Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private Settlers
make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the first
Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections of the
Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to sending
the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent holding to
each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble with Lyford and
Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624.
The time for the election of the officers for the year having come,
the number of people having increased and the business of government
accordingly, the Governor desired them to change the officials and
renew the election and give the Governor more assistants for his
help and advice, pointing out that if it was an honour or advantage
it was only fit that others should share it; if it was a burden,—as
doubtless it was,—it was but fair that others should help to bear it,
and that this, in fact, was the purpose of the annual elections. The
outcome was that whereas before there had been only one assistant
they now chose five, giving the Governor a double voice; and
afterwards they increased them to seven. This plan has been continued
to this day.
Having at some trouble and expense new-masted and rigged their
pinnace, in the beginning of March they sent her well-victualed
to the eastward, fishing. She arrived safely at a place called
Damariscove, and was well harboured where ships were accustomed
to anchor, with some other ships from England, already there. But
shortly after there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm,
that the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been
known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat such
a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have been driven
through, and then she drifted into deep water, where she lay sunk.
The captain was drowned; the rest of the men, except one, with
difficulty saved their lives; all her provisions, salt, etc., were
lost. And here I must leave her to lie till afterwards.
Some of those who still remained here on private venture, began
secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the adventurers
in England, on whom several of them depended. By their whisperings
they drew some of the weaker members of the colony itself to their
side, and made them so discontented that at last nothing would
satisfy them but that they might be allowed to be on their own
resources also, and even made large offers to be freed from the
community. The Governor consulted with the ablest members of the
colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate on the same
terms as the other private settlers, with the additional stipulation
that they should be bound to remain here till the general partnership
was concluded; and that they should pay into the common store one
half of all the goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond
their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred for them;
and some other similar details. When this liberty was granted the
defection soon stopped, for but few took this course when they came
to consider it, and the rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that
they had been told by the other private settlers and Mr. Weston that
no more supplies would be sent to the general body, but that the
private settlers had friends at home who would do I know not what for
them.
Shortly after, Mr. Winslow returned from England and brought a
pretty good supply of provisions, with a ship sent for fishing,—an
enterprise never successful with the colony. He brought three heifers
and a bull,—the first cattle in the country,—some clothing and other
necessaries. He reported a strong faction amongst the adventurers
against the colonists, and especially against sending the rest from
Leyden. He related with what difficulty the present supply was
procured, and that by their strong and long opposition his departure
had been so delayed that not only had they now arrived too late for
the fishing season here, but the best fishermen had gone to the west
country and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he could
procure. Some letters from the adventurers will make these things
clearer.
_James Sherley in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_:
Most worthy and loving Friends,
Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks.... It
has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise
new stock for fitting out this ship, called the Charity, with
men and necessaries both for the settlement and fishing,—though
with very great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who
undoubtedly serve their private ends, and thwart the others
here, and worthy instruments of God’s glory elsewhere,[5] rather
than aiming at the general good and furtherance of this noble
enterprise. Still we have many others,—I hope the majority,—very
honest Christian men, whose intent I am convinced, is wholly for
the glory of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of His gospel,
and the hope of gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of
God. But as the proverb says: One scabbed sheep may mar a whole
flock,—so these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what they
can to draw men’s hearts from you and your friends, and from the
general business,—even with a show of godliness and zeal for the
plantation. Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the
honester hearted men (though lately of their faction) made clear
at our last meeting. But why should I trouble either you or myself
with these restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt not,
will be continual disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On
Thursday, Jan. 8th, we had a meeting about the articles between
you and us, at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you
to grant in our recent letters,—an addition to the period of our
joint stock. Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled
their conscience to exact longer time from you than had been agreed
upon at first. That evening, however, they were so confused and
wearied by their own perverse contentions, that they even offered
to sell their adventures,—and some were willing to buy. But I,
thinking it would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do
us more harm, would not permit it. So on Jan. 12th we had another
meeting. But in the interim several of us had talked with most of
them privately, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con.
But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we had the
friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies offered
to put up £50. So I sent for a bottle of wine—I would you could
do the like—which we drank friendly together. Thus God can turn
the hearts of men when it pleases Him.... Thus loving friends, I
heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest,
Yours to my power,
JAMES SHERLEY.
