Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners for
the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London partners
withhold the accounts of the partnership—The French capture the
trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the French fails—Phenomenal
Hurricane—Settlement of people from Massachusetts on the Connecticut
River—Mr. Norton minister at New Plymouth: 1635.
Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the more so owing to
the large consignment of fur he brought with him, which came safely
to hand and was well sold. He was given to understand that all the
accounts would be cleared up before his return, and all former
differences settled, and that the account of the White Angel would
not be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some complaints
made against the country at the Council, more particularly concerning
their neighbours at the Bay than themselves, which he did to good
effect, at the same time furthering the interests of the colonies
as a whole, as regards the encroachments of the French and other
strangers, with a view to preventing them for the future, he took
the opportunity of presenting this petition to their Honours, the
Commissioners for the Colonies.
_To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies
in America_:
The humble petition of Edward Winslow on behalf of the Colonies in
New England:
Humbly shows your Lordships, that whereas your petitioners
have settled in New England under his majesty’s most gracious
protection, now the French and Dutch endeavour to divide the
land between them; for which purpose the French on the east side
entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away the
goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest prisoners
with their goods; and the Dutch on the west also made entry along
the Connecticut river, within the limits of his Majesty’s letters
patent, where they have raised a fort and threaten to expel your
petitioners who are also established on the same river, maintaining
possession for his Majesty to their great expense, and the risk of
both their lives and goods.
In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray that
your Lordships will either procure their peace with those foreign
states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and the
English Colonies, to defend themselves against all foreign enemies.
And your petitioners shall pray, etc.
This petition was well received by most of them, and Mr. Winslow was
heard several times by them, and appointed to attend for an answer
from their Lordships, having shown how this might be done without
any expense or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men
there authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a
way as would avoid public disturbance. But this interfered with
both Sir Ferdinand Gorges’ and Captain Mason’s plans, with whom the
Archbishop of Canterbury was in league; for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, by
the Archbishop’s favour, was to have been sent over to the country
as Governor-General, and was about to conclude this project. The
Archbishop’s intention was to send over officials with him, furnished
with episcopal power, to disturb the peace of the churches here,
overthrow their proceedings, and stop their further growth. But it
fell out by God’s providence, that though in the end they prevented
this petition from taking any further effect, his plot with Sir
Ferdinand came to nothing.
So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have his petition
granted, he found that the Archbishop had checked it. However, hoping
to obtain it nevertheless, he went to the Board again; but he found
that the Archbishop, Sir Ferdinand, and Captain Mason had procured
Morton, the man referred to previously, to present complaints. Mr.
Winslow answered them to the satisfaction of the Board, who checked
Morton and rebuked him sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorges
and Mason for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further
object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about many things. He
accused him of preaching in the church publicly,—with which Morton
had charged him, affirming that he had seen and heard him do it; to
which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister,
he had endeavoured to assist in the edification of his brethren.
The Archbishop then questioned him about marriage; to which he
replied that as a magistrate he had occasionally married some of the
people, pointing out to their Lordships that marriage was a civil
institution, and that he nowhere found in the word of God that it
belonged to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had no
minister; besides, it was now no new idea, for he himself had been
married in Holland by the magistrates in their Stadt-house. To be
short, in the end the Archbishop, by his vehement importunity, got
the Board at last to consent to his commitment; so he was imprisoned
in the Fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could
get released. This was the end of the petition; but the scheme of
the others was frustrated too, which was no small blessing to the
people over here. The expense to this colony was heavy, though it was
undertaken as much, or more, in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr.
Winslow was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony
knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment, though it had
to bear the whole expense.
As to their own business, whatever Mr. Sherley’s intention was
before, he now declared plainly that he would neither take the White
Angel from the general account, nor present any further account till
he had received more goods; that though a fair supply had been sent
over this time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and
not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow said he could
not help, because of his imprisonment. However, Mr. Sherley, Mr.
Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of attorney under their
hands and seals to recover what they could from Mr. Allerton on the
White Angel’s account, but they sent neither the bonds nor contracts,
nor such other evidence as they had, to enable those at New Plymouth
to act upon it. I will here insert a few passages from Mr. Sherley’s
letters about these things.
_James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth_:
I have received your letter of July 22nd, 1634, through our trusty
and loving friend, Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver and
otter skins. Blessed be our God, both he and it arrived safely.
