepted
Mr. Lincoln's philosophy of "one war at a time," though
always ready to own and defend my position as to woman's
right to the ballot.
The sincerity of Mr. Julian's belief in woman suffrage is proved
by his repeated efforts to further the cause in the United States
congress. On December 8, 1868, he submitted an amendment to the
constitution, guaranteeing suffrage to all United States
citizens, which, as the negro had not then been enfranchised, he
numbered article fifteen. On March 15, 1869, he submitted the
same amendment, with the exception that the words "race" and
"color" were omitted; on the same day Mr. Julian offered a bill
providing for the immediate enfranchisement of women in all the
territories of the United States, thus doubling on one day his
claim to the gratitude of American women. On April 4, 1870, he
offered another amendment, numbered article sixteen, which
followed the exact form and phraseology of the fifteenth. On
January 20, 1871, he offered an amendment to the bill, providing
a government for the District of Columbia, striking out the word
"male" in the section defining the right of suffrage. It is
interesting to note that even so long ago that amendment received
55 yeas against 117 nays.[345] The bills which Mr. Julian thus
submitted to congress when he was a member of that body prove his
constancy to a cause early espoused, his conversion to which was
due to that remarkable English woman whose claims to the
gratitude of her American sisters are thus enhanced. Mr. Julian
has not worked much with the suffrage societies of his own State,
but he has never failed in his repeated canvasses to utter the
seasonable word. His conviction that it is the duty of the
national government to take the initiative in defining the
political rights of its citizens has naturally led him to present
this question to the nation as represented in its congress,
rather than to agitate it in the State.
Oliver P. Morton and Joseph E. McDonald are two other names
conspicuous in Indiana history which occur frequently in
connection with "aye" in the records which have preserved the
action of every member of congress on the various amendments
brought before it involving woman's political equality.
Albert G. Porter, ex-governor of Indiana, has on more than one
public occasion avowed his belief in woman's equality as a
citizen, and has assented to the proposition that under a
republic the only sign of such equality is the ballot. Ardent
advocates have often thought him inexcusably reticent in
expressing his convictions upon this subject, but such have
learned that it is given to but few mortals to "remember those in
bonds as bound with them," and no other governor of Indiana has
ever taken occasion to remind the General Assembly of its duties
to women, as Governor Porter habitually did. In his address of
1881 he called the attention of the legislature to the improved
condition of women under the laws, pointed out disabilities still
continuing, and bespoke the respectful attention of the General
Assembly to the women who proposed to come before it with their
claims. In his biennial message, 1883, the governor recommended
the enactment of a statute which should require that at least
one of the physicians appointed to attend in the department for
women in the hospital for the insane should be a woman. The whole
tone of Governor Porter's administration was liberal toward
women; he invariably implied his belief in their equality, and on
one or two occasions has evinced his respect for their ability by
conferring on them responsible offices. Many of the leading men
in the Republican party, and a few in the Democratic, are
favorable, and while they do not labor for the enfranchisement of
their sisters with the same enthusiasm which personal bondage
excites, their constant influence is on the side of woman's
emancipation.
As to the charities conducted by Indiana women, for a condensed
narrative of the efficient service of Mrs. L. B. Wishard and Miss
Susan Fussell, I must refer readers to the account kindly
prepared for me by Mrs. Paulina T. Merritt.[346]
Whether or not justified by the facts, the feeling is current
that those whom the masses favor hold themselves aloof from those
whom personal experience, or a sense of justice, compels to walk
the stony path of reform. The _litterateurs_ often form a sort of
pseudo-intellectual aristocracy, and do not willingly affiliate
with reformers, whom they are ready to assume to be less
cultivated than themselves. Of this weakness our literary women
have not been guilty. Most of them are members of the suffrage
society.[347]
A system is now developing which will not only stimulate women to
engage in competitive industries and secure justice in rewarding
such labor, but will greatly facilitate the work of ascertaining
what part women do take in the general industries of the State.
Indiana, being mainly agricultural, is divided into sixteen
districts, each of which has organized an agricultural society.
Besides these there are also county societies. These
organizations are composed of men and women, the latter having
nominally the same powers and privileges as the former. Annually
the State Agricultural Association holds a meeting at
Indianapolis. This is a delegate body, consisting of
representatives from the district and county societies. There is
no constitutional check against sending women as delegates,
though it has not hitherto been done. One chief duty of the
primary convention is to elect a State board of agriculture. This
board consists of sixteen members, one for each agricultural
district. The managers of the Woman's State Fair Association have
called an industrial convention, whose sessions will be held at
the same time that the Agricultural Association holds its annual
meeting.[348]
If the press reflects the public, it also moulds it; and its
conservative attitude is doubtless to a very considerable degree
responsible for the tone of opinion which prevailed here up to
recent years. Papers throughout the State naturally take their
cue from the party organs published at the capital, while the few
papers identified with no party are wont to adapt themselves even
more carefully to popular opinion upon general subjects.
The citations made in the earlier part of this chapter from the
_Sentinel_ and the _Journal_ clearly show the spirit of their
management in 1869. But it must not be inferred that the
_Journal_ has through all these years maintained the position
occupied by it at that time. Had it done so, one may reasonably
believe that the women of Indiana would before to-day have been
enfranchised. On the contrary, that sheet has been very
vacillating, speaking for or against the cause according to the
principles of its managers, the paper having frequently changed
hands; and until recently the principles of the same managers
upon this question have been shifting; but for the last five or
six years the _Journal_ has been a consistent, though somewhat
mild, supporter of woman suffrage.
On the contrary, the _Sentinel_ had been constant in its
opposition, until, about eight years since, Mr. Shoemaker
becoming the manager, it announced a Sunday issue devoted to the
interests of women. The pledge then made has been nobly kept, and
although for a few months the _Sentinel_ seemed to edit its
week-day issues with a view to counteracting the possible good
effect of its Sunday utterances, the better spirit gradually
triumphed, until at last, so far as the woman question is
concerned, the paper is from Sunday to Saturday in harmony with
itself. For some time it gave one column in each Sunday issue to
the control of the State Central Suffrage Committee, and printed
two hundred copies of the column for special distribution among
the country papers.
The _Saturday Herald_, established in 1873, under the editorial
management of George C. Harding, deserves mention. From the
outset, this paper was the advocate of woman's right to be paid
for work done according to its market value, and to protect
herself and her property by the ballot. Perhaps the best service
rendered to women by Mr. Harding, was that of securing in 1874
Gertrude Garrison as assistant editor of the _Herald_. Mrs.
Garrison is, beyond question, one of the ablest journalists
Indiana can boast, and the influence of her pen in modifying the
popular estimate of woman's capabilities has been incalculable.
From 1874 she did half the work, editorial articles, locals,
sketches, and all the varieties of writing required upon a weekly
paper, but at her own request her name was not announced as
associate editor until 1876. In this capacity she remained upon
the _Herald_ until January 1, 1880, when the paper passed from
Mr. Harding's into other hands. During her connection with the
_Herald_, if there was anything particularly strong in the paper,
her associate received the credit. The public will not permit
itself to believe a woman capable of humor, though I think Mrs.
Garrison did as much to sustain the paper's reputation for wit as
even Mr. Harding. A. H. Dooley succeeded Mr. Harding as editor of
the _Saturday Herald_, and it remained under his management a
sturdy advocate of woman's enfranchisement. The _Saturday
Review_ was established by Mr. Harding in October, 1880, with
Mrs. Garrison associate editor. Upon the death of Mr. Harding,
May 8, 1881, Mr. Charles Dennis became chief editor, Mrs.
Garrison[349] remaining on the staff as his assistant.
The _Times_ was founded in June, 1881. From the first it devoted
a column to notes on women's work. From September of that year
there appeared in each Saturday issue a department devoted to the
interests of women, particularly to woman suffrage, under the
editorial management of May Wright Sewall. This department
reaeppeared in the weekly and was thus widely circulated among
country readers. The _Times_ is under the management of Colonel
W. R. Holloway. Although from the first fair in its discussions
of all reform questions, it did not avow itself to be an advocate
of woman suffrage until the week after the public entertainment
of the Equal Suffrage Society, 1881, when there appeared an
editorial nearly one column in length, setting forth its views
upon the whole subject. This editorial contained the following
paragraph:
As the question is likely to become a prominent theme of
discussion during the next few years, the _Times_ will now
say that it is decidedly and unequivocally in favor of woman
suffrage. We believe that women have the same right to vote
that men have, that it is impolitic and unjust to deprive
them of the right, and that its free and full bestowal would
conserve the welfare of society and the good of government.
In the daily _Evening News_, Mr. J. H. Holliday, with his
editorial aids, has set himself to stem the tide of progress
which he evidently thinks will, unless a manful endeavor on his
part shall prevent it, bear all things down to ruin. The
character of his efforts may be inferred from the following
extracts which appeared in January and December of 1881:
We wish our legislators would go home and ponder this thing.
Read the Bible and understand the scheme of creation. Read
the New Testament, and appreciate the creation of the
Christian home, and the headship of things. Reflect upon
what rests the future of this government we have reared, and
ask what would become of it if the Christian homes in which
it is founded were broken up; then reflect upon what would
become of the Christian homes if men and women were to
attend to the same duties in life. To get a realistic
notion, let every man who has a wife ask himself how he
would relish being told by her, "I have an engagement with
John Smith to-night to see about fixing up a slate to get
Mrs. Jones nominated for sheriff," and being left to go his
own way while she goes with Smith. If that wouldn't make
hell in the household in one act we don't know what would,
yet this is merely one little trivial episode of what this
anti-christian woman suffrage scheme means.
To what straits must the advocates of suffrage for women be
driven when they needs must seek to show that the ballot is
not degrading. What becomes of all our fine talk of the
ballot as an educator if they who seek to secure it for
women must advocate as a reason why it should not be
withheld that it is not degrading! But what better can one
expect from those who, when it is suggested that there are
duties attaching to the ballot as well as rights, solemnly
say that the few moments necessary to deposit a ballot will
not interfere with women's duties of sweeping and dusting
and baby-tending. When one hears talk of this sort, there is
indeed a grave doubt as to whether the ballot really is an
educator after all.
The first of the above citations is from what might be called an
article of instruction addressed to the legislature then in
session, and considering the question of woman suffrage. The
occasion which inspired the second paragraph may be readily
inferred. It seems "profitable for the instruction" of the future
to preserve a few extracts like the above, that it may be seen
how weak and wild, strength itself becomes, when the ally of
prejudice and precedent.
The _Indiana Farmer_, exceptionally well edited, having a wide
circulation in the agricultural sections of the State, and
enjoying there a powerful influence, is an outspoken advocate of
equal suffrage. From statistics regarding papers published
outside of Indianapolis, it may be safe to say that two hundred
of them favor, with varying degrees of constancy, giving the
ballot to women. On the staff of nearly all the papers whose
status is above given, are women, who in their respective
departments faithfully serve the common cause. During the last
few years, efforts have been directed to the capture of the local
press, and many of the county papers now have a department edited
by women. In most instances this work is done gratuitously, and
their success in this new line, entering upon it as they have
without previous training, illustrates the versatility of woman's
powers. Mrs. M. E. Price of Kokomo, Mrs. Sarah P. Franklin of
Anderson, Mrs. Laura Sandafur of Franklin, and Mrs. Ida M. Harper
of Terre Haute, deserve especial mention for their admirable work
in the papers of their respective towns. Mrs. Laura C. Arnold is
the chief editor of the Columbus _Democrat_, and is the only
woman in the State having editorial charge of a political party
paper, _Our Herald_, under the able editorial management of Mrs.
Helen M. Gougar, was a weekly published at Lafayette. It was
devoted to securing the re-passage and adoption of the woman
suffrage and prohibition amendments. It was a strong, aggressive
sheet, and deserved its almost unparalleled success.[350]
In closing this able report for Indiana a few facts in regard to
the author may interest the general reader as well as the student
of history.
Mrs. May Wright Sewall has been well known for many years in
Indianapolis in the higher departments of education, and has
recently crowned her efforts as a teacher by establishing a model
classical school for girls, in which she is not only training their
minds to vigorous thought, but taking the initiative steps to
secure for them an equally vigorous physical development. Her
pupils are required to wear a comfortable gymnastic costume, all
their garments loosely resting on their shoulders; corsets, tight
waists and high-heeled boots forbidden, for deep thinking requires
deep breathing. The whole upper floor of her new building is a
spacious gymnasium, where her pupils exercise every day under the
instruction of a skillful German; and on every Saturday morning
they take lessons from the best dancing master in the city. The
result is, she has no dull scholars complaining of headaches. All
are alike happy in their studies and amusements.