_Jan. 25th, 1623._
_Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_:
Beloved Sir,
We have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish three
things, viz., fishing, salt-making, and boat-making: if you
can master them your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert
yourselves to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can,
and sent to Bilbao. You must send some competent representative,
whom, once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions.
If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The
boat-builder is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and
will no doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command
over his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build
you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon
as you can. The salt-maker is a skilful and industrious man. Put
some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it.
The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man, though
none of the most eminent and rare. About his appointment, use your
own liberty and discretion; he knows he has no authority among you,
though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget himself. Mr.
Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy some here, and
we see no reason against it except his large family of children.
We have taken a patent for Cape Ann....
I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters
home.[6] Some say you are starved in body and soul; others that
you eat pigs and dogs that have died; others that the reports of
the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that
there is scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so
on. I wish such discontented men were back again, rather than the
whole plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours.
Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better
disposed; in the meantime it is our cross, and we must bear it.
I am sorry we have not sent you more provisions, but we have run
into so much expense to victual the ship, provide salt, fishing
implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as
butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship, and the James,
will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in
this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God
give us rest from our labours. Farewell, in all hearty affection.
Your assured friend,
R. C.
_Jan. 24th, 1623._
With the former letter from Mr. Sherley were sent various charges
against the colony, of which he writes thus: “These are the chief
objections which those just returned raise against you and the
country. I pray you consider them, and answer them at your first
convenience.”
These objections were made by some of those who came over on private
enterprise, and had returned home as before mentioned; they were of
the same kind as those the last letter mentions. I shall record them
here, with the answers made to them and sent over at the return of
this ship. The fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed,
and others denied what they had said and ate their words; some have
since come over again, and have lived here to convince themselves
sufficiently.
Obj. 1. Diversity of religious beliefs.
Ans: We know of no such diversity, for there has never been any
controversy, either public or private, to our knowledge, since we
came.
Obj. 2. Neglect of family duties on the Lord’s day.
Ans: We allow no such thing. They who report it, would have showed
their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of it
kindly, rather than thus to reproach them behind their backs. But,
to say no more, we wish they themselves had given a better example.
Obj: 3. Want of both the sacraments.
Ans: The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us, at
whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have the
Lord’s supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there were
children to baptise.
Obj. 4. Children are not catechised, or taught to read.
Ans: Neither is true—several take pains with their own, as well
as they can. We have no common school, for want of a fit person
hitherto, or means to obtain one; though we hope now to begin.
Obj. 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not work for
the community.
Ans: This also is not wholly true: for though some do it
unwillingly, and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst
of them gets his own food, and something besides. We do not excuse
them, but try to reform them the best we can,—or else quit the
settlement of them.
Obj. 6. The water is not wholesome.
Ans: If they mean not so wholesome as the good wine and beer in
London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them; but
for water, it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know,
and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it.
Obj. 7. The ground is barren, and grows no grass.
Ans: Here, as everywhere, some ground is better, some worse. The
cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be; we wish we had
but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This
objection, like some others, is ridiculous to all here who see and
know the contrary.
Obj. 8. The fish cannot be salted, to keep them sweet.
Ans: This is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to be
seen, or a fish to be caught; things likely to be true in a country
where so many ships come fishing yearly! They might as well say
that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour.
Obj. 9. Many of them steal from one another.
Ans: If London had been free from that crime, we should not have
been troubled with it here. It is well known that several have
smarted well for it—and so are the rest likely to do whenever they
are caught.
Obj. 10. The country is over-run with foxes and wolves.
Ans: So are many other good countries, too; but poison, traps, and
other such means will help to destroy them.
Obj. 11. The Dutch are settled near Hudson’s Bay, and are likely to
overthrow the trade.
Ans: They would come and settle here as well, if we and others did
not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather commend
them, than condemn them for it.
Obj. 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes.
Ans: They are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations and
colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would wish
such to keep at home,—at least till they be mosquito proof. But
this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the
land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be,—and
in the end scarcely any at all.