We have sold it in two parcels; the skins at fourteen shillings
per lb., and some at sixteen; the coat at twenty shillings per
lb. I have not sent the accounts over this year; I refer you to
Mr. Winslow for the reason; but be assured that none of you shall
suffer through not having them, if God spare me life. You say
the six years have expired during which the people put the trade
of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the
heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran
us into; but it was promised that it should continue till our
disbursements and engagements were met. You think this has been
done already; we know otherwise.... I doubt not we shall lovingly
agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides
about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney,
giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we say
for our uses) to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton towards
meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He certainly gave a
bond, though at present I cannot find it; but he has often affirmed
with great protestations that neither you nor we should lose a
penny by him, and I hope you will find he has enough to meet it, so
that we shall have no more trouble about it. Notwithstanding his
unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice remember mercy,
and do not all you might do.... Let us get out of debt, and then
let us survey the matter reasonably.... Mr. Winslow has undergone
an unjust imprisonment but I am convinced it will result to your
general advantage. I leave it to him to tell all particulars....
Your loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.
_London, Sept. 7th, 1635._
This year they sustained another great loss from the French. Monsieur
d’Aulney, coming into the harbour of Penobscot, having invited
several of the chief men belonging to the house aboard his vessel,
got them to pilot him in; and after getting the rest into his power,
he took possession of the house in the name of the King of France.
By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willett, their agent there,
approve of the sale of the goods to him, of which he fixed the prices
himself, making an inventory, though with many omissions. But he
made no payment for them, saying that in due course he would do so
if they came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would
not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built on their
own land. So, turning them out, with many compliments and fine words,
he let them have their shallop and some provisions to bring them
home. When they got home and related the occurrence they were much
disturbed about it, for the French had robbed this house once before,
at a loss to them of above £500, and now to lose house and all vexed
them greatly. So they decided to consult with their friends at the
Bay, who now had many ships there, and if they approved of it, they
intended to hire a fighting ship and try to beat out the French and
regain their property. Their plan was approved of, if they themselves
would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship of over 300 tons,
well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with the captain, one Girling,
that he and his crew should deliver them the house after they had
overcome the French and give them peaceable possession of it, with
all such trading commodities as should be found there, giving the
French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration of which
services he was to have 700 lbs. of beaver, to be delivered to him
there when he had completed his bargain; but if he did not accomplish
it, he was to lose his labour and have nothing. With him they sent
their own bark, and about twenty men under Captain Standish, to
help him if necessary, and to put things in order if the house were
regained; and then to pay Girling the beaver, which was aboard their
own bark. So they piloted him there, and brought him safely into the
harbour. But he was so rash and heady he would take no advice, nor
give Captain Standish time to summon them to surrender, as his orders
were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing their force,
the French would probably have yielded. He did not even have patience
to place his ship where she could do execution, but began to shoot at
a distance like a madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when
he saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish and brought
her well up, and placed a few shots to some purpose. But now, when
he was in a position to do some good, his powder was used up, so he
was obliged to draw off again. He consulted with the Captain how he
could get further supplies of gun-powder, for he had not enough to
carry him home; so he told him he would go to the next settlement
and endeavour to procure him some, and did so. But Captain Standish
gathered, from intelligence he received that he intended to seize the
bark and take the beaver, so he sent him the powder and brought the
bark home. Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his
way; which ended the business.
Upon the ill success of their plans, the Governor and his assistants
here notified their friends at the Bay, and pointed out that the
French were now likely to fortify themselves more strongly, and
become undesirable neighbours to the English. In reply they wrote to
them as follows.
_From the Colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth_:
Worthy Sirs,
After reading your letters and considering the importance of their
contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to
assist you with men and ammunition, to accomplish your ends with
the French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude
anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire
you, therefore, with all convenient speed to send some one of
trust, with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement
with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we
commit you to God, and remain,
Your assured loving friends,
JOHN HAYNES, Governor
RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy Governor
JOHN WINTHROP
THOMAS DUDLEY
JOHN HUMPHREY
WILLIAM CODDINGTON
WILLIAM PINCHON
ATHERTON HOUGH
INCREASE NOWELL
RICHARD DUMER
SIMON BRADSTREET
_Newtown, Oct. 9th, 1635_.
Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their people to
treat with them, giving them full power to conclude an agreement
according to the instructions they gave them, which were to this
purpose: that if the Massachusetts Colony would afford such
assistance as, together with their own, was likely to effect the
desired end, and also bear a considerable part of the expense, they
would go on; if not, having lost so much already, they must desist
and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as God should
give. But the conference resulted in nothing, for when it came to
an issue the others would go to no expense. They sent the following
letter, and referred them to their messengers.
_Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the
Governor of New Plymouth_:
Sir,
Having seriously considered the great importance of your business
with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed
to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed
our willingness to help, by procuring you sufficient men and
ammunition. But as for money, we have no authority at all to
promise, and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We
also think it would be proper to seek the help of the other Eastern
colonies; but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest
we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details. We
salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord.
Your faithful and loving friend,
RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy,
In the name of the rest of the Committee.