Mrs. Sewall is a preeminently common-sense woman, believing that
sound theories can be put into practice. Although her tastes are
decidedly literary and aesthetic, she is a radical reformer. Hence
her services in the literary club and suffrage society are alike
invaluable. And as chairman of the executive committee of the
National Association, she is without her peer in planning and
executing the work.
As her husband, Mr. Theodore L. Sewall, is also at the head of a
classical school, and equally successful in training boys, it may
be said that both institutions have the advantage of the united
thought of man and woman. As educators, Mr. and Mrs. Sewall have
reaped much practical wisdom from their mutual consultations and
suggestions, the results of which have been of incalculable benefit
to their pupils.
Peering into the homes of the young women in the suffrage movement,
one cannot but remark the deference and respect with which these
intelligent, self-reliant wives are uniformly treated by their
husbands, and the unbounded confidence and affection they give in
return. For happiness in domestic life, men and women must meet as
equals. A position of inferiority and dependence for even the best
organized women, will either wither all their powers and reduce
them to apathetic machines, going the round of life's duties with a
kind of hopeless dissatisfaction, or it will rouse a bitter
antagonism, an active resistance, an offensive self-assertion,
poisoning the very sources of domestic happiness. The true ideal of
family life can never be realized until woman is restored to her
rightful throne. Tennyson, in his "Princess," gives us the
prophetic vision when he says:
"Everywhere
Two heads in council, two beside the hearth,
Two in the tangled business of the world,
Two in the liberal offices of life,
Two plummets dropped for one, to sound the abyss
Of science, and the secrets of the mind."
FOOTNOTES:
[325] See Vol. I., page 306.
[326] The call for this convention was signed by Amanda M. Way,
Mrs. M. C. Bland, Mrs. M. M. B. Goodwin, Mrs. Henry Blanchard, Mrs.
Emma B. Swank, Indianapolis; Mrs. Isaac Kinley, Richmond; Dr. Mary
F. Thomas, Camden; Dr. Mary H. Wilhite, Miss Lizzie Boynton, Miss
Mollie Krout, Dr. E. E. Barrett, Crawfordsville; Mrs. Abula Pucket
Nind, Fort Wayne; Mrs. L. S. Bidell, Crown Point; Rev. E. P.
Ingersoll, J. V. R. Miller, Rev. Henry Blanchard, Rev. William
Hannaman, Professor A. C. Shortridge, Professor R. T. Brown,
Professor Thomas Rhodes, Dr. T. A. Bland, Indianapolis; Hon. Isaac
Kinley, Isaac H. Julian, Richmond; Hon. L. M. Nind, Fort Wayne;
Hon. S. T. Montgomery, Kokomo; D. R. Pershing and Rev. T. Sells,
Warsaw.
[327] The officers of the State Association in 1883 were:
_President_, Dr. Mary F. Thomas: _Vice-Presidents_, Mrs. Helen V.
Austin, Mrs. S. S. McCain, Mrs. M. V. Berg, Mrs. G. Gifford, Mrs.
M. P. Lindsey, Mrs. C. A. P. Smith and Mrs. F. G. Scofield;
_Secretary_, Mrs. M. E. M. Price; _Corresponding Secretary_, Mrs.
F. M. Adkinson; _Treasurer_, Miss Mary D. Naylor; _State Central
Committee_, Mrs. Mary E. Haggart, Mrs. Z. G. Wallace and May Wright
Sewall.
[328] Annual--1871, June 21, 22, Bloomington; 1872, June 5, 6,
Dublin; 1873, June 11, 12, Terre Haute; Semi-Annual, November 19,
Richmond. Annual--1874, May 28, 29, Fort Wayne; 1875, May 25, 26,
Liberty; Semi-Annual, November 23, 24, Winchester. Annual--1876,
May 30, 31, Anderson; 1877, September 4, 5, Knightstown; 1878, June
11, 12, Richmond: 1879, May 14, 15, Kokomo; 1880, April 27, 28,
Crawfordsville; 1881, June 15, 16, Kokomo; Semi-Annual, October 29,
Dublin. Annual--1882, May, Columbus; 1883, June, Logansport; 1884,
Kokomo; 1885, November 22, 23, Warsaw.
[329] See Vol. II., page 851.
[330] The Equal Suffrage Society has now, 1885, a membership of
175, including many representatives of whatever in Indianapolis is
best in character, culture and social place. The society has lately
districted the city for local work, assuming the boundaries of the
school districts as its own for this purpose; its present plan is
to place each of these twenty-six districts under the especial care
of a committee whose business shall be to hold meetings, distribute
literature and circulate petitions. The society thus hopes to
create a stimulating suffrage atmosphere at the capital which shall
inspire the legislators with courage to do good work for women at
their next session.
[331] INVITATION.--The Indianapolis Equal Suffrage Society requests
the pleasure of your company at a literary and social entertainment
to be given in the Bates House parlors, Friday evening, November 4,
1881. _Committee_--May Wright Sewall, Mary C. Raridan, Mrs. H.G.
Carey, Mrs. Charles Kregelo, and Miss Lydia Halley. Please present
invitation at the door.
PROGRAMME.--1. Music, piano solo, Miss Dietrich; 2. Toast,
Yorktown, Henry D. Pierce; 3. Toast, The True Republic, Mrs. Z.G.
Wallace; 4. Music, solo (vocal), Mrs. J.J. Cole; 5. Toast, Women in
Indiana, Gen. John Coburn; 6. Toast, Women in the "Revised
Version," Arthur W. Tyler; 7. Music, solo (vocal), Arthur Miller:
8. Toast. The Literary Women of Indiana. 9. Toast, Women in the
U.S. School System, Horace S. Tarbell; 10. Recitation, Lida Hood
Talbott; 11. Toast, Our Forefathers, Rev. Myron W. Reed; 12. A
Reply, Mary C. Raridan; 13. Music, solo (vocal), Mrs. J.C. New.
Music In charge of Mrs. John C. New. W.B. Stone, accompanist.
[332] The speakers were Helen M. Gouger, Florence M. Adkinson, Mary
A. Haggart, Ex-Gov. Baker, Judge Martindale, Mrs. Wallace, Messrs.
Walker and Dooley, editors of the _Times_ and _Herald_, Mr.
Tarbell, superintendent of the city schools, and May Wright Sewall.
[333] See Indiana Appendix, note A.
[334] See Appendix to Indiana, note B.
[335] The following invitation was sent to every member of the
legislature who had voted for the amendment, and also to all the
leading people of the city: The pleasure of your company is
requested at the parlors of the New-Denison, Friday evening, April
15, from 8 to 12, where a social entertainment will be given in
honor of the passage of the suffrage amendment by our State
legislature. [Signed:] Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace, Miss Catherine
Merrill, Mrs. Harvey G. Carey, Mrs. Charles Kregelo, Mrs. Henry D.
Pierce, Mrs. Thomas A. Hendricks, May Wright Sewall, Mrs. George
Merritt, Mrs. John C. New and Mrs. John M. Judah. The programme was
as follows: 1. Music, Solo (vocal), Zelda Seguin Wallace. 2. Toast,
Our Legislature, Senator Spann. 3. Toast, Our Opponents, Colonel
DeWitt Wallace. 4. Toast, The Press and Progress, Laura Ream. 5.
Toast, The Indiana Woman under the Law, William Wallace. 6. Music,
Solo (vocal), Mrs. John C. New. 7. Toast, The Ideal Man, Mrs. J. M.
Judah. 8. Toast, The Ideal Woman, Mr. A. S. Caldwell. 9. Toast, The
Home of the Future, May Wright Sewall. 10. Music, German Song,
Professor John Fiske. 11. Toast, The Woman who "Don't want to
Vote," Gertrude Garrison. 12. Recitation, Lida Hood Talbot. 13.
Toast, The Attitude of the Pulpit toward Reform, Rev. Myron W.
Reed. 14. Music, Solo (vocal), Zelda Seguin Wallace.
[336] The persons thus authorized by the central committee to hold
meetings and organize societies were Dr. Mary F. Thomas, Mary E.
Haggart, Zerelda G. Wallace, Helen M. Gougar, May Wright Sewall and
L. May Wheeler.
[337] Besides these five-minute reports, addresses were delivered
by Rev. Myron W. Reed, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of
Indianapolis; Captain DeWitt Wallace of Lafayette, Dr. Ridpath of
DePaun University, Colonel Maynard, chief editorial writer on the
_Sentinel_; Mrs. Haggart, Mrs. Gougar, Mrs. Josephine R. Nichols,
and other men and women of less prominence, but on that occasion of
hardly less interest.
[338] Among these the names of William Dudley Foulke of Richmond,
W. DeWitt Wallace of Lafayette, G. H. Thomas of Huntington, and S.
P. Yancey, merit honorable mention.
[339] Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Merritt and Mrs. Mary E. Newman Carey.
[340] Republican, May Wright Sewall and Paulina T. Merritt;
Democratic, Mary E. Haggart and Florence M. Adkinson.
[341] For an account of this prison, see Appendix to Indiana
chapter, note C.
[342] See Appendix to Indiana chapter, note G.
[343] Miss Merrill resigned in the autumn of 1883, and was
immediately succeeded by Miss Harriet Noble of Vincennes, a
graduate of Vassar, and a lady of most admirable qualities, whose
success is assured by the record of her first year in this
responsible position.
[344] See sketch of Dr. Thomas, Vol. I., page 324.
[345] For these bills and amendments, see Vol. II., pages 325, 333.
[346] See Appendix, Indiana chapter, notes E and F.
[347] Mrs. Sarah T. Bolton, Laura Ream, Mrs. Lew Wallace, Mary H.
Korut, Mary Dean, Margaret Holmes (Mrs. M. V. Bates), Mrs. M. E.
Banta, Mrs. Louise V. Boyd, Mrs. Helen V. Austin, Mrs. Hettie A.
Morrison, Mrs. E. S. L. Thompson, Mrs. Amy E. Dunn, Mrs. A. D.
Hawkins, Miss Rena L. Miner, Miss Edna C. Jackson and Mrs. D. M.
Jordan are all literary women who sympathize with and aid this
reform.
[348] The woman's department has constantly grown in extent and
value, until it has become one of the most important features of
the State fair, and this year, 1885, the managers have allowed to
it twice the space hitherto occupied. It is worthy of note that
suffrage papers, tracts and books are always to be found among the
exhibits.
[349] Mrs. Garrison left Indianapolis for New York in May of 1882.
Success followed her to the metropolis and she now has, 1885, the
entire editorial management of the literary department of the
American Press Association, and her work goes into more than fifty
of the best weekly papers in the country.
[350] _Our Herald_ did royal service in the campaign of 1882; it
subsequently became a monthly and in addition to other admirable
efforts, undertook to introduce leading western women to the larger
world by publishing a series of biographical sketches of the most
prominent. In the winter of 1885 Mrs. Gougar sold _Our Herald_ to
Mrs. Harbert, who published it in Chicago as the _The New Era_.
CHAPTER XLIII.
ILLINOIS.
Chicago a Great Commercial Center--First Woman Suffrage
Agitation, 1855--A. J. Grover--Society at Earlville--Prudence
Crandall--Sanitary Movement--Woman in Journalism--Myra
Bradwell--Excitement in Elmwood Church, 1868--Mrs. Huldah
Joy--Pulpit Utterances--Convention, 1869, Library Hall,
Chicago--Anna Dickinson--Robert Laird Collier Debate--Manhood
Suffrage Denounced by Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony--Judge
Charles B. Waite on the Constitutional Convention--Hearing Before
the Legislature--Western Suffrage Convention, Mrs. Livermore,
President--Annual Meeting at Bloomington--Women Eligible to
School Offices--Evanston College--Miss Alta Hulett--Medical
Association--Dr. Sarah Hackett Stephenson--"Woman's Kingdom," in
the _Inter-Ocean_--Mrs. Harbert--Centennial Celebration at
Evanston--Temperance Petition, 180,000--Frances E.
Willard--Social Science Association--Art Union--International
Congress at Paris--Jane Graham Jones--Moline Association.