Having dispatched those objections, I will here insert two letters
from Mr. Robinson, their pastor; the one to the Governor, the other
to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which will throw much light on what
has gone before, and show the tender love and care of a true pastor
towards them.
_John Robinson at Leyden to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_:
My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto preserved,
preserve and keep you still to His glory and the good of many
that His blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours equal
to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here, we have
never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it. Our love
and care to and for you is mutual, though our hopes of coming to
you are small, and weaker than ever. But of this at large in Mr.
Brewster’s letter, with whom you mutually communicate your letters,
I know, as I desire you may do these, etc.
Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard
at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh! how
happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before you
had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is
seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved
it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish
Christians?[7] Besides, you not being magistrates over them, had
to consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were
by necessity constrained to inflict. Necessity of killing so many
I cannot see. Methinks one or two principals should have been
enough, according to the approved rule,—the punishment to a few,
and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort
you seriously to consider the disposition of your Captain, whom I
love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good
has sent to you, if you use him right. He is a man humble and meek
among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances, but if
this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to fear
that, on occasions of special provocation there may be wanting
that tenderness of the life of man, made after God’s image, which
is meet. It is also apt to be more glorious in men’s eyes, than
pleasing in God’s, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor
barbarous peoples; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example,
others should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the
world. I doubt not that you will take in good part these things
that I write, and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we
were present, to communicate our mutual help; but seeing that
cannot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and
wait God’s appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither
money to send us, nor any great mind for us, for the most part.
They deny it to be any part of the agreement between us that they
should transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them
till means come from you. My wife with me, re-salutes you and
yours. Unto Him Who is the same to His in all places, and near to
them which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with
you, resting,
Yours truly loving,
JOHN ROBINSON.
_Leyden, Dec. 19th, 1623._
_John Robinson at Leyden to William Brewster at New Plymouth_:
Loving and dear friend and brother,
What I most desired of God for you, namely, the continuance of your
life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I most
gladly hear of, and praise God for it; and I hope Mrs. Brewster’s
weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the coming of her
daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former ships, which
makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of our desired
transportation. I call it desired, rather than hoped for: for
first, there is no hope at all, that I know or can conceive of, of
any new stock being raised for that purpose; so that everything
must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so many
uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers
allege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle,
still if that be removed by you, other difficulties will be raised
to take its place. In order to understand this better, we must
divide the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six
(as I believe) are absolutely in favour of us, before all; another
five or six are openly our bitter adversaries; the rest—the main
body,—are I believe, honest minded, and friendly towards us; but
they have other friends (namely, the forward preachers) nearer
to them than we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict
with ours, they would rather advance than ours. Now what a pull
these men have with the professors, you know; and I am convinced
that they, of all others, are unwilling I should be transported;
especially such of them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing
that if I go there, their market will be marred in many respects.
As for these adversaries, if they have but half as much wit as
malice, they will stop my going as soon as they see it is intended;
and as one restive jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two
or three can draw forward, so it will be in this case. A clear
proof of this they gave in your messenger’s presence, binding the
company to promise that none of the money now subscribed should be
expended to help any of us over to you.
Now as to the question propounded by you: I judge it not lawful
for you,—a ruling elder (Rom. xii, 7, 8; and I Tim. v, 17), as
distinct from the elders that teach and exhort and labour in the
word and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included,
to administer them,—nor fitting, if it were lawful. Whether any
learned man will come out to you, I do not know; if so, you must
Consilium capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your
wife with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the
God of all His, bring us together if it be His will, and keep us in
the mean while, and always to His glory, and make us serviceable to
His majesty and faithful to the end. Amen.
Your very loving brother,
JOHN ROBINSON.
