The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the Colonies—The
Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The Pequot Fort attacked
and taken—The Pequots routed and subdued—The Narragansett Indians
jealous of the Monhiggs under Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his
agency in London: 1637.
In the early part of this year the Pequots openly attacked the
English in Connecticut, along the lower parts of the river, and
killed many of them as they were at work in the fields, both men
and women, to the great terror of the rest; then they went off in
great pride and triumph, with many high threats. They also attacked
a fort at the river’s mouth, though strong and well defended; and
though they did not succeed there, it struck those within with fear
and astonishment to see their bold attempts in the face of danger.
This made them stand upon their guard everywhere, and prepare for
resistance, and they earnestly solicited their friends and neighbours
in Massachusetts to send them speedy aid, for they looked for more
forcible onslaughts. So Mr. Vane, who was then Governor, wrote from
their General Court to those here, asking them to join with them
in this war, which they were cordially willing to do, but took the
opportunity to write to them about some previous events, as well as
the present trouble, and pertinent to it. The succeeding Governor’s
answer I will here insert.
_Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the New Plymouth Colony_:
Sir,
The Lord having so disposed that your letters to our late Governor
have fallen to my lot to answer, I could wish I had more freedom
of time and thought so that I might do it more to your and my own
satisfaction. But what is wanting now can be supplied later. As for
the matters which you and your Council submit to our consideration,
we did not think it advisable to make them so public as by bringing
them to the cognizance of our General Court. But having been
considered by our Council, this answer we think fit to return to
you.
1. Whereas you signify your willingness to join us in this war
against the Pequots, though you cannot bind yourselves without the
consent of your General Court, we acknowledge your good feeling
towards us, which we never had cause to doubt, and await your full
resolution in due course.
2. Whereas you consider this war concerns us, and not you, except
incidentally, we partly agree with you; but we suppose that in case
of peril you will not act upon that consideration any more than we
should do in like case. We suppose you look upon the Pequots and
all other Indians as a common enemy, who though he may vent the
first outburst of his rage upon some one section of the English,
nevertheless, if he succeed, will thereupon pursue his advantage
to the undoing of the whole nation. Therefore, in soliciting your
help, we do so with respect to your own safety as well as ours.
3. Whereas you desire that we should bind ourselves to help you on
all similar occasions, we are convinced you cannot doubt it; but
as we now deal with you as an independent colony, recognizing that
we cannot involve you in this campaign against your consent, so
we desire the same freedom of decision if at any time you make a
similar call upon us; and whereas it is objected that we refused
to aid you against the French, we consider the cases are not quite
equivalent, though we cannot wholly excuse our failing you on that
occasion.
4. Whereas you object that we began the war without consulting
you, and have since managed it contrary to your advice; the truth
is that our first intentions being only against Block Island and
the enterprise seeming of small difficulty, we did not so much as
consider taking advice or looking for aid. When we had decided to
include the Pequots, we sent to you at once, or very shortly after,
and by the time your answer was received it seemed unadvisable for
us to change our plans.
5. As for our people trading at Kennebec, we assure you it has not
been with our permission; and what we have provided to meet such
cases at our last court, Mr. Winslow can inform you.
6. Whereas you object to our trading and corresponding with your
enemies the French, we answer you are misinformed. Except for some
letters which have passed between our late Governor and them, of
which we were cognizant, we have neither traded nor encouraged
our people to trade with them; and only one or two vessels taking
letters had permission from our Governor to go there.[10]
Several other objections have been made to us privately by our
worthy friend, to which he has received some answer; but as most of
them concern particular discourtesies or injuries from individuals
here, we cannot say more than this: that if the offenders are
exposed in the right way, we shall be ready to do justice as the
cases require. In the meantime we desire you to rest assured, that
such things are done without our knowledge, and are not a little
grievous to us.