Illinois, one of the Central States in our vast country, stretching
over five and a half degrees of latitude, was admitted to the Union
in 1818. Its chief city, Chicago, extending for miles round the
southern shores of Lake Michigan, is the great commercial center of
the boundless West. We may get some idea of the magnitude of her
commerce from the fact that the receipts and shipment of flour,
grain and cattle from that port alone in 1872 were valued at
$370,000,000.
When the battles with the Indians were finally ended, the
population of the State rapidly increased, and in 1880 the census
gave 1,586,523 males and 1,491,348 females. In the school
statistics we find about the same proportionate number of women and
girls as teachers and scholars in the public schools and in all the
honest walks of life; while men and boys in the criminal ranks are
out of all proportion. For example, in the state-prison at Joliet
there were, in 1873, 1,321 criminals; fifteen only were women. And
yet the more virtuous, educated, self-governed part of the
population, that shared equally the hardships of the early days,
and by industry and self-sacrifice helped to build up that great
State, is still denied the civil and political rights declared by
the constitution to belong to every citizen of the commonwealth.
The trials and triumphs of the women of Illinois are vividly
portrayed in the following records sent us by Elizabeth Boynton
Harbert, Ph. D.:
His biographer asserts that Bernini, the celebrated Florentine
artist, architect, painter and poet, once gave a public opera in
Rome, for which he painted the scenes, composed the music, wrote
the poem, carved the statues, invented the engines, and built the
theater. Because of his versatile talents the man Bernini has
passed into history. Of almost equal versatility were the women
of the equal-rights movement, since in many instances their names
appear and reaeppear in the records we have consulted as authors,
editors, journalists, lecturers, teachers, physicians, lawyers,
ordained ministers and home-makers; and in many localities a
woman, to be eligible for the lyceum, was expected to be
statesmanlike as Elizabeth Cady Stanton, executive as Susan B.
Anthony, spiritual as Lucretia Mott, eloquent as Anna Dickinson,
graceful as Celia Burleigh, fascinating as Paulina Wright Davis;
a social queen, very domestic, a skillful musician, an excellent
cook, very young, and the mother of at least six children; even
then she was not entitled to the rights, privileges and
immunities of an American citizen. So "the divine rights of the
people" became the watchword of thoughtful men and women of the
Prairie State, and at the dawn of the second half of the present
century many caught the echoes of that historic convention at
Seneca Falls and insisted that the fundamental principles of our
government should be applied to all the citizens of the United
States.
In view of the fearless heroism and steady adherence to principle
of many comparatively unknown lives, the historian is painfully
conscious of the meagerness of the record, as compared with the
amount of labor that must necessarily have been performed. In
almost every city, village and school district some earnest man
or woman has been quietly waging the great moral battle that will
eventually make us free; and while it would be a labor of love to
recognize every one who has wrought for freedom, doubtless many
names worthy of mention may unintentionally be omitted.
The earliest account of specific work that we have been able to
trace is an address delivered in Earlville by A. J. Grover, esq.,
in 1855, who from that time until the present has been an able
champion of the constitutional rights of women. As a result of
his efforts, and the discussion that followed, a society was
formed, of which Mrs. Susan Hoxie Richardson (a cousin of Susan
B. Anthony) was elected president, and Mrs. Octavia Grover
secretary. This, we believe, was the first suffrage society in
Illinois. Its influence was increased by the fact that, during
two years of Mr. Grover's editorial control, the Earlville
_Transcript_ was a fearless champion of equal rights. While that
band of pioneers was actively at work, Prudence Crandall, who was
mobbed and imprisoned in Connecticut for teaching a school for
colored girls, was actively engaged in Mendota, in the same
county. A few years later, lectures were delivered[351] on the
subject of equal rights for women in different parts of the
State.
Copies of two of the early appeals have been secured. One by A.
J. Grover, published in pamphlet form, was extensively
circulated; the other by Mrs. Catharine V. Waite, appeared in the
Earlville _Transcript_. Both of these documents are yellowed with
age, but the arguments presented are as logical as the more
recent utterances of our most radical champions. There is a
tradition of a convention at Galesburg some years later, but we
have failed to find any accurate data. During the interim between
these dates and that never-to-be-forgotten April day in 1861, but
little agitation of this great subject can be traced, and during
the six years subsequent to that time we witness all previously
defined boundaries of spheres brushed away like cobwebs, when
women, north and south, were obliged to fill the places made
vacant by our civil war. An adequate record of the work
accomplished during those eventful years by Illinois women,
notably among them being Mary A. Livermore and Jane C. Hoge, lies
before us in a bound volume of the paper published under the
auspices of the Northwestern Sanitary Fair, edited by the Hon.
Andrew Shuman. This little journal was called the _Voice of the
Fair_, a prophetic name, as really through the medium of these
sanitary fairs were the voices of the _fair_ all potent, and
through their patriotic services to our soldiery did the women of
the United States first discover their talent for managing and
administering great enterprises. In his first editorial
Lieutenant-Governor Shuman says:
On motion of Mrs. Elizabeth A. Loomis, it was decided to
open the fair on February 22, 1865, Washington's birthday,
and to continue it till March 4, the presidential
inauguration day. A committee, consisting of Mrs. H. H.
Hoge, Mrs. D. P. Livermore and Mrs. E. W. Blatchford for the
commission, and Mrs. O. E. Hosmer, Mrs. C. P. Dickinson and
Mr. L. B. Bryan for the Home, was appointed as executive.
This was the little cloud, scarcely larger than a man's
hand, which grew till it almost encircled the heavens,
spreading into every corner of our broad land, and including
every department of industry in its ample details.
The undertaking was herculean, and on the grand occasion of the
opening of the fair, although we do not find any account of women
sharing in the honors of the day, yet they were vouchsafed
honorable mention in the following terms by the governor of the
State: "I do not know how to praise women, but I can say nothing
so good as our late president once said on a similar occasion,
'God bless the women of America.' They have been our faithful
allies during this fearful war. They have toiled steadily by our
side, with the most enduring constancy through the frightful
contest." Amid the first impulses of genuine gratitude men
recognized what at present they seem to forget, that by
inheritance and patriotic service woman has an equal right with
man to a share in the rights and privileges of this government.
In the winter of 1860 Hannah Tracy Cutler, M. D., and Mrs.
Frances D. Gage made a canvass of the interior and western parts
of the State, procuring signatures to petitions asking for
equality before the law, and especially for the right of married
women to earn and hold and dispose of property the same as a
_feme-sole_. Also, that property acquired before marriage, or
that may afterward accrue to a married woman by gift, devise,
descent or deed, may be held, controlled and disposed of by
herself where it had not been intentionally converted to common
property by her consent. In response to a request for data on
this point, Mrs. Cutler writes:
At the close of our campaign we were summoned to Ohio to
assist in the canvass in that State. Returning to Illinois,
I learned that no action had been taken on our petitions.
The member to whom we had consigned them, and who had
promised to act in our behalf, had found no convenient
opportunity. I at once repaired to Springfield, and, on
inquiry, was told that it was now too late in the
session--that members were so busy that no one could be
induced to draft a bill for an act granting such laws as we
desired. I found one member ready to assist to the full
measure of his ability--Mr. Pickett of Rock Island. By his
encouragement I went to the State library and there drew up
a bill giving women, during coverture, certain personal and
property rights. Mr. Pickett presented our petitions, got a
special committee, took my bill before it, got a favorable
report, and a law was passed to that effect. Some decisions
occurred under this law. I think, however, that in a
codification a year or two after, this law was left out, I
know not by what authority, and some years later Mrs.
Livermore, Mrs. Bradwell and others presented the matter
afresh, and succeeded in procuring again a similar
enactment. The winter following I presented petitions for
the right of guardianship; also, I asked that for estates
not exceeding $5,000 the widow should not be required to
take out letters of administration, but should be permitted
to continue in possession, the same as the husband on the
decease of the wife, the property subject to the same
liabilities for the payment of debts and the maintenance of
children as before the decease of the husband. I made this
small claim for the relief of many wives whose husbands had
gone into the army, leaving them with all the
responsibility; and there seemed no sufficient reason for
disturbing and distributing either the family or the estate,
when the husband exchanged the battle-field for the "sleep
that knows no waking." This petition, asking for these
reasonable and righteous laws, was, by motion of Colonel
Mack, in a spirit of burlesque, referred to the Committee on
Internal Navigation, and a burlesque report was made in open
Senate, too indecent to be entered on the records. The grave
and reverend seigniors, on this, indulged in a hearty
guffaw, hugely enjoyed by his honor Lieutenant-Governor
Hoffman, and, to this day, no further action has been taken
to give the wife and mother this small modicum of justice,
though many of the senators at that time promised the
question an early consideration.
On Saturday, October 3, 1868, a genuine sensation was produced by
the appearance of the Chicago _Legal News_, edited by Mrs. Myra
Bradwell. At this day it is impossible to realize with what
supreme astonishment this journal was received. Neither can we
estimate its influence upon the subsequent legislation of the
State. Looking through its files we find that no opportunity was
lost for exposing all laws unjust to woman, or for noting each
indication of progress throughout the world. Under date of
October 31, 1868, a short article in regard to the "Citizenship
of Women" reads thus:
The act of congress provides that any alien, being a free
white person, may become a citizen of the United States.
While congress was very careful to limit this great
privilege of citizenship to the free white person, it made
no distinction or limitation whatever on account of sex.
Under this statute it has been held that a married woman
may be naturalized and become a citizen of the United
States, and that, too, without the consent of her husband. A
woman may be a citizen of the United States, be subject to
the laws, own property, and be compelled to pay taxes to
support a government she has no voice in administering or
vote in electing its officers.
In the same issue of the _News_ we meet with an earnest appeal
for the prompt passage of a law conferring upon woman a right to
her earnings. When we realize that one of the Supreme Judges soon
after this assured Mrs. Bradwell that she was editing a paper
that no lawyer could afford to do without, we shall understand
how important a part this journal has played in the courts. In
the sixth number of the _News_ we find the attention of the legal
fraternity called to the fact that in the reign of James I. it
was held in the cases of _Coats vs. Lyall_ and _Holt vs. Lyall_,
tried in Westminster Hall, that a single woman, if a freeholder,
had the right to vote for a parliament man; and in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, Lady Packington, in right of property held by
her, did actually vote for a return of two burgesses to
parliament for the borough of Aylesburg; and in the time of
Charles I., Mrs. Copley voted, in right of her property, for the
return of a burgess for Gratton. The subject of their return was
brought before parliament, and amended by joining other persons
with Mrs. Copley in the right of returning burgesses for Gratton.
Women have actually sat and voted in the English parliament.
In 1868, Sorosis, a woman's club, was organized in Chicago, with
Mrs. Delia Waterman president, and soon after several periodicals
were established; _The Chicago Sorosis_, with Mrs. Mary L.
Walker, Cynthia Leonard and Agnes L. Knowlton, editors; _The
Inland Monthly_, Mrs. Charlotte Clark, editor and publisher; and
_The Agitator_, with Mary A. Livermore and Mary L. Walker
editors. Though all were short-lived, they serve to show woman's
ambition in the direction of journalism.
In 1868 there was a decided "awakening" on the question of woman
suffrage in central Illinois. In the town of Elmwood, Peoria
county, the question drew large audiences to lyceum discussions,
and was argued in school, church and caucus. The conservatives
became alarmed, and announced their determination to "nip the
innovation in the bud." A spirited editorial in the New York
_Independent_ was based upon the following facts, given by
request of some of the disfranchised women:
Rev. W. G. Pierce was the pastor of the Elmwood
Congregational Church. A large majority of the members were
women, and there was no discrimination against them in the
church manual. The pastor and two or three members decided
that a change of rules was needed. A church meeting was held
in March, 1868, at which the number in attendance was very
small, owing to some irregularities in issuing the call. The
suffrage question was brought up by the pastor, and the talk
soon became so insulting that the women present felt
compelled to leave the house. The manual was then amended so
as to exclude women from voting "in matters pertaining to
the welfare of the church," and making a two-thirds vote of
adult males necessary to any change thereafter. This was
carried by five yeas to one nay--only six votes out of a
membership of 210! The church was taken by surprise, and
there was no little excitement when the fact became known
next day. A vigorous protest and a call for reconsideration
was quickly signed by nearly a hundred members and sent to
the pastor. The meeting was not called for weeks, and when
at last it was secured, he, as moderator, ruled
reconsideration out, on the ground that there was an error
in the announcement of the business (by himself!) from the
pulpit. At a later meeting a vote on reconsideration was
reached, and enough of the male adult minority were in
attendance to make the vote stand 19 to 17, not two-thirds
of the male adult element voting for reconsideration.