_Leyden, Dec. 20th, 1623._
These matters premised, I will now proceed with my account of affairs
here. But before I come to other things I must say a word about
their planting this year. They felt the benefit of their last year’s
harvest; for by planting corn on their own account they managed, with
a great deal of patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a
saying of Seneca’s (Epis. 123): that an important part of liberty
is a well-governed belly, and patience in want. The settlers now
began to consider corn more precious than silver; and those that
had some to spare began to trade with the others for small things,
by the quart, pottle, and peck, etc.; for they had no money, and if
they had, corn was preferred to it. In order that they might raise
their crops to better advantage, they made suit to the Governor to
have some land apportioned for permanent holdings, and not by yearly
lot, whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought under
good culture one year, would change hands the next, and others would
reap the advantage; with the result that the manuring and culture of
the land were neglected. It was well considered, and their request
was granted. Every person was given one acre of land, for them and
theirs, and they were to have no more till the seven years had
expired; it was all as near the town as possible, so that they might
be kept close together, for greater safety and better attention to
the general employments. This often makes me think of what Pliny
(lib. 18, cap. 2) says of the Romans’ first beginnings in the time of
Romulus—how everyone contented himself with two acres of land, and
had no more assigned to them; and (cap. 3) how it was thought a great
public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of Rome. And
long after, the most generous present given to a Captain who had won
a victory over their enemies, was as much ground as he could till
in one day; in fact a man was not considered a good but a dangerous
citizen, who was not content with seven acres of land; also how they
used to pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to
do for many years, until they got a mill.
The ship which brought these supplies was speedily unloaded, and,
with her captain and crew was sent out fishing to Cape Ann, where
they had got a patent, as mentioned above. As the season was so
far advanced, some of the planters were sent to help to build the
landing stage, to their own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness
of the year, and more especially to the bad character of the captain,
one Baker, they made a poor voyage of it. He proved a very drunken
beast, and did little but drink and guzzle and consume time and
victuals, most of the crew following his example; and though Mr.
William Pierce was superintending the business and was to captain the
ship home, he could do no good amongst them. The loss was great, and
would have been more, but that they did some trade for skins, which
was a help to them.
The ship-builder who had been sent out to the colony was an honest
and very industrious man. He and his assistants quickly built two
good strong shallops, which afterwards did them great service, and a
strong lighter; and he had hewn timber for two catches, when he fell
sick with fever in the hot season of the year, and though he had the
best attention the place could afford, he died. He was a very great
loss, and they were very sorry for his death.
But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, foolish,
self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great things in
making salt-works; so he was sent to seek out fit ground for the
purpose; and after some search he told the Governor that he had found
a suitable place, with a good bottom to hold water, and otherwise
very convenient, which he doubted not, in a short time could be
brought to perfection, and yield them great profit; but he must have
eight or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make sure
the ground was good, and otherwise suitable, and that he could bring
it to perfection; otherwise he would incur great expense by employing
himself and so many men. But he was, after some trial, so confident,
that he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a
large house, to receive the salt, and for other uses. But in the end
it all proved useless. So he found fault with the ground, in which
he said he had been mistaken; but if he might have the lighter to
carry clay, he was sure he could do it. Now, though the Governor
and some others saw that this would come to little good, they had
so many malignant spirits amongst them who, in their letters to the
adventurers, would have blamed them for not letting him bring his
work to perfection; and the man himself, who by his bold confidence
and large promises had deceived the adventurers in England, had so
wound himself into the high esteem of some here, that they decided
to let him go on till everyone saw his vanity. In the end all he
could do was to boil salt in pans, and yet tried to make those who
worked with him believe there was a great mystery in it, and used to
make them do unnecessary things as a blind, until they saw through
his deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Ann, and the pans
were set up where the fishing was; but before the summer was out he
had burnt the house, and the fire was so fierce that it spoiled the
pans,—at least some of them; and this was the end of that expensive
business.
The third person of importance mentioned in the letters was the
minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John Lyford, of whom and
whose doings I must be more lengthy, though I will abridge as much
as I can. When this man first came ashore, he saluted them with such
reverence and humility as is seldom to be seen; indeed he made them
ashamed, he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have kissed their
hands if they had allowed him. He wept and shed many tears, blessing
God Who had brought him to see their faces, admiring what they had
done in their need, as if he had been made all of love and was the
humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judge
by his after-behaviour) he was only like him mentioned in Psalm x,
10: who croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may fall by his
might. Or like that dissembling Ishmael (Jer. xli, 6), who, when he
had slain Gedelia, went out weeping, and met them who were coming to
offer incense in the house of the Lord, saying: Come to Gedelia—when
he meant to slay them.