Now as to joining us in this war, which only concerns us to the
same extent as it does yourselves, viz., the relief of our friends
and Christian brethren who are now first in danger. Though you may
think us able to carry it through without you,—and if the Lord
please to be with us, so we may,—nevertheless three things we offer
for your consideration, which we think will have some weight with
you.
First, if we should sink under this burden, your opportunity of
seasonable help would be lost in three respects; you could then
only reinforce us or secure yourselves there at three times the
risk and expense of the present undertaking; the suffering we
should have borne, if through your neglect, would much reduce the
acceptableness of your help afterwards; those amongst you who are
now full of courage and zeal, would be dispirited and less able to
support so great a burden.
Secondly, it is very important to hasten the conclusion of this
war before the end of this summer, otherwise the news of it will
discourage both your and our friends from coming over to us next
year, besides the further risk and loss it would expose us to, as
yourselves may judge.
Thirdly, if the Lord please to bless our endeavours, so that we
end the war, or succeed in it without you, it may breed such ill
thoughts in our people towards yours, that it will be thereafter
difficult to entertain such opinion of your good-will towards us as
is fitting in neighbours and brethren. What ill consequences might
result on both sides, wise men may well fear, and would rather
prevent than hope to redress. With hearty salutations to yourself
and all your council and our other good friends with you I rest,
Yours most assured in the Lord,
JOHN WINTHROP.
_Boston, the 20th of the third month, 1637._
In the meantime the Pequots, especially the winter before, had sought
to make peace with the Narragansetts, and used very pernicious
arguments to persuade them: the English were strangers, and were
beginning to overspread their country, and would deprive them of it
in time if they were allowed thus to increase; if the Narragansetts
were to assist the English to subdue them, the Pequots, they would
only make way for their own overthrow, for then the English would
soon subjugate them; but if they would listen to their advice, they
need not fear the strength of the English, for they would not make
open war upon them, but fire their houses, kill their cattle, and
lie in ambush for them as they went about the country—all of which
they could do with but little danger to themselves. By these means
they easily saw the English could not long hold out, but would either
be starved or forced to leave the country. They urged these and
similar arguments so strongly, that the Narragansetts were wavering,
and half-minded to make peace with them and join them against the
English. But when they reconsidered what wrongs they had suffered
from the Pequots, and what an opportunity they now had, with the help
of the English, to repay them, revenge was so sweet to them that it
prevailed over everything else. So they resolved to join the English
against them; and they did so.
The court here agreed to send fifty men at their own expense, and
with all possible speed got them armed, with sufficient leaders, and
a bark to carry their provisions and supply all their needs. But when
they were ready to march, with a contingent from the Bay, they had
word that the enemy were as good as vanquished, and there would be no
need of them.
I shall not take upon myself to describe in detail what had occurred,
because I expect it will be done fully by those who best know
the circumstances; I will only touch upon them in general. From
Connecticut, where they were most alive to the present danger and
all that it threatened, they raised a party of men, and another
party met them from the Bay at a place where the Narragansetts were
to join them. The Narragansetts were anxious to be gone, before the
English were well rested and refreshed, especially some of them that
had arrived last, for they wanted to come upon the enemy suddenly
and undiscovered. A bark belonging to New Plymouth had just put in
there, having come from Connecticut, and urged them to profit by the
Indians’ keenness, and to show themselves as eager as they were,
for it would encourage them, and promptness would result to their
great advantage. So they proceeded at once, and arranged their march
so that they reached the fort of the enemy, in which most of their
chief men were, before day. They approached it in utter silence,
and both the English and Indians surrounded it, so that they should
not escape. They then made the attack with great courage, speedily
forcing an entrance to the fort, and shooting amongst them. Those
that entered first met with fierce resistance, the enemy shooting
and grappling with them. Others of the attacking party ran to their
houses and set them on fire, the mats catching quickly, and, all
standing close together, the wind soon fanned them into a blaze,—in
fact more were burnt to death than killed otherwise. It burnt their
bowstrings and made their weapons useless, and those that escaped the
fire were slain by the sword,—some hewn to pieces, others run through
with their rapiers, so that they were quickly dispatched and very few
escaped. It is believed that there were about 400 killed. It was a
fearful sight to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood
quenching it; the smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a sweet
sacrifice, and they gave praise to God Who had wrought so wonderfully
for them, thus to enclose their enemy, and give them so speedy a
victory over such a proud and insulting foe. The Narragansett Indians
all this while stood round, but kept aloof from danger, and left the
whole execution to the English, except to stop any who broke away;
but they mocked their enemies in their defeat and misery, calling
out to them when they saw them dancing in the flames a word which in
the language of the vanquished Indians signified, O brave Pequots!