_Boston, Oct. 16th, 1635._
Not only was this the end of their suggested co-operation, but some
of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly after started trading with
the French, and furnished them both with provisions and ammunition,
and have continued to do so to this day. So it is the English
themselves who have been the chief supporters of the French; and
the colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies them,
but constantly gives them intelligence of what is passing among the
English—especially among some of them. So it is no wonder that they
still encroach more and more upon the English, and supply the Indians
with guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English settlers,
whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For the English are mainly
occupied with farming, but the French are well fortified and live
upon trade. If these things are not looked to and remedied in time,
it may easily be conjectured what will result.
This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday, there was such
a fearful storm of wind and rain as none living hereabouts either
English or Indians, ever saw. It was like those hurricanes and
typhoons that writers mention in the Indies. It began in the morning,
a little before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with amazing
violence at the start. It blew down several houses and unroofed
others; many vessels were lost at sea, and many more were in extreme
danger. To the southward the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the
Indians had to climb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof
of a house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet and floated it
to another place, leaving the posts standing in the ground; and if it
had continued much longer without the wind shifting it would probably
have flooded some of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew
down many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger by the
roots, and breaking the higher pine-trees off in the middle; and tall
young oaks and walnut trees of a good size were bent like withes,—a
strange and fearful sight. It began in the southeast, and veered
different ways. It lasted, though not at its worst, for five or six
hours. The marks of it will remain this 100 years in these parts,
where it was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon the
second night after.
Some of their neighbours at the Bay, hearing of the fame of the
Connecticut River had a hankering after it, as mentioned before.
Understanding that the Indians had been swept away by the recent
mortality, fear of whom was the chief obstacle to them before, they
now began to explore it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth
people there had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about
it; for they set their minds on the place which the New Plymouth
colony had not only purchased from the Indians, but where they had
actually built, and the Dorchester people seemed determined if they
could not remove them altogether, at any rate to leave them only an
insignificant plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single
family. This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights
and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was thought to
be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters that passed between them
about it.
I will first insert a few lines written from their own agent from
there.
_Jonathan Brewster at Matianuck to the Governor of New Plymouth_:
Sir,
The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water
and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some
evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was
bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will
not afford, except at the place where we are, namely, a site for
a great town, with commodious dwellings for many, not far apart.
What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can
to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; that we were here
first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger,
both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land at
great expense, and have since held possession at no small trouble,
and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but for us
they would have possessed it all and kept out all others.... I
hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was your will
that we should use them and their messengers kindly, and so we
have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The first party of
them would have almost starved had it not been for this house,
and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days. Those who
came last I entertained as best we could, helping them with canoes
and guides. They got me to go with them to the Dutch, to see if I
could arrange that some of them should have quiet settling near
them; but they peremptorily refused them. I also gave their goods
house-room according to their earnest request, and Mr. Pinchon’s
letter on their behalf, which I thought well to send you, enclosed.
What trouble and cost will be further incurred I know not, for they
are coming daily, and I expect those back again from below, where
they have gone to view the country. All this should surely, in the
judgment of all wise and understanding men, give us just claim to
hold and keep our own.
Thus with my duty remembered, I rest,
Yours to be commanded,
JONATHAN BREWSTER.
_Matianuck, July 6th, 1635._
After a thorough view of the place, they began to pitch upon the land
near the house belonging to the New Plymouth people, which occasioned
much expostulation between them and much agitating correspondence.
But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details and come to
the conclusion. To make any forcible resistance was far from their
minds,—they had enough of that at Kennebec,—and to live in continual
contention with their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace’
sake, though they considered they suffered injury, they thought it
better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible; so
they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such long disputes
about it, they insisted they must first acknowledge that they had
no right to it, or else they would not treat with them about it
at all. This being granted the conclusion reached was as follows:
that the people of New Plymouth should retain their house and have
the 16th part of all that they bought from the Indians; and the
others should have all the rest of the land, leaving such a portion
for the settlers of Newtown as the New Plymouth colony reserved
for them. This 16th part was to be taken in two places,—one in the
neighbourhood of the house, the other near the Newtown settlement.
Further, they were to pay to the New Plymouth colony the proper
proportion of what had been disbursed to the Indians when purchased.
In this way the controversy was ended; but the injustice was not so
soon forgotten. The Newtown people dealt more fairly, only wishing to
have what could be conveniently spared.
Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do in England, he
had orders from the church to bring over some able and fit person
as their minister. Accordingly he had procured a godly and worthy
man, a Mr. Glover; but it pleased God that when he was ready for
the voyage, he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr.
Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a Mr. Norton,
who was willing to come over, but would not engage himself to settle
permanently at New Plymouth, until he had an opportunity of judging
of it; so he arranged that if, later, he preferred to be elsewhere,
he would repay the money expended for him, which came to about £70,
and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year with them, and was
much liked by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, where there were
many rich and able men, and several of his acquaintances, so he went
to them and is their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the
rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them.