They gave him the best entertainment they could in all simplicity,
and a larger allowance of food out of the store than any other had;
and as the Governor in all weighty affairs had consulted their elder,
Mr. Brewster, and his assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford, too,
to the council with them, on the most important matters. After a
short time he desired to become a member of the church here, and
was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith,
and an acknowledgment of his former disorderly walking, and his
being entangled with many corruptions which had been a burden to
his conscience and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and
liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among His people,
with many similar expressions.
I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who joined him in
his after courses. He had been a chief stickler in the former faction
among the private settlers, and an intelligencer to those in England.
But now, since the coming of the ship with supplies he opened his
mind to some of the chief members here, and confessed that he had
done them wrong both by word and deed in writing thus to England;
that he now saw the eminent hand of God was with them, which made
his heart smite him; and he assured them that his friends in England
should never use him against them again. He begged them that former
things might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as one
who desired to support them in every way,—and such like expressions.
Whether this was hypocrisy or some sudden pang of conviction (which
I rather think), God only knows. However, they at once showed
themselves ready to embrace him in all friendliness, and called
him to the council with them, on all the chief affairs without any
distrust at all.
Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and smoothly amongst
them, at which they rejoiced. But it did not last long, for both
Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, and showed a spirit of great
malignancy, drawing as many into faction as they could. No matter how
vile or profane, they backed the delinquents in all they did so long
as they would but uphold them and speak against the church here; so
that there was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst
them. Thus they fed themselves and others with what they would
accomplish in England through their friends there, bringing others as
well as themselves into a fool’s paradise. However, they could not be
so secret but that much of their doings and sayings was discovered;
though outwardly they still showed a fair face.
At length, when the ship was ready to go, it was discovered that
Lyford was long in writing, and sent many letters and could not
forbear to communicate with his intimates such things therefrom as
made them laugh in their sleeves, thinking he had done their errands
satisfactorily. The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how
matters stood in England, and what harm this might do, took a shallop
and went out with the ship a league or two to sea, and called for
Lyford’s and Oldham’s letters. Mr. William Pierce being captain of
the ship, and knowing well the mischief they made both here and in
England, afforded them all the assistance he could. He found above
twenty of Lyford’s letters, many of them long and full of slanders
and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but
even aiming at their ruin. Most of the letters they let pass, but
took copies of them; of some they sent true copies and kept the
originals, lest he should deny that he had written them. Amongst them
they found copies of two which he sent enclosed in a letter of his to
Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of
these two letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was
written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the other by Mr.
Winslow to Mr. John Robinson in Holland, at his coming away, as the
ship lay at Gravesend. They were lying sealed in the main cabin; and
whilst Mr. Winslow was busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly
mischief-maker opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again; and
not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary, but adds
in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annotations!
The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the Governor
returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but after some weeks, as
they heard nothing, they were as brisk as ever, thinking nothing was
known, and all had gone well for them, and that the Governor had only
gone to despatch his own letters. The reason why the Governor and the
rest took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen so that
they might the better discover their intention and see who were their
adherents; for, amongst others they had found a letter from one of
their confederates, stating that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a
reformation in church and commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship
was gone, they intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc.
As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was so bad a
scribe that his hand was scarcely legible; but he was as deeply
involved as the other. So, thinking they were now strong enough, they
began to pick quarrels at everything. Oldham being told off to stand
watch according to order, refused to come, calling the captain a
beggarly rascal, resisting him, and drawing his knife on him, though
he had done him no wrong nor spoken to him improperly, but had merely
required him with all fairness to do his duty. The Governor, hearing
the tumult, sent to quiet it; but Oldham ramped more like a furious
beast than a man, and called them all traitors, and rebels, and
other such foul language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he
had been clapped up awhile, he came to himself, and with some slight
punishment was let go upon his behaviour, pending further censure.