The contention now became bitter, and twenty-eight of the
more intelligent and earnest members withdrew and asked for
letters to other churches. Such of the "adult males" as
"tarried by the altar," refused to give the outgoing members
the usual letters, to join in a mutual council on an equal
footing, or to discipline the seceders. The latter called an
ex-parte council, composed of such men as Dr. Bascom, of
Princeton; Dr. Edward Beecher, of Galesburg; Dr. Haven, of
Evanston; Dr. C. D. Helmer, of Chicago, and others. This
council gave the desired letters, but advised
reconciliation. Among the seceders, Mrs. Huldah Joy, an
educated and intensely religious woman, was one of the most
active and earnest, her husband, F. R. Joy, and her
daughters, also doing good service. Mrs. H. E.
Sunderland,[352] another woman of culture, and Mrs. Mary Ann
Cone and Mrs. S. R. Murray were faithful, brave and earnest.
The church, which previous to the secession, was strong and
flourishing, became an inharmonious organization, and has
never rallied from the effects of that unjust action.
At a meeting held in Chicago, in the autumn of 1868, a resolution
was offered to the effect that "a State association be formed,
having for its object the advocacy of universal suffrage." Among
the many interesting facts connected with the "rise and progress"
of the equal-rights movement is the large number of
representative men and women who have from the first been
identified with it.[353] January 25, 1860 we find among the most
progressive utterances from the pulpit, a sermon by the Rev.
Sumner Ellis of Chicago, while Rev. Charles Fowler and Dr. H. W.
Thomas were ever fearless and earnest in their advocacy of this
measure. In February, 1869, the _Legal News_ said:
A call has been issued, inviting all persons in favor of
woman suffrage to meet in convention in Library Hall,
Chicago. There are many hundred names appended, including
the judges of all the courts of Cook county, leading members
of the bar throughout the State, representatives of the
press, ministers of the gospel, from all denominations, and
representatives from every profession and business.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and the Rev.
Olympia Brown have been invited and are expected to attend.
Pursuant to the foregoing "call," a notable convention was
held.[354] The _Tribune_ devoted nine columns to an account of
the proceedings, respectful in tone and fair in statement. During
its two days' session, Library Hall was packed to its utmost
capacity with the beauty and fashion of the city. Able lawyers,
eloquent and distinguished divines and gallant generals occupied
seats upon the platform and took part in the deliberations. The
special importance of this convention at this time, was the
consideration of the immediate duty of securing a recognition of
the rights of women in the new constitution, for the framing of
which a convention had been called.
All the speakers had strong convictions and showed broad
differences, continually making sharp points against each other.
Several clergymen were present, some in favor of woman suffrage,
some opposed, some in doubt. Among these were the two
Collyers--one, the Rev. Robert, the English blacksmith of former
days, liberal, progressive, of large physical proportions; the
other, the Rev. Robert Laird, a much smaller man, and of
conservative tendencies.
The Rev. Robert Collyer dissented so entirely from what the
preceding speaker, Dr. Hammond, had said, that he was
determined to run the risk of attempting to reply. He
thought that a majority of men who began by being reformers,
ended by being old fogies, and he thought that might be the
case with Mr. Hammond. He felt no doubt that the whole
movement of women's rights was to be established in America.
He had seen the effects of woman's presence in associations
upon men, and he was sure that this same agency would have
the effect of bringing politics to such a condition as that
decent people of either sex might take part in it. As to the
Bible declaring that man shall rule over woman, he found a
similar case where it used to be quoted in support of the
institution of slavery, but when the grander and more
beautiful principles of the Bible came to be applied the
contrary was clearly established. So it was with the
question of woman's rights. To him the Bible seemed like an
immense pasture wherein any and every species of animal
might find its own peculiar food. In regard to what Mr.
Hammond said as to the rights of infants, he wished he had
conferred with his wife and got her approval before he said
it. The speaker was sure his own wife would not have advised
him to say it. He believed that when maternal and home
duties conflicted, the children and the home relations would
take the preference invariably, and the remarks of Mr.
Hammond seemed to imply a terrible want of confidence in
woman. He believed that woman would always do her duty to
her children and her home. Then, too, he had been surprised,
that Mr. Hammond, in speaking of preventing children from
coming into the world, had failed to speak of the
complicity of man, in reality the greatest criminal, in that
matter. As to the excitement attendant upon political
issues, was it worse, viewed as mere excitement, than that
which is so earnestly sought to be aroused at religious
meetings? Elizabeth, Anne, and Victoria were, with the
exception, perhaps, of Cromwell, the best rulers England
ever had, and, when the administration of Andrew Johnson was
remembered, he thought we might do worse than to have a
woman for president, after Grant's term shall have expired.
[Applause.] In conclusion, Mr. Collyer said that, even if
the fearful picture drawn by Mr. Hammond, of 70,000 immoral
women marching to the polls in New York, were realized, he
could draw another picture--that of 75,000 good and pure
women marching to the polls to vote the others down.
[Applause.]
Rev. Edward Beecher, of Galesburg, said: Exclusive class
legislation was not safe; it was oppressive and degrading.
Female influence has procured the repeal of some obnoxious
laws, and that proved it was a powerful element. He thought
the Bible, as regards man being the head, had been
misinterpreted. When man took the attitude in relation to
women which Christ sustains to the church, that of love, of
service, of helpfulness and sacrifice, he would be an
example of true headship. He read an extract from an
editorial in the _Tribune_, of February 11, in regard to the
giving way of moral integrity in the affairs of the nation,
and commended the question to the consideration of all. The
country was never in greater danger than now of having the
whole political system destroyed. Some great moral influence
ought to be brought to eradicate the corruption so prevalent
among public men. There were two great vices in
existence--drunkenness and licentiousness--and in both,
woman was the victim of man in the majority of cases. The
legislation which pressed down women was wrong, and should
be remedied. He admitted it was an experiment to introduce
the female element into legislation, but the success of the
male element had thus far been such that, according to his
judgment, things could not be much worse than they are.
Women were always deeply interested in all public questions.
If responsibilities were put upon them they would become
greater intellectually, morally and socially.
Several able lawyers also took part in the convention, who
brought their legal learning to bear on the question. Mrs.
Stanton and Miss Anthony, hostile to the action of the Republican
party as manifested in the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments,
were present with their stern criticisms and scathing resolutions
on "manhood suffrage," submitting the following to the
convention:
_Resolved_, That a man's government is worse than a white
man's government, because in proportion as you increase the
rulers you make the condition of the ostracised more
hopeless and degraded.
_Resolved_, That as the Democratic cry of "a white man's
government" created an antagonism between the Irish and the
negro, culminating in the New York riots of '63, so the
Republican cry of "manhood suffrage" creates an antagonism
between the black man and all women, and will culminate in
fearful outrages on womanhood, especially in the Southern
States.
_Resolved_, That by the establishment of an aristocracy of
sex in the District of Columbia, by the introduction of the
word "male" into the federal constitution in article XIV.,
section 2, and by the proposition to enforce manhood
suffrage in all the States of the Union, the Republican
party has been guilty of three successive arbitrary acts,
three retrogressive steps in legislation, alike invidious
and insulting to women and suicidal to the nation.
After a long and earnest discussion, the resolutions were voted
down. Mrs. Stanton's speech setting forth six reasons against a
"male aristocracy"[355] was pronounced able and eloquent, though
directly in opposition to the general sentiment of the
convention, which was mainly Republican. Miss Anna Dickinson,
having a lyceum engagement in Chicago, was present at one of the
sessions, and had quite a spirited encounter with Robert Laird
Collier. As she appeared on the platform at the close of some
remarks by that gentleman, loud calls were made for her, when she
came forward and spoke as follows:
MRS. PRESIDENT, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: It is impossible for
me to continue in my seat after so kind and cordial a call
from this house, and I thank you for the pleasant and
friendly feeling you have shown. I have but a word to say. I
had gone out of the room, not because of the discussion, but
because it was too warm and the atmosphere so stifling, when
I was recalled by hearing something to this effect: "That
there had not been a single logical argument used on this
platform in behalf of woman suffrage; that woman is
abundantly represented by some man of her family; that when
a woman lifts herself up in opposition against her husband,
she lifts herself up, if I properly and rightly understood
the declaration, against God; that the inspired assertion is
that the husband is the head of the wife." Oh! but Mr.
Collier forgot to say the husband is the head of the wife as
Christ is the head of the church. In my observation, and it
has not been a limited one, though I confess I am not an
unprejudiced observer, I have never yet discovered a man who
is the head of the wife as Christ is the head of the church.
Furthermore, he announces that these women, being
represented by men, if they lift themselves up in opposition
to their husbands, lose that womanly and feminine element
which is so admirable and pure and beautiful, and nothing
can preserve them from the contamination of politics. Woman
is to lift herself against God if she lifts herself against
her husband, and woman is abundantly represented by this
same husband, or by some man in her own family. There are a
multitude of women who have no husbands [laughter]. There
are a multitude of women who never will have any husbands
[renewed laughter]. There are a great many women who have no
men in their own households to represent them, either for
their wrongs or their rights. Mr. Collier, I suppose,
however, is talking about women who have husbands.
He says the woman loses her purity, her delicacy, her
feminine attributes when she lifts her voice and sentiments
against the man whose name she bears. We will say, then,
look across these western prairies to Utah. If the women
there dare to say to the congress of the United States,
"Amend this constitution that we women of Utah can have one
husband, and that the husband can take but one wife"; if
these women demand decency in the marriage relation, demand
justice for themselves, demand purity, they are lifting
themselves against the laws of womanhood and the laws of
God. Every woman represented by her husband is to lose her
purity, her delicacy, her refinement, if she dares to lift
her hand against him and his will. You have here, within the
limits of your State of Illinois, 100,000 drunkards. Every
woman who dares to lift her hand, cry out with her voice,
"Give me the ballot that may offset the votes of these
drunkards at the polls and save my children from starvation
and myself from being put into the workhouse"--this woman is
lifting herself against the laws of God and womanhood. That
is not all! Last summer this question of prohibition was
being tested in Massachusetts by votes. I went from town to
town--my engagements taking me all over the State at that
time--and said my say upon this question of woman suffrage.
In whatever city or town I went, women, bowed down with
grief, who desired to preserve their womanhood, their
persons from blows and abuse, their sons from going to
gambling hells and rum shops, their girls from being sent to
houses of abomination, came to me and said: "Anna Dickinson,
if you are a woman, speak and use your influence for our
cause." Women who have drunken husbands, whether they lived
in Beacon street or at the North End, whether they lived in
luxury or poverty, said: "For the sake of womanhood, for the
sake of motherhood, for the sake of all things good and true
in the world, lift up our hands and voices, through
yourself, to protest against these men whose names we bear."
Ah! that Mr. Collier could have seen these drunkards' wives,
standing with tears streaming down their cheeks, and
begging for power, begging for the ballot to save their
homes, and themselves, and their children. Do you tell this
audience--do you tell any mother or daughter here this
afternoon, that she protests against the purity of
womanhood, and lifts her powers against the laws of God?
Pardon me for taking this much of your time. I will simply
add a thought. This is the cause of purity. This is the
cause which is to strengthen young girls, which is to give
them self-reliance and self-respect. This is the thing that
is to put these girls on their feet; say to them "you are an
independent being; you are to earn the clothes that cover
you," and this will allow them to walk with steady feet
through rough places. This thing which is to give these
women such power, certainly will be strengthening to them by
making them independent and self-reliant. The ballot is to
save womanhood and save purity, which he says is in
danger--the feminine element of dependence and weakness and
tenderness, of clinging helplessness, which he so much
adores. Let justice be done. Give us the ballot. Here is the
power to defend yourself when your rights are assailed; when
your home is entered. Here is the authority to tell the
spoiler to stand back; when our sons are being brought up to
wickedness and our daughters to lives of shame, here is the
power in the mother's hand which says these children shall
be taken from the wrong place and put in the right one. For
the rights of mothers I plead. Let us allow, from one end of
this country to the other, every man and woman, black and
white, to go to the polls to defend their own rights and the
rights of their homes.