and which was used by them in their prayers, and in their songs of
triumph after victory.
After this attack had been thus fortunately concluded they marched to
the waterside, where they met with some of their vessels, by which
they were refreshed with food and other necessaries. But during their
march the remnant of the Pequots, who had escaped, collected in a
body, intending to take advantage of them at a neck of land they
had to cross; but when they saw the English prepared for them, they
kept aloof, so they neither did any harm nor received any. After
refreshing themselves and taking further counsel, they resolved to
follow up their victory and make war upon the rest; but most of the
Narragansett Indians forsook them, and those that they kept with them
for guides they found very unwilling, either from envy, or because
they saw the English would profit more by the victory than they were
willing they should, or perhaps deprive them of the advantage of
having the Pequots become tributary to them.
For the rest of these events, and the further campaign against the
Pequots, I will relate them as given in a letter from Mr. Winthrop to
the Governor here.
_Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the Governor of New Plymouth_:
Worthy Sir,
I received your loving letter, and am anxious to express my
affection for you, but lack of time forbids. My desire is to
acquaint you with the Lord’s mercies towards us, in prevailing
against His and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise His
name with us. About 80 of our men coasted along towards the Dutch
plantation, sometimes by water but mostly by land, and met here
and there with some Pequots, whom they slew or took prisoners.
They captured two sachems and beheaded them, and not hearing of
Sassacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner his life to go and
find him. He went and brought them word where he was; but Sassacus
suspecting him to be a spy, fled, after he had gone, with some
twenty more, to the Mohawks, so our men missed him. However, they
divided themselves, and ranged up and down as the providence of God
directed them, for their Indian allies had all gone, except three
or four, who did not know how to guide them, or else would not.
On the 13th of the month they chanced upon a large band of the
tribe, 80 men and 200 women and children, in a small Indian town
close by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before our
men could get to them. Our captains had not yet come up; but there
were Mr. Ludlow and Captain Mason with some ten of their men, and
Captain Patrick with some twenty or more of his, the noise of whose
shooting attracted Captain Trask with fifty more. Then order was
given to surround the swamp, which was about a mile round; but
Lieutenant Davenport and some twelve more, not hearing the command,
rushed into the swamp among the Indians. It was so thick with
shrubwood, and so boggy, that some of them stuck fast, and were
wounded by many shots. Lieutenant Davenport was dangerously wounded
near the armhole, and another man was shot in the head, and they
were so weak that they were in great danger of being captured by
the Indians. But Sergeant Riggs and Jeffrey, and two or three more,
rescued them, and killed several Indians with their swords. After
they had been brought out, the Indians desired parley. Through
Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, terms were offered: that if they
would come out and yield they should have their lives, except such
as had had their hands in English blood. Whereupon the sachem of
the place came out, and an old man or two, and their wives and
children, and after that some other women and children; and they
parleyed for two hours till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was
sent to them again to call them out; but they said they would sell
their lives there, and forthwith shot at him so fiercely that if he
had not cried out and been rescued at once they would have killed
him.