But to cut things short, at length it came to this, that Lyford with
his accomplices, without speaking one word to either the Governor,
the Church, or the elder, withdrew themselves, and held a separate
public meeting on the Lord’s day; and with many such insolent doings,
too long to relate here, began to act publicly what they had been
plotting privately. It was thought high time to prevent further
mischief by calling them to account; so the Governor called a court,
and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged Lyford and
Oldham with their guilt. But they were stubborn, and resolutely
denied the charges, and required proof. The court first alleged that
from what had been written to them from England, and from their
practises here, it was evident they were plotting against them, and
disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and church
estate, which was most injurious to the colony; for both they and all
the world knew that they had come here to enjoy liberty of conscience
and the free use of God’s ordinances, and for that end had ventured
their lives and had already passed through so much hardship; and they
and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings, which
was not small. They pointed out that Lyford for his part was sent
over at their expense, and that both he and his large family were
maintained by them; that he had joined the church, and was a member
of it; and for him to plot against them and seek their ruin, was
most unjust and perfidious. As for Oldham, or any one who came over
at his own expense, and were on their own resources, they had been
received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek shelter and
protection under its wings, being unable to stand alone; but as the
hedgehog in the fable, whom the coney on a stormy day invited in pity
into her burrow, would not be content to share it with her, but in
the end with her sharp pricks forced the poor coney out, so these
men, with similar injustice, endeavoured to do the like by those who
entertained them.
Lyford denied that he had anything to do with the people in England,
or knew their plans, and pretended similar ignorance of the other
charges. Then his letters were produced and some of them read, at
which he was struck dumb. But Oldham began to rage furiously, that
they had intercepted and opened the letters. Threatening them in
very high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and mutinous
manner called upon the people, saying,—My masters, where are your
hearts? Now show your courage; you have often complained to me so
and so; now is the time; if you will do anything, I will stand by
you, etc. Thinking that everyone who, knowing his humour, had soothed
and flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent uttered
anything to him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he
was disappointed; not a man opened his mouth, for all were struck
silent by the injustice of the thing.
Then the Governor turned to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if they thought
he had done wrong to open his letters; but he was silent and dare not
say a word, knowing well what they might reply. Then the Governor
explained to the people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was
bound to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this conspiracy
and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to the colony. But
Lyford, besides his misbehaviour here, had dealt treacherously with
his friends that trusted him, and stole their letters, and opened
them, and sent copies of them with disgraceful annotations to his
friends in England. Then the Governor produced them and his other
letters under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them
read before all the people: at which all his friends were blank, and
had not a word to say.
It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here—they
would almost fill a volume—though I have them by me. I shall only
note a few of the chief things from them, with the answers to them as
they were then given, as instances.
1. He said that the church desired that no one should live here
except its members; nor would anyone willingly do so, if they had
but company with which to live elsewhere.
Ans: Their answer was that this was false, in both its parts; for
they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with
them, who would behave peaceably, and seek the common good,—or at
least do them no harm; and that there were many who would not live
elsewhere, so long as they were permitted to live with them.
2. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters, they
soon disliked them, etc.
Ans: Their answer was as before, that it was a calumny, for they
had many amongst them whom they liked well, and were glad of their
company; and should be of any such who came to them.
3. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from
II Sam. xii, 7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their
teaching in particular to special persons; secondly, that great men
may be reproved as well as humble.
Ans: Their answer was that both these charges were without truth or
colour of truth—as was proved to his face—and that they had taught
and believed this long before they knew Mr. Lyford.
4. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by
this: they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell
with them, or to exchange one commodity for another.
Ans: This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as
was proved to him before all, for any of them bought, sold or
exchanged with them as often as they pleased—and also both lent
and gave to them, when they wanted; and this the private settlers
themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But
the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse; for he
was at the council with them, when a man was called before them,
and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the
company’s supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had
arranged should be put in at his window in the night; and also for
buying salt of one who had no right to it. Lyford not only backed
this defaulter—who was one of these private settlers—by excusing
and extenuating him; but upon this ground he built this mischievous
and false slander; that because they would not suffer a private
settler to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin:
Bad logic for a divine!
5. Next he accused them of forcing men to become private settlers,
on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them, and
deprive them of all means of subsistence.
Ans: To this it was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they
had turned none upon their own resources who had not of their own
importunity and earnest desire urged and constrained them to do it.
They appealed to the persons themselves for the truth of it, and
they testified against him before all present, and that they had no
cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage.