The Rev. R. L. COLLIER said he would to God that every woman
in America had such a heart and such a voice for woman's
rights. But sympathy was one thing and logic was another. If
he thought the ballot in the hand of woman would cure the
wrongs she speaks of, he would favor female suffrage, but he
was firmly convinced that it would only aggravate their
wrongs. He could not fight Anna Dickinson.
ANNA DICKINSON: I certainly do not intend to fight Mr.
Collier. I believe I have the name of not being a
belligerent woman. Mr. Collier says sympathy is one thing
and logic is another. Very true! I did not speak of the
40,000 women in the State of Massachusetts who are wives of
drunkards, as a matter which shall appeal to your
sympathies, or move your tears. Mr. Collier says that these
women are to find their rights by influence at home.
Mr. COLLIER: That is what I mean.
Miss DICKINSON: That they are to do it by womanly and
feminine love, and I tell him that is the duty of this same
feminine element which is so admirable and adorable. I have
seen men on your street corners, as I have seen men on the
street corners of every city of America, with bloated faces,
with mangled forms, and eyes blackened by the horrible vice
and orgies carried on in their dens of iniquity and
drunkenness and sin. I have seen men with not a semblance of
humanity in their form or in their face, and not a sentiment
of manhood in their souls. I have seen these men made
absolute masters of wives and children; men who reel to
their homes night after night to beat some helpless child;
to beat some helpless woman. A woman was beaten here in
Chicago the other day until there was scarcely a trace of
the woman's face left, and scarcely a trace of the woman's
form remaining. Mr. Collier tells me, then, that these women
whose husbands reel home at 12, 1, 2, 3 o'clock at night, to
demolish the furniture, beat the children, and destroy their
wives' peace and lives--that these women are to find their
rights by influence, by argument, by tenderness. These
brutes who deserve the gallows if any human being can
deserve anything so atrocious in these days--are these
women, their wives, to find their safety, their security for
themselves and their children, by influence, through
argument and tenderness, or love, when nothing can influence
save drink? The law gives man the power to say, "I will have
drink; I will put this into my mouth." If the ballot were
given to women they would vote against drunkenness. It is
not sentiment, it is logic, if there be any logic in votes
and in a home saved.
The Rev. R. L. COLLIER, in reply to Miss Dickinson, quoted a
story from an English author of a drunkard who was reclaimed
by a daughter's love and devotion. He never wanted to hear a
woman say that law could accomplish what love could not.
Miss DICKINSON: I only want to ask Mr. Collier a question,
and it is this: Whether he does not think that man would
have been a great deal better off if this woman's vote could
have offset his vote, and the rum thereby prevented from
being sold at the outset?
Mr. COLLIER: I wish to say that law never yet cured crime;
that men are not our only drunkards. Women are drunkards as
well as men.
Miss DICKINSON (excitedly): It is not so, in anything like
the same proportion; a drunken woman is a rare sight.
Mr. COLLIER: I wish to say that intemperance can never be
cured by law.
Miss DICKINSON: Very well. You tell me that there are woman
in the land who are drunkards. Doubtless there are. Then I
stand here as a woman to entreat, to beseech, to pray
against this sin. For the sake of these drunken woman, I ask
the ballot to drag them back from the rum-shops and shut
their doors [applause]. God forbid that I should underrate
the power of love; that I should discard tenderness. Let us
have entreaty, let us have prayers, and let us have the
ballot, to eradicate this evil. Mr. Collier says he is full
of sympathy, and intimates that women should stand here and
elevate love above law. So long as a man can be influenced
by love, well and good. When a man has sunk to the point
where he beats his wife and children, and burns the house
over them, reduces his family to starvation to get this
accursed drink; when a man has sunk to such a level, is
woman to stand still and entreat? Is this all woman is to
do? No! She is to have the power added that will drag the
firebrand out of his hand, and when sense and reason return,
when the fire is extinguished, then, I say, let us have the
power of love to interfere. I think keeping a man out of sin
is better than trying to drag him out afterward by love.
Mr. COLLIER said he was placed in a false position of
prominence because, unfortunately, he was the only gentleman
on the platform who entertained serious convictions on the
negative side of the subject. The only question was, would
the ballot cure these wrongs? If so, he would like to hear
the reasons, philosophical and logical, set forth. The
appeals that had been made to the convention were illogical
and sympathetic. He believed the persecutors of women were
women. Fashion and the prejudice in the minds of women had
been the barriers to their own elevation. That the ballot in
the hands of women would cure these evils he denied.
Miss DICKINSON: Mr. Collier says, "The worst enemies of
women are women"; that the worst opponents of this measure
are fashion, dress and idleness. I confess there are no
bitterer opponents or enemies of this measure than women. On
that very ground I assert that the ballot will prove woman's
best friend. If woman has something else to think about than
simply to please men, something else than the splendor of
her diamonds, or the magnificence of her carriage, you may
be sure, with broader fields to survey, it would be a good
thing for her. If women could earn their bread and buy the
houses over their heads, in honorable and lucrative
avocations; if they stood in the eye of the law men's
equals, there would be better work, more hopeful hearts,
more Christian magnanimity, and less petty selfishness and
meanness than, I confess with sorrow and tears, are found
among women to-day.
One of the ablest speeches of the convention was made by Judge
Chas. B. Waite, on woman's position before the law. Immediately
after this enthusiastic convention[356] the Illinois State
Suffrage Association was formed, a committee[357] appointed to
visit Springfield and request the legislature to so "change the
laws that the earnings of a married woman may be secured to her
own use; that married women may have the same right to their own
property that married men have; and that the mother may have an
equal right with the father to the custody of the children." The
need of such a committee existed in that year of 1869, and they
seemed to have wrought effective service, since on March 24 the
married woman's earnings act was approved.
AN ACT _in Relation to the Earnings of Married Women._
SEC. 1.--Be it enacted by the people of the State of
Illinois, represented in the General Assembly, That a
married woman shall be entitled to receive, use and possess
her own earnings, and sue for the same in her own name, free
from the interference of her husband or his creditors:
_Provided_, This act shall not be construed to give to the
wife any compensation for any labor performed for her minor
children or husband.
Mrs. Livermore, Mrs. Stanton, Judge Waite, Judge and Mrs.
Bradwell, had an enthusiastic meeting in the Opera House,
Springfield, most of the members of the legislature being
present.
September 9, 10, 1869, the Western Convention was held in Library
Hall, Chicago; Mrs. Livermore presided. This influential
gathering was largely attended by leading friends from other
States.[358] Mrs. Kate Doggett and Dr. Mary Safford were
appointed to attend the Woman's Industrial Congress at Berlin.
Letters were read from Wm. Lloyd Garrison and others.[359]
February 8, 9, 1870, the first annual meeting of the State
Association was held at Springfield in the Opera House, Hon.
James B. Bradwell in the chair. Many members of the legislature
were present during the various sessions and a hearing[360]
before the House was granted next day. Resolutions were discussed
and adopted, declaring that women were enfranchised under the
fourteenth amendment. As a constitutional convention was in
session, and there was an effort being made to have an amendment
for woman suffrage submitted to a vote of the people, greater
interest was felt in all that was said at this convention.
The strange inconsistency of the opponents of woman suffrage was
perhaps never more fully illustrated than by the following
occurrence: While the patriotic and earnest women of Illinois
were quietly acting upon the advice of their representatives, and
relying upon their "quiet, moral influence" to secure a just
recognition of their rights in the constitutional convention, a
conservative woman of Michigan, who, afraid that the women of
Illinois were about to lose their womanliness by asking for the
right to have their opinions counted, deserted her home in the
Peninsular State, went to Springfield, secured the hall of the
convention, and gave two lectures against woman suffrage. A
meeting was called at the close of the second lecture, and in a
resolution moved by a member of the convention, as Mrs. Bradwell
pertinently says, "the people of the State were told that _one
woman_ had proved herself competent and well qualified to
enlighten the constitutional convention upon the evils of woman
suffrage."[361] Such was the effect of this self-appointed
obtruder from another State that the members of the convention,
without giving a woman of their own State opportunity for reply,
not only struck out the clause submitting the question to the
people in a separate article, but actually incorporated in the
body of the constitution a clause which would not allow a woman
to hold any office, public position, place of trust or emolument
in the State. Through the efforts of such staunch friends as
Judge Bradwell, Judge Waite and others, this latter clause was
stricken out, and one inserted which, under a fair construction,
will allow a woman to hold almost any office, provided she
receives a sufficient number of votes.
By the accidental insertion of another clause in the constitution
under consideration, Section 1, of Article VII., any foreign born
woman, naturalized previous to January, 1870, was given the right
to vote. So that Illinois was the first State in the Union, since
the time when the women of New Jersey were disfranchised, to give
to foreign-born women the elective franchise. This mistake of the
wise Solons was guarded as a State secret.
Previous to the great fire of 1871, the most popular and
influential woman's club in Chicago was the organization known as
Sorosis. This club, by the generous aid of many prominent
gentlemen of the city, established pleasant headquarters, where,
in addition to bright carpets and artistic decorations, were
books, flowers, birds, and other refined accessories. Mrs.
Elizabeth Loomis says of the meetings held in those delightful
parlors: "At every successive session we could see that we were
gaining ground and receiving influential members. I well remember
how it encouraged us to number the Rev. Dr. Thomas among our
friends; and how gladly I made the motion to have him appointed
temporary chairman in the absence of the president--a position
which he cheerfully accepted." One of the most brilliant reunions
ever enjoyed by the club, was a reception given to Mrs. Stanton
and Miss Anthony, as they were _en route_ to California, early in
June, 1871. Of this reception, Miss Anthony, in a letter from Des
Moines, Iowa, to _The Revolution_, said: "Mrs. Stanton and I were
in Chicago the evening the Illinois State and Cook County
Association held their opening reception at their new central
bureau, a suite of fine rooms handsomely carpeted and furnished
by prominent merchants of the city, where, with music,
conversation, speeches, etc., the hours passed delightfully
away," forming, as Miss Anthony might have added, a delightful
oasis amid the many discomforts of a continuous appeal to the
people to deal justly.
In November, 1871, Mrs. Catharine V. Waite, of Hyde Park, made a
written application to the board of registration, asking them to
place her name upon the register as a voter, which they refused
to do on the ground that she was a woman, whereupon Mrs. Waite
filed a petition in the Supreme Court of Cook county, stating the
facts, and praying that the board be compelled by mandamus to
place her name upon the register. Chief-Justice Jameson granted
an alternative writ, returnable on the following Monday,
commanding the board to show cause, if any they have, why Mrs.
Waite's name should not be placed upon the register. Judge
Charles B. Waite, the husband of the plaintiff, made an
exhaustive and unanswerable argument before Judge Jameson, but to
no purpose as far as the result of that case was concerned, as
the opinion of the court delivered January 12, 1872, which was
very lengthy,[362] denied the relator with costs.
In 1872, Norman T. Gassette, esq., clerk of the Circuit Court of
Cook county, and recorder of deeds, remembering the limited
number of industrial occupations open to women, and seeing no
reason why they could not perform the work of that office,
resolved to try the experiment. A room was fitted up for the
special use of women, a number of whom gladly accepted the
proffered positions and received the same pay per folio as that
earned by men. The experiment proved entirely satisfactory, Major
Brockway having officially testified in regard to woman's
especial fitness for the work.
There was an attempt this year to get a law licensing houses of
ill-fame in Chicago, and an immense petition was rolled up and
presented to the legislature by ladies who desired to defeat the
proposed enactment. They carried their point by as neat a flank
movement as Sherman ever executed. A quiet move to Springfield
with a petition signed by thousands of the best men and women of
the city, and our enemies found themselves checkmated before the
game had fairly begun.
February 13, 14, 1872, the State Association held its annual
meeting at Bloomington, with large and interested audiences.[363]
March 28 Mrs. Jane Graham Jones secured a hearing before the
legislature for Miss Anthony, who made one of her most convincing
arguments, and had in her audience nearly every member of that
body who voted for what was termed the Alta Hulett bill.
To Myra Bradwell and Alta C. Hulett belongs the credit of a long
and persevering struggle to open the legal profession to women.