Then our men cleared the swamp with their swords, till the Indians
were cooped up in so narrow a compass that they could kill them
more easily through the thickets. So they stood all night about
twelve feet apart from each other, the Indians coming close up
to our men and shooting their arrows so that they pierced their
hatbrims, their sleeves, their stockings, and other parts of their
clothes; but so miraculously did the Lord preserve them that not
one of them was wounded except the three who had so rashly entered
the swamp. Just before day it grew very dark, and some of the
Indians who were still alive got through between our men, though
they stood not more than twelve or fourteen feet apart; but they
were soon discovered, and some were pursued and killed. Upon
searching the swamp next morning they found nine slain, and some
they pulled up whom the Indians had buried in the mire; so they
think that of all the band not twenty escaped. Afterwards they
found some who had died of their wounds while in flight.
The prisoners were divided, some being sent to the people of the
Connecticut River, and the rest to us. Of these we are sending
the male children to Bermuda[11] with Mr. William Pierce, and the
women and female children are distributed through the towns. In
all, there have now been killed and taken prisoners about 700.
The rest are scattered, and the Indians in all quarters are so
terrified that they are afraid to give them sanctuary. Two of the
sachems of Long Island came to Mr. Stoughton and offered themselves
as tributaries, under their protection; and two of the Neepnett
sachems have been here to seek our friendship. Among the prisoners
we have the wife and children of Mononotto, the former a modest
looking woman of good behaviour. It was by her mediation that the
two English girls were spared from death and used kindly; so I
have taken charge of her. One of her first requests was that the
English should not abuse her body, and that her children might not
be taken from her. Those that had been wounded were soon brought
back by John Galop, who came with his shallop in a happy hour, to
bring them food and take the wounded to the pinnace where our chief
surgeon was, with Mr. Wilson, about eight leagues off. Our people
are all in good health, the Lord be praised, and although they had
marched in their arms all day and had been in the fight all night,
they professed they were so fresh that they could readily have
started off on another such expedition.
This is the substance of what I received, though I am forced to
omit several considerable circumstances. So, being much pressed
for time,—the ships sailing in four days, taking Lord Lee and Mr.
Vane,—I will break off, and with hearty salutations, I rest
Yours assured,
JOHN WINTHROP.
P. S.—The captain reports we have killed 13 Sachems; but Sassacus
and Mononotto are still living.
_28th of the fifth month, 1637._
That I may make an end of the matter, this Sassacus, the Pequot’s
chief sachem, having fled to the Mohawks, they cut off his head,
and executed some other of their leaders, whether to satisfy the
English or the Narragansetts,—who as I have since heard hired them
to do it,—or for their own advantage, I do not know; but thus the
war ended. The rest of the Pequots were utterly routed. Some of them
submitted themselves to the Narragansetts and lived under them; but
others betook themselves to the Monhiggs, under their sachem, Uncas,
with the approbation of the English of Connecticut, under whose
protection Uncas lived, he and his men having been faithful to them
in the war, and having done them very good service. But it so vexed
the Narragansetts, that they had not the whole sway over them, that
they never ceased plotting and contriving how to subjugate them; and
when they found they could not attain their ends, owing to English
protection, they tried to raise a general conspiracy against the
English, as will appear later.
They received letters again from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp in
England, saying that Mr. Sherley neither had paid nor would pay them
any money, nor give them any account. They were very vexed, blaming
them still that they had sent everything to Mr. Sherley and none to
themselves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their
former answer, and insisted upon it, and some wise advisers urged
them to do so, nevertheless, as they believed they were really out
substantial sums of money, especially Mr. Andrews, they resolved to
send them what beaver they had on their hands; but they delayed doing
so till next year. Mr. Sherley’s letters were to this purpose: that
as the other partners had abandoned him in the payment of former
bills, so now he told them he would abandon them in this; and,
believe it, they should find it true. And he was as good as his word,
for they could never get a penny from him, nor bring him to account,
though Mr. Beauchamp sued him in Chancery. But they all turned their
complaints against the New Plymouth partners, where there was least
cause; indeed they had suffered most unjustly. They discharged Mr.
Sherley from his agency, and forbade him to buy or send over any more
goods for them, and urged him to come to an end with their affairs.