6. He accused them with unjust distribution, and wrote that it
seemed strange that some should be allowed 16 lbs. of meal per
week, and others only 4 lbs. And then adds floutingly: it seems
that some men’s bellies and mouths are very little and slender
compared with others!
Ans: This might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he wrote
his letters in England, and who did not know the reason for it;
but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers had
no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who came
in the Anne the August before, and had to live thirteen months on
the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of meal and
peas as would go round. A little while before harvest, when fish
and fruits were to be got, they had only 4 lbs., being at liberty
to make their own provisions in addition. But some of those who
came last, such as the ship-builder, the salt men, and others who
were to follow constant employment and had not an hour’s time from
their labour to provide food besides their allowance,—such workers
had at first 16 lbs. allowed them, and afterwards, when fish and
other food could be got, they had 14 lbs., 12 lbs., or some of them
8 lbs., as occasion required. But those who had time to plant corn
for themselves, even though they received but 4 lbs. of meal a week
from the store, lived better than the others, as was well known.
And it must be remembered that Lyford and his family had always the
highest allowance.
He accused them of many other things in his letters such as of great
waste of tools and utensils—though he knew that an honest man was
appointed to look after these very things; and of this, when it came
to be examined, all the instances he could give was, that he had seen
an old hogshead or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left
carelessly in the fields. But he had written such things as these to
cast disgrace and prejudice upon them thinking that what came from a
minister would pass for true. He told them that Winslow had said that
there were not above seven of the adventurers who sought the good of
the colony; and he ended by saying that the faction here matched the
Jesuits for cunning.
Finally he gave his friends advice and directions:
1. First, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must
still be kept back, or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them
should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as
was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship (Mr.
William Pierce), and put someone else in Winslow’s place as agent,
or it could not be prevented.
2. He would have such further settlers shipped over as would
out-number those here; the private settlers should have votes in
all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office; and every
private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be
only a servant, someone else investing the necessary £10, the bill
being taken out in the servant’s name, and then assigned to the
party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between
them for the purpose. These things, said he, would be the means of
strengthening the private settlers.
3. He told them that if that Captain they spoke of came over to
take command, he was sure he would be elected, for “this Captain
Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt.”
4. Then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they could
not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by
themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or
four miles, and showing that there were far better places for a
settlement than this.
5. Lastly, he concluded that if neither of these thing were
accomplished, they must join the main body here, perforce. Then he
added: “Since I began to write, some letters have come from your
company, giving sole authority in various things to the Governor
here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will
be more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner.
I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to you further about these things.
I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc.”
I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and shall
now return to their proceedings with him. After reading his
letters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could
say in defence. But all the answer he made was that Billington
and some others had informed him of many things, and had made
sundry complaints,—which they now denied. He was asked if that was
sufficient ground for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by
letter, never saying a word to his colleagues of the council. And so
they went on from point to point, and demanded that neither he nor
his confederates should spare them, if they had any proof or witness
of wrong doing on their part. He said he had been misinformed, and
so had wronged them. And this was all the answer they could get; for
none would take his part, and Billington and others whom he named
denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and that, on
the other hand, he would have drawn them to such and such things,
which they had declined to do, though they had sometimes attended
his meetings. Then they taxed him with dissembling about the church,
professing to concur with them in everything; and with the large
confession he made at his admittance, not considering himself a
minister till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated
himself from them, and drew a number away and would administer the
sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speaking a word
to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues. In conclusion, he
was fully convicted, and, bursting into tears, confessed: he feared
he was a reprobate; his sins were so great he doubted if God would
pardon them; he was unsavoury salt, etc.; he had so wronged them that
he could never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against
them was false and empty, both in matter and manner—and all this as
completely as words and tears could express.
After their trial and conviction the court censured them to be
expelled the place; Oldham at once, though his wife and family had
leave to stay all the winter, or longer, till he could make provision
to remove them comfortably. Lyford had leave to stay six months,—with
some eye to remission of the sentence if he behaved himself well in
the meantime, and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged
his censure was far less than he deserved.
Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly, with tears, in the church,
more fully than before. I shall here record it, taken down in his
own words. He acknowledged that he had done very evil, and had
slanderously abused them. He had thought that most of the people
would take part with him, and he would carry all with a strong
hand against them; that God might justly lay innocent blood to his
charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his writings, and
blessed God they were intercepted. He had listened to any evil that
was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears against all good; and if God
should make him a vagabond on the earth, as was Cain, it was but
just; for he had sinned in envy and malice against his brethren.
He confessed three things to be the cause of his doings: pride,
vainglory, and self-love—amplifying these generalities with many
other sad expressions in particular.
They began to conceive well of him again after his repentance, and
admitted him to preach amongst them as before; and Samuel Fuller, a
deacon, and some other tender-hearted men amongst them, were so taken
in by his signs of sorrow and repentance, that they said they would
fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed.
But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze all others who
come to hear of it,—for a rarer precedent can hardly be shown,—was,
that after a month or two notwithstanding all his former convictions,
confessions, and public acknowledgments, both in the face of the
church and the whole company, with so many sad tears and censures of
himself before God and man, he should try again to justify what he
had done.
For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers in England,
in which he justified all his former writings,—except as regards some
things in which he had disparaged them,—which, as it is briefer than
the former, I will here insert:
_John Lyford at New Plymouth to the Adventurers in England_:
Worthy Sirs,
Though the filth of my own doings may justly be cast in my face,
and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, yet that the truth
may not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor
injurious dealings be continued, with bold out-facings I have
ventured once more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt
very indiscreetly in some of my particular letters which I wrote
to private friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the
like, which I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to
it by seeing the indiscreet courses of others, both here and with
you there, for effecting their designs. But I am heartily sorry for
it, and do to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The
said letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am under
sentence of banishment; and but for the respect I have for you,
and some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnace
to England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive
better encouragement from you than from the church (as they call
themselves) here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I
came, so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the
place, though they are very poor; and they have changed my wages
ten times already. I suppose my letters,—or at least copies of
them,—came into your hands, as they here report. If so, pray take
notice of this: that I have written nothing but what is certainly
true, and could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not
to make myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the
care of whom in part belongs to you, and who are destitute of the
means of salvation. The church itself is well provided for, the
members forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the
ministry, believing that the Lord has not appointed any ministry
for the conversion of those outside the church, so that some of
the poor souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was
censured for preaching to all in general; though, in reality, they
have had no ministry here since they came, but such as might be
performed by any of you, whatever pretences they make; but they
equivocate about this, as about many other things. But I exceed the
bounds I set myself; therefore, awaiting further from you, if it
come within the time limited me, I rest, etc.
Remaining yours ever,
JOHN LYFORD, Exile.
_Aug. 22nd, 1624._
They made brief answer to some things in this letter, but referred
chiefly to their former one to this effect: That if God in His
providence had not brought all this to their notice, they might have
been traduced, abused, calumniated, overthrown, and undone; and never
have known by whom or for what. They desired but this just favour;
that the adventurers would be pleased to hear their defence, as well
as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice and
reason, and then censure as they pleased.
I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not longer
than was necessary. But I will revert to other things.
To return to the pinnace left sunk near Damariscove. Some of the
fishing boats’ captains said it was a pity that so fine a vessel
should be lost, and sent them word that if they would bear the
expense, they would show them how to float her, and let them have
their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, and sent men for the
purpose and beaver to defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim
I know not how many tons of casks, and having made them tight and
fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and hauled
her ashore with many hands in a convenient place where she could be
worked at; and then set several carpenters to work at her, and others
to saw planks, and at last fitted her, and got her home. But it cost
a great deal of money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails
for her, both now and when she lost her mast before; so she proved an
expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent her home, and
with her Lyford sent his last letter in great secrecy; but the party
entrusted with it gave it to the Governor.
The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits, without any special
matter worth noting,—except that many who before stood somewhat aloof
from the church, now seeing Lyford’s unjust dealing and malignity,
came forward and were made members, stating that it was not out of
dislike of anything that they had stood off so long, but a desire to
fit themselves better for such a state; and that they now saw that
the Lord called for their help.
And so these troubles produced an effect on several here quite
contrary to what their adversaries had hoped; and it was recognized
as a great work of God, to draw men to him by unlikely means, and
such as, in reason, might have been calculated to alienate them. And
thus I shall end this year.