The latter succeeded at last in slipping the bolt which had
barred woman from her right to practice law. We take the
following statement in regard to Miss Hulett's experience from
the "Women of the Century":
At the age of seventeen, Miss Alta Hulett entered the law
office of Mr. Lathrop, of Rockford, as a student, and after
a few months' study passed the required examination, and
sent her credentials to the Supreme Court, which, instead of
granting or refusing her plea for admission, ignored it
altogether. Myra Bradwell, the successful editor of the
_Legal News_, had just been denied admission. Her case,
stated in brief, is this: Mrs. Bradwell made application
for a license to practice law. The court refused it on the
ground of her being a married woman. She immediately brought
a suit to test the legality of this decision. This
interesting case was carried to the Supreme Court of the
United States, which sustained the decision of the lower
courts.[364] Miss Hulett had reason to expect that since she
was unmarried, this decision would not prejudice her case.
Just on the threshold of her chosen profession, the rewards
of youthful aspirations and earnest study apparently within
her grasp, her dismay may be imagined when no response
whatever was vouchsafed her petition. A fainter heart would
have accepted the situation. To battle successfully with old
prejudices, entrenched in the strongholds of the law,
required not only marked ability, but also a courage which
could not surrender. Miss Hulett took a country school for
four months, and bravely went to work again. While teaching
and "boarding round," she prepared a lecture, "Justice vs.
The Supreme Court," in which she vigorously and eloquently
stated her case. This lecture was delivered in Rockford,
Freeport, and many other towns, enlisting everywhere
sympathy and admiration in her behalf. After taking counsel
with Lieutenant-Governor Early and other prominent members
of the legislature, she drafted a bill, the provisions of
which are:
_Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illinois
represented in the General Assembly_, That no person shall
be precluded or debarred from any occupation, profession, or
employment (except military), on account of sex. Provided
this act shall not be construed to affect the eligibility of
any person to an elective office.
Nothing in this act shall be construed as requiring any
female to work on streets or roads, or serve on juries. All
laws inconsistent with this act are hereby repealed.
Friends obtained for this bill a very favorable introduction
into the legislature, where it passed and received the
Governor's signature. Passing up the steps to her home one
rainy day, the telegram announcing that the bill had become
a law was placed in her hands, and in referring to the
incident, Miss Hulett said: "I shall never again know a
moment of such supreme happiness." We can only add in this
connection that after a most vigorous examination she stood
at the head of a class of twenty-eight, all the other
members being gentlemen. This time the Supreme Court made
the amende honorable, courteously and cordially welcoming
her into the ranks of the profession on her birthday, June
4, 1873, and at the age of nineteen Miss Hulett commenced
the practice of law.
But Miss Hulett's career, so full of promise, was soon ended. The
announcement of her untimely death, which occurred at San Diego,
Cal., March 26, 1877, sent a pang to the hearts of those who knew
her personally, and of thousands who regarded her with pride as a
representative woman. A Chicago correspondent says:
The daily press of the city have already borne ample
testimony to her professional talents and success and to the
esteem and admiration accorded her by the bar of Chicago and
by the general public; for her somewhat exceptional position
as well as her ability had made her one of the marked
characters of the city. Her short life, so successful and
brilliant to the public eye, was not without its dark and
thorny places. Unusual responsibilities of a domestic
nature, opposition of various kinds and keen disappointments
only nerved her to greater persistency, and her courage was
upheld by the generous and abundant recognition which she
received on every hand from leading members of the bar--a
recognition for which she never failed, when opportunity
offered, to express her sense of profound obligation--and
she was accustomed to say that the law was the most liberal
of the professions. Much as Miss Hulett had accomplished
hitherto, it was felt that she had only crossed the
threshold of a career of surpassing usefulness; all things
seemed possible to one so richly endowed; her mental vigor
seemed matched by a _physique_, the apparent type of
blooming health; but the seeds of disease were inherited and
only awaited a combination of circumstances to assert their
fatal power. Absorbing enthusiasm for her profession, and
the cares of a rapidly increasing practice, made her
overlook the insidious danger lurking in a cold, and not
until her alarmed physician ordered her to the soft climate
of Southern California did she comprehend her danger. This
peremptory order was a terrible shock, and the forced exile
from the field of her hopes and ambitions, more bitter than
death. She never rallied, but continued rapidly to fail
until the end came. At a meeting of the bar of Chicago, held
to take action in commemoration of the death of Miss Alta M.
Hulett, attorney-at-law, the following was one of the
resolutions adopted:
_Resolved_, That although the legal profession has hitherto
been almost, if not altogether, considered as exclusively
for men to practice, yet we freely recognize Miss Hulett's
right to adopt it as her pursuit in life, and cheerfully
bear testimony to the fact that in her practice she never
demeaned herself in any way unbecoming a woman. She was
always true to her clients and their interests, but she was
equally true to her sex and her duty; and if women who now
are, or hereafter shall become, members of our profession
shall be equally true, its honor will never be tarnished,
nor the respect, good-will and esteem which it is the duty
and pride of man to accord to woman be in the least
diminished by their membership.
Which, translated, means that men are not only ready to
welcome into one of their own professions women having the
requisite intellectual qualifications, but that the welcome
will be the warmer if the women entering shall not leave
behind the more feminine attributes of the sex. Portia did
deliver judgment, but the counselor's cap became the pretty
locks it could not hide, and the jurist's cloak lent
additional grace to the symmetry and litheness of female
youth.
M. Fredrica Perry began the study of law in the office of Shipman
& Loveridge, Coldwater, Michigan, in the winter of 1870-71. She
spent two years in the law-office and then two years in the
law-school of Michigan University. On graduating from the
law-school in March, 1875, she was admitted to the Michigan bar.
She located in Chicago in August, and in September was admitted
to the Illinois bar and began practice. A few weeks later she
was, on motion of Miss Hulett, admitted to the U.S. Circuit and
District Courts for the Northern District of Illinois. She was in
partnership with Ellen A. Martin under the name of Perry &
Martin. Her death occured June 3, 1883, and was the result of
pneumonia. Miss Perry was a successful lawyer and combined in an
eminent degree the qualities which distinguish able barristers
and jurists; her mind was broad and catholic, clear, quick,
logical and profound; her information on legal and general
matters was extensive. She was an excellent advocate, a skillful
examiner of witnesses, and understood as few do, save
practitioners who have grown old in experience, the nice
discriminations of common-law pleading and the rules of evidence.
She was engrossed in the study and practice of law, and gained
steadily in efficiency and power year by year. She had the genius
and ability for the highest attainment in all branches of civil
practice, and joined with these the power of close application
and hard work. She belonged to the Strong family which has
furnished a good deal of the legal talent of the United States.
Judge Tuley, a chancery judge of Chicago before whom she often
appeared, said of her at the bar meeting called to take action
upon her death: "I was surprised at the extent of her legal
knowledge and the great legal acumen she displayed." And of her
manner and method of conducting a certain bitterly-contested case
in his court: "I became satisfied that the influence of woman
would be highly beneficial in preserving and sustaining that
high standard of professional courtesy which should always exist
among the members of our profession."----Ellen A. Martin, of
Perry & Martin, Chicago, spent two years in a law-office and two
years in Michigan University law-school, and was graduated and
admitted to practice in Michigan at the same time with Miss
Perry. She was admitted in Illinois in January, 1876, and since
then to the U. S. Circuit Court.----In the summer of 1879, Mrs.
M. B. R. Shay, Streator, graduating from the Bloomington
law-school, was admitted to the bar. She has published a book
entitled, "Students Guide to Common-Law Pleading."----In 1880,
Cora A. Benneson, Quincy, was graduated from the Michigan
University law-school and admitted to the Michigan and Illinois
bar.----Ada H. Kepley, in practice with her husband at Effingham,
was graduated from the Chicago law-school in June, 1870, but was
refused admission to the bar. In November of that year, a motion
was made in the Court at Effingham that she should be allowed to
act as attorney in a case at that bar, and Judge Decius said that
though the Supreme Court had refused to license a woman, he yet
thought the motion was proper and in accord with the spirit of
the age and granted the motion. Mrs. Kepley was finally admitted,
January, 1881.----Miss Bessie Bradwell, graduated from the Union
College of Law of Chicago and admitted to the bar in 1882, is
associated with her parents, Judge and Mrs. Bradwell, on the
_Legal News_ and in the preparation of Bradwell's Appellate Court
Reports.
July 1, 1873, the bill making women eligible as school officers
became a law, and in the fall elections of the same year the
people gave unmistakable indorsement of the champions of the
bill, by electing women as superintendent of schools in ten
counties, while in sixteen others women were nominated. Many of
these earnest women have been in the service ever since. As the
practical results of woman's controlling influence as
superintendents of schools seems to epitomize her work in all
official positions, we submit a report compiled by Miss Mary
Allen West, made at the request of the Illinois Social Science
Association, regretting that we have not space for one of the
model reports of Miss Sarah Raymond, also for ten years
superintendent of the schools of Bloomington:
During the session of 1872-3, Judge Bradwell introduced into
the legislature the following bill, which became a law April
3, 1873: "Be it enacted by the people of Illinois,
represented in General Assembly, that any woman, married or
single, of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, and
possessing the qualifications prescribed for men, shall be
eligible to any office under the general school laws of this
State." A second section provides for her giving bonds.
At the next election, November, 1873, ten ladies were
elected to the office of county superintendent of schools
for a term of four years. As this term has now expired, it
is a favorable time to inquire how women have succeeded in
this new line of labor. That the work that devolves upon
county superintendents may be understood, I give a part of
the synopsis of the duties pertaining to the office, as
enumerated by Dr. Newton Bateman:
_First_--She must carefully inspect and pass upon the bonds
of all township treasurers, and upon the securities given in
each case, and is personally liable as well upon her
official bond for any loss to the school funds sustained
through her neglect or careless performance of duty.
_Second_--She must keep herself fully and carefully informed
as to what townships have and what have not complied with
the provisions of the law in respect to maintenance of
schools; so that no funds may in ignorance be paid to
townships having no legal claim to them.
_Third_--She must collect, transcribe, classify, verify,
tabulate, and transmit annually to the State superintendent
the school statistics of her county, together with a
detailed written report of the condition of the common
schools therein.
_Fourth_--She must arrange, classify, file and preserve all
books, papers, bonds, official correspondence and other
documents belonging to her office.
_Fifth_--She must impart instruction and give directions to
inexperienced teachers in the science, art and method of
teaching, and must be ready, at all times, to counsel,
advise and assist the school officers of her county.
_Sixth_--She must take an active part in the management of
County Teachers' Institutes, and labor in every way to
improve the quality of teaching in her county.
_Seventh_--She must hear, examine, and determine all
questions and controversies under school law, which may be
referred to her, and must carefully prepare, to the best of
her knowledge and ability, such replies to all letters from
school officers and teachers as each case demands.
_Eighth_--She must examine all candidates desiring to teach
in her county, and grant certificates to such, and such
only, as she honestly thinks are of good moral character and
sufficient scholastic attainments. As no one can teach in a
public school without such certificate, this gives her the
veto power over all teachers. Dr. Bateman, commenting on
fourteen specifications, of which the foregoing constitute
but eight, says these are _some_ of the _many_ duties made
obligatory upon the county superintendent by law. Besides
all these, is the visitation of schools, which every true
superintendent considers a very important part of the work.
For convenience we will group these duties in three classes:
1. Those concerning finance. 2. Legal duties. 3. Duties to
teachers and schools.
I. To give an idea of the financial interests intrusted to
the hands of these women, we find by reference to the State
superintendent's report for last year that the total
receipts for school purposes in these ten counties which
they superintend was $1,009,441. So far as can be learned
from the records, not one cent of the large sums over which
they had supervision has been lost through their dishonesty,
or, what was more to be feared, their ignorance of business.
Unlike those of Dora Copperfield, their accounts _will_ "add
up." In the county (Knox) where the receipts are greatest,
aggregating $182,423.22, the greatest difference between
receipts and expenditures, as shown by the superintendent's
books, is ten cents. In many of these counties the financial
affairs were in the greatest confusion when the ladies came
into office. In one, perhaps more, the preceding
superintendent was a defaulter, in another he was engaged in
a law-suit with the county board, and in still others
strange irregularities were discovered. In every instance,
so far as we can ascertain, these crookednesses have been
straightened out, the finances put upon a surer basis,
hundreds, we believe thousands, of dollars of bad debts have
been collected, treasurers and directors have been induced
to keep their books with greater care and in better shape,
reckless expenditure of school funds has been discouraged,
and directors encouraged to expend the money for things
which will permanently benefit the schools. So much for
finance.
II. _Legal Duties._--Rightly to discharge the duties imposed
by specification 7, the county superintendent needs to be a
very good lawyer, for school law in its ramifications
reaches many other departments of law. Especially is it
inextricably mixed up with election laws, and all know that
cases arising under election laws are among the most complex
and difficult to handle. Probably a school election never
occurrs in which some such cases are not referred to the
county superintendent. In the settlement of these and other
cases arising under school law, these women have been
peculiarly successful, and some of them have earned the
blessing bestowed upon the peacemakers. We know of one
county where, after last spring's election, five contested
cases were referred to the superintendent for settlement;
these were all satisfactorily adjusted by her. During her
four years' administration, scores of controversies were
referred to her, and there has never been a single appeal
from her decisions. Another most complicated case involving
a defaulting treasurer, was conducted entirely by the county
superintendent until it became necessary to employ a lawyer
to argue the case in court. What she had done was then
submitted to one of the leading lawyers of the State, and he
sanctioned and approved each step. Numerous other instances
might be cited to show that woman has not failed in the
legal part of her work as superintendent of schools.
III. _Her Work with Teachers and Schools._--Here our
superintendents were perfectly at home. Each of the ten had
taught successfully for years, and so knew the wants of the
school-room. This knowledge was invaluable, both in the
examination of teachers and in the supervision of schools.
Fears were expressed lest in the examination of candidates,
womanly sympathy would lead them to grant certificates to
needy applicants who were not altogether qualified. But the
motherliness which is in every true woman's heart, warded
off this danger. As one remarked, "I have a great deal of
the milk of human kindness in my nature, but its streams
flow toward the roomful of children to be injured by an
incompetent teacher, rather than toward that teacher,
however needy he may be. If his claims rest on his needs
rather than his merits, let the poormaster attend to his
wants, not the superintendent. School money is not a pauper
fund." This motherliness comes in good play in school
visitation. It draws the children to the superintendent;
keeps them from being afraid of her, and hence leads them to
work naturally during her visit; thus she can obtain a true
idea of the status of the school, and know just how to
advise and direct the teacher. The same thing holds true in
regard to teachers; the majority of them are ladies, and
they will come to a lady for the solution of their doubts
and difficulties much more freely than to a gentleman. This
gives her better opportunity to "impart instruction and give
directions to inexperienced teachers." Woman's power to lift
up the teachers under her control to a higher plane, both
intellectually and morally, has been signally demonstrated
by the experience of the past four years.
In looking after the details of official work, those
tiresome minutiae so often left at "loose ends," producing
endless confusion, woman has shown great aptitude. You say,
"this is but the clean sweeping of a new broom." May be so,
in part; but in part it comes from the womanly instinct to
"look well to the ways of her household," whether that
household be the occupants of a cottage or the schools of a
county. In the work of the State Association of County
Superintendents, the ladies have well sustained their part.
When placed on the programme, they have come prepared with
carefully written papers, showing their desire to give the
Association the benefit of their best thoughts, and not put
off upon it such crudely digested ideas as may spring up at
the moment. At the last meeting at Springfield, four out of
the nine superintendents now in office were present, 44 per
cent.; out of the 93 gentlemen in the same office, 18 were
present, 19 per cent. The ratio of attendance has been about
the same for the four years.
How has woman's work as county superintendent impressed
other educators? State-Superintendent Etter, who confesses
that he was not in favor of the plan, said at the State
Teachers' Association, above referred to: "The ladies
compare very favorably with their gentlemen co-laborers."
Mr. E.L. Wells, for twelve years county superintendent of
Ogle county, and thoroughly conversant with the work
throughout the State, concurs in this opinion. President
Newton Bateman, than whom no man in the State is better
fitted to speak on this subject, in his political-economy
class in Knox college, took occasion to commend the
efficiency of women as county superintendents of our State.
A gentleman who travels extensively, and looks into school
affairs closely, says he is convinced that in every county
where a woman was elected four years ago, the efficiency of
the office had been doubled and in some cases increased four
or even ten fold. If this be not an exaggeration, an
explanation may be found in the fact that in most of these
counties the best ladies were put in the place of gentlemen
most poorly fitted for the place. The office had become a
political foot-ball, kicked about as party exigencies
demanded, and often came into possession of political hacks
who "must be provided for," and for whom no other place
could be found. They had no qualifications for the office,
and, of course, could not perform its duties. The people,
disgusted, turned to the women for relief, and took good
care to elect the ones best fitted to do the work. Had equal
care been used in the selection of their predecessors, they
might have done equally good work. In quoting opinions, I
have purposely confined myself to those given by gentlemen.
The limits of this paper have restricted this discussion to
the work of woman as a county superintendent; but in other
school offices she is doing efficient work. All over the
State we have examples of her efficiency as school director.
Miss Sarah E. Raymond, in Bloomington, and Miss Ludlow, in
Davenport (by the way, the Iowa State Teachers' Association
last year honored itself by electing her president),
abundantly proves woman's ability to superintend the schools
of large cities. M.A.W.
In _Zion's Herald_ 1873, on the origin of the Woman's College in
Evanston, Miss Frances E. Willard writes:
In 1866, when we were all tugging away to build Heck Hall
for ministers, I heard several thoughtful women say, "We
ought to be doing this for our own sex. Men have help from
every side, while no one thinks of women." In the summer of
1868 Mrs. Mary F. Haskins, who had been treasurer of the
American Methodist Ladies' Centenary Association, which
built Heck Hall, raising for the purpose $50,000, invited
the ladies of Evanston to her home to talk over the subject
of founding a Woman's College, which should secure to young
women the highest educational advantages. Mrs. Haskin
originated the thought--with her own hands assisted in
laying the corner-stone, and in her first address as
president she said: "I have often thought that to the
successful teacher the words must be full of hope and
promise, which a great writer uses of education: 'It is a
companion which no misfortune can distress, no crime
destroy, no enemy alienate, no despot enslave; at home a
friend, abroad an introduction; in solitude a solace, in
society an ornament. It chastens vice, it guides virtue, it
adds a grace to genius. Without it what is man?'--and I
would add with emphasis, Without an education, what is
woman?"
This Woman's College at Evanston is the first on record to which
a charter, granting full collegiate powers, was ever given by
legislative act, including only names of women in its board of
trustees. This board, elected Miss Frances E. Willard president,
who presided over the institution for two years, during which
term a class of young women was graduated, the first in history
to whom diplomas were voted and conferred by women. The degree of
A. M. was given Mrs. Jennie Fowler Willing, of Chicago, who
preached the baccalaureate sermon at the unique commencement
exercises. Mrs. Mary F. Haskin, and Mrs. Elizabeth Greenleaf were
respectively presidents of the board of trustees.
Later on, as a higher evolution of the central thought, an
arrangement was made between the Woman's College and the
Northwestern University, by which the former became the woman's
department of the latter, on condition that in its board of
trustees, faculty of instruction, and all its departments of
culture, women should be admitted on an equality with men, as to
opportunities, positions and salaries. Miss Willard was then
chosen dean of the Woman's College, and professor of aesthetics in
the University. Mrs. Emily Huntington Miller was placed on the
executive committee of the board, and Mrs. R. F. Queal, Mrs.
Jennie Fowler Willing, Mrs. Mary Bannister Willard, and Mrs. L.
L. Greenleaf were elected trustees. One year later, Miss Willard
entered the temperance work since which time Miss Ellen M. Soule
and Miss Jane Bancroft have successively served in the position
of dean.
The young women have led in scholarship, taken prizes in
composition and oratory, while upon one occasion the delighted
students dragged forth the only artillery in the village to voice
their enthusiasm over the fact that to Miss Lizzie R. Hunt had
been awarded at the great international contest the first prize
for the best English essay.
In 1873, while filling the duties of professor in Wesleyan
University, Mrs. Jennie Fowler Willing was licensed as a local
preacher in the Methodist Episcopal Church, the first woman
engaged as evangelist in Illinois.
The Monticello Ladies' Seminary at Godfrey is worthy of mention.
Miss Harriet N. Haskell, its president, has done a noble work
there in making possible for many girls, by labor under her roof
to pay in part for a liberal education. She has been at the head
of this institution for thirty years. Mrs. F.A. Shiner at Mt.
Carroll, is another grand woman worthy of mention. She, too,
gives poor girls an opportunity in her household to pay in part
for their education. In this way many are being trained in
domestic accomplishments as well as the higher branches of
education. There is no distinction made between those who work a
certain number of hours each day and those who pay in full for
their advantages; and in many cases the best scholars have been
found from year to year among those who had the stimulus of
labor. As Miss Haskell and Mrs. Shiner have uniformly entertained
all the lyceum lecturers[365] at their beautiful homes, many have
had the pleasure of seeing and talking with these bright girls,
and the worthy presidents of the institutions.
We believe to Illinois belongs the distinction of being the
birthplace of the first woman admitted to the American Medical
Association--Dr. Sarah Hackett Stevenson, born at Buffalo Grove,
Ogle county. Dr. Stevenson was admitted to this time-honored
association June, 1876. The Philadelphia _Evening Bulletin_ thus
refers to the innovation:
The doctors have combined millennial with centennial
glories. The largest assemblage of the medical profession
ever held in America yesterday honored itself by bursting
the bonds of ancient prejudice, and admitting a woman to its
membership by a vote that proved the battle won, and that
henceforth professional qualification, and not sex, is to be
the test of standing in the medical world. Looking over the
past fierce resistance by which every advance of woman into
the field of medical life was met, yesterday's action seems
like the opening of a scientific millennium. It was a most
appropriate time and place for the beginning of this new era
of medical righteousness and peace. Here, in the centennial
year, in the "City of Brotherly Love," where the first
organized effort for the medical education of women was
made, where the oldest medical college for women in the
world is located, and where the fight against woman's entry
into the medical profession was most hotly waged, was the
place to take the manly new departure, which, so far as the
National Association is concerned, began yesterday in the
election of Dr. Sarah Hackett Stevenson as a member in full
standing from the State of Illinois.
Dr. Mary H. Thompson, who was graduated at Boston in 1863, and
who, removing to Chicago, succeeded in establishing a woman's
hospital, is included in a short list of notable alumnae of the
Boston Medical School. Dr. Lelia G. Bedell, Dr. E. G. Cook, Dr.
Julia Holmes Smith, Dr. Alice B. Stockham, and many others have
won honorable distinction in this profession.
One of the marked crises in the history of the reform we trace
was the centennial Fourth of July. The daughters of the Pilgrims
realized as never before the cruel injustice by which they were
deprived of their birthright, and from the Western prairies and
Eastern hills their earnest protest was given to the nation. As
early as May 2, 1876, at a special convention of the Illinois
Woman Suffrage Association, two vigorous protests were read as
the official utterances of State and National Associations. The
convention was called to order by Mrs. Alma Van Winkle, who
stated that Mrs. Jane Graham Jones,[366] the beloved and
efficient president of the association, having determined upon a
European sojourn, had sent her resignation to the executive
committee, and that Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, recently
removed to the State, had been elected to fill her place. This
action being ratified, Susan B. Anthony was introduced, and
although she had just concluded an intensely vigorous lyceum
tour, extending through many months, she spoke with unusual
power. Just here I wish to emphasize the great loss to women in
the fact that as Miss Anthony's speeches were never written, but
came with thrilling effect from her patriotic soul, scarce any
record of them remains, other than the intangible memories of her
grateful countrywomen. At this convention the following address
was read and adopted:
_To the Women of the United States of America, greeting:_
While the centennial clock is striking the hour of
opportunity for the Pilgrims' daughters to prove themselves
regenerate children of a worthy ancestry, while the air
reverberates to the watchwords of the statesmen of the
Revolution, let the daughters of the nation, in clear,
steady and womanly voices, chorus through the States:
"Taxation without representation is tyranny," and "all
governments derive their just powers from the consent of the
governed."
Womanly hands, firm, capable and loving, have been steadily,
persistently and unceasingly knocking, knocking at the doors
of judicial, ecclesiastical and legislative halls, until at
last the rusty bars are yielding and the persistent knocking
is beginning to tell upon iron nerves and all kinds of
masculine constitutions. Just now, in the centennial year,
another door has opened, preparing the way for the Pilgrims'
daughters to present their claim before the assembled nation
on the "Fourth of July, 1876."
A joint resolution of congress, signed by the president of
the United States, and made the subject of proclamation by
the governor of the State, reads as follows:
_Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America_, That it be, and is hereby,
recommended by the Senate and the House of Representatives
to the people of the several States, that they assemble in
the several counties and towns on the approaching centennial
anniversary of our national independence, and that they
cause to have delivered on such day an historical sketch of
said county or town from its foundation, and that a copy of
said sketch may be filed, in print or manuscript, in the
clerk's office of said county, and an additional copy be
filed in the office of the librarian of congress at the city
of Washington, to the intent that a complete record may thus
be obtained of the progress of our institutions during the
first centennial of their existence.
The governor of this State earnestly recommends that prompt
measures be taken in each county and town for the selection
of one or more persons who shall prepare complete, thorough
and accurate historical sketches of each county, city, town
or village, from the date of the settlement to the present
time.
In view of the fact that since our civil war thousands of
charitable, scientific, philanthropic, religious and
political associations have been organized among women, of
which but few accurate records are now accessible to the
general public, and in view of the fact that the Supreme
Court and many of our legislators construe "persons" to
indicate only men (except when persons are to be taxed,
fined or executed), we respectfully suggest that in all
cases one member of the committee shall be a woman, to the
end that there may be submitted to future historians
accurate data of the extent and scope of the work of
American women; that this historian of woman shall carefully
and impartially record the literary, educational,
journalistic, industrial, charitable and political work of
woman as expressed in temperance, missionary and woman
suffrage organization.
Let a meeting of every woman suffrage organization
throughout the State, or, where none exists, let any friend
of the cause call a meeting, at which a committee shall be
appointed to present this suggestion to the people as they
may meet in the different cities, villages and towns, to
perfect arrangements for their local celebration.
As American citizens we salute the tri-color, emblem of the
rights obtained and liberties won by husbands, fathers and
sons, meanwhile pledging, if need be, another century of
toil and effort to the sacred cause of human rights, and the
establishment of a genuine republic.
ELIZABETH BOYNTON HARBERT,
_Pres. Ill. Woman Suffrage Society._
It was decided at this convention to celebrate the Fourth of July
in some appropriate manner. Under the auspices of Mrs. Harbert
this was done at Evanston. The occasion was heralded as "The
Woman's Fourth," and programmes[367] were scattered through the
village.
The auditorium of the large Methodist Church was tastefully
decorated with exquisite flowers; flags were gracefully festooned
about the pulpit, and all the appointments were pronounced
artistic by the most critical, and Mrs. Harbert's oration, of
which we give a few extracts, aimed to be in keeping with her
surroundings:
If possessed of artistic genius, I would seize the pencil
and imprison in rich and gorgeous coloring two pictures for
the woman's pavilion of our centennial; for the first I
would reproduce that prophetically symbolic scene at the
dawn of our history, when with a faith and generosity worthy
of honorable mention, Isabella of Castile placed her jewels
in the almost discouraged mariner's hands, and bade Columbus
give to the world Columbia. The second scene would be the
antithesis of the first, as to-day, the women of the United
States make haste to lay at the feet of our statesmen and
prophets their jewels of thought and influence, bidding
them, in the name of woman, give to the world a perfected
government, a genuine republic, a purer civilization. Now,
as then, there are many ready with mocking jeers; but,
turning not to the right nor the left, the faith of woman
and the courage of man move on apace to sure success. That
historic "first gun" not only jarred loose every rivet in
the manacles of 4,000,000 slaves, but when the smoke of the
cannonading had lifted, the entire horizon of woman was
broadened, illuminated, glorified. On that April day when a
nation of citizens were suddenly transformed into an army of
warriors, American women, with a patriotism as intense as
theirs, a consecration as true, quietly assumed their
vacated places and became citizens. Out from market-place
and forum, counting-house and farm--keeping time to the
chime of the music of the Union--marched father, husband and
son; into office, store and farm, called there by no
ambitious desire to wander out of their sphere, but by the
same dire military necessity that called our men to the
front stepped orphaned daughter and widowed wife. Anna
Dickinson captured the lyceum and platform. The almost
classic scene of "Corinne at the Capitol" is not more
remarkable than that historic scene of the Quaker girl at
Washington, called there to receive the plaudits of the
highest officials of our nation, for services rendered in
the then vital political campaigns of New Hampshire,
Connecticut, Pennsylvania and New York.
The cruel, scarlet days of war dragged wearily on. Up from
the Southern battle-fields, borne northward in the lull of
the war tempest, came a wailing appeal from "the boys," who
hitherto had never appealed to "mother" in vain: "We are
wounded, sick and starving." Instantly the mother-heart
responded--waiting not for "orders," snapping official
red-tape, as though it had been woven of cob-webs, two women
started southward with the needed supplies, and this great,
anxious, agonized North gave a sob of relief when the
message thrilled through the land that Jane C. Hoge and Mary
A. Livermore had arrived at the front with the needed
supplies. Idle, helpless, dependent queens were not then in
demand, but women fitted to be wives of heroes. Because our
lake-bordered, tree-fringed village was once her home, I
lovingly trace first on Evanston's scroll of honor the name
of Jane C. Hoge, while just underneath it I write that of
our venerable philanthropist, who was the first woman in
these United States to receive the badge of the Christian
commission, Mrs. Arza Brown.
And now, standing here upon the border-land of two
centuries, over-shadowed by the dear old flag, re-baptized
with the blood of my beloved as of yours--standing here, a
native-born citizen, as a woman to whom the honor, purity,
peace and freedom of native land is dear as life; as a wife
vitally interested in the interests of manhood; as a mother
responsible for the best development of her children; as a
human being, responsible to her Creator for the highest
possible usefulness, I claim equality before the law.
Mrs. Mary Bannister Willard gave some surprising facts in regard
to woman's work in connection with the North Western University,
and reminded us that foremost among the women of the dawning
century was Eliza Garret of Chicago, who secured to the Garret
Biblical Institute its endowment of a quarter of a million of
dollars, with the proviso that a certain increase of income from
the same after the wants of the young theologues had been met,
should be applied to the erection and endowment of a seminary for
young ladies. But alas! the theological appetite has been
insatiate, even unto this last, and deliverance has come to our
girls from another quarter. And this was the throwing down of
university gates and bars, and a free extension of all
educational privileges to women. Upon the roll of honor
connected with this work we gratefully place the names of many
brave, self-sacrificing women.[368]
The Rev. Mr. Chappell, pastor of the Baptist church, then gave a
most eloquent, liberal oration. In closing, he said: "But what
think you, sisters, of the dangers that threaten the republic? Do
they lie on your hearts? Are they in your prayers? Do they enter
into your plans? All compliments and gallantries aside, it makes
a vast difference in the destiny of the republic whether you
understand and feel its dangers. The scale has turned. No longer
need we dread oppression, disability, power; but on the other
hand, license, luxury, listlessness, forgetfulness of God and the
wholesome truth. This watch-night of the republic augurs well.
This gathering of the sisterhood has its meaning. You are the
power behind the throne; with you and with God lies the destiny
of the republic." After the benediction the audience dispersed,
all expressing of the entire programme the most enthusiastic
approval.
About the close of the year 1876, a noticeable change in the
direction of thought and effort was very apparent in the State of
Illinois. As a result of the ravages of the fire and the severe
mental strain to which business men were subjected, women sprang
to the rescue, and actively engaged in business. These additional
burdens assumed by the many, the few were left to bear the weight
of religious, philanthropic and social duties. Women had tested
their powers sufficiently to realize their strength, and were
impatient for immediate results, hence many of the active friends
of woman suffrage, believing that the temperance ballot could be
more speedily secured than entire political equality, joined the
home-protection movement, while through the broadening and
helpful influence of the Grange in the farm-homes of the
northwest, requests for aids to organization came from all
quarters. In order that the earnest thoughts of the one class and
the practical methods of the other, might be rendered mutually
beneficial, I one day entered the sanctum of the progressive
editor of the _Inter-Ocean_, and asked for a ten-minute audience.
The request was granted, and Wm. Penn Nixon, esq., courteously
listened to the following questions: "As a progressive
journalist, and one who must recognize the philanthropic activity
of the women of the Northwest, has it ever occurred to you that
there is nowhere in journalism a special recognition of their
interests? We have special fashion departments, special cooking
departments, but no niche or corner devoted to the moral,
industrial, educational, philanthropic and political interests of
women; and does not your judgment assure you that such a
department could be rendered popular?" As a result of this
conversation a special corner of the _Inter-Ocean_ was yielded to
woman's interests, designated by the editors, "Woman's Kingdom,"
and on January 6, 1877, the following announcement appeared:
Congratulations to women that we have at last found a home
in journalism; that amid the clashing of sabers of our
modern press tournament, the knights of the quill recognize
that women have some rights that journalists are bound to
respect. These columns are in the interest of no class,
clique, sect, or section, and we earnestly request accurate
data of woman's work. All missionary, literary, temperance
and woman suffrage organizations, will be accorded space for
announcing their aims. With an occasional review of new
books, we will confer in regard to what woman has written;
wandering through studios and sanctums, we will record what
she is painting and preaching. Pleading an intense and
loving interest in the splendid opportunities now opening to
American women, we shall hope that some truth may be evolved
that may enrich their lives.
Notwithstanding this was the first special department of the
kind, much of the best journalistic work of the State was being
done by women,[369] who seemed to have received a new baptism to
serve the higher interests of humanity. From the desire for
cooeperation expressed by many contributors to "Woman's Kingdom,"
the following little item was set afloat in May, 1877:
Many facts recently arresting attention, in connection with
the industrial, political, and moral interests of women,
seem to render a conference of their representatives in
regard to business aims, expedient. There is need of a
bureau through which the industrial interests of women can
be promoted and some practical answer given to the question
everywhere heard, "How can we earn a living?" There is a
demand for an educational bureau of correspondence and also
a lyceum bureau through whose agency good lectures upon
practical subjects can be secured in every city and village.
All interested in such a conference are requested to send
their names to Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, Evanston,
Ill., or Mrs. Louise Rockwood Wardner, Cairo, Ill.
Hon. Frank Sanborn, in his annual report to the American Social
Science Association, mentioned the formation of a branch
society[370] in this State. He said:
Like the State Charities Aid Association of New York, which
was organized and is directed by women, the Illinois
Association devotes itself chiefly to practical applications
of social science, though in a somewhat different direction.
It was formed in October, 1877, with a membership of some
two hundred women; it publishes a monthly newspaper, _The
Illinois Social Science Journal_, full of interesting
communications, and it has organized in its first seven
months' existence eight smaller associations in other
States.
The enthusiasm in this society branching out in so many practical
directions, absorbed for a time the energies of the Illinois
women. Our membership reached 400. This may account for the
apparent lethargy of the Suffrage Association during the years of
1877-78. Caroline F. Corbin dealt an effective blow in her
novel, entitled "Rebecca; or, A Woman's Secret." Jane Grey
Swisshelm, with trenchant pen, wrote earnest strictures against
the shams of society. Elizabeth Holt Babbitt wrote earnestly for
all reform movements. Myra Bradwell persistently held up to the
view of the legislators of the State the injustice of the laws
for woman. Mrs. Julia Mills Dunn and Mrs. Hannah J. Coffee were
doing quiet but most effective work in Henry county. Miss Eliza
Bowman was consecrating her young womanhood to the care of the
Foundlings' Home. Mrs. Wardner, Mrs. Candee, Mrs. George, and
other women in the southern part of the State, were founding the
library at Cairo, while in every village and hamlet clubs for
study or philanthropic work were being organized. Mrs. Kate N.
Doggett, as president of the Association for the advancement of
Women, was lending her influence to the formation of art clubs.
And all this in addition to the vast army of faithful teachers,
represented by Sarah B. Raymond, Professor Louisa Allen Gregory
and Mary C. Larned. Mrs. Louise Rockwood Wardner, president of
the Illinois Industrial School for Girls, and the noble band of
women associated with her, were earnestly at work in the endeavor
to secure to the vagrant girls of the State an industrial
education. Miss Frances E. Willard and the dauntless army of
temperance workers were petitioning for the right to vote on all
questions pertaining to the liquor traffic.
Meanwhile many of the members of the Illinois Social Science
Association were beginning to realize that every measure proposed
for progressive action was thwarted because of woman's inability
to crystallize her opinions into law. This has been the uniform
experience in every department of reform, and sooner or later all
thinking women see plainly that the direct influence secured by
political power gives weight and dignity to their words and
wishes. Mrs. Jane Graham Jones, ex-president of the State
Association, continued her effective work in Europe, and, as a
delegate from the National Association, prepared the following
address of welcome to the International Congress, convened in
Paris, July 5, 1878: