TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
The original manuscript of this history was written between 1630
and 1655, but was not published and was lost for many years. It
was rediscovered and an edition was published in 1856, and another
edition published in 1901. Both were printed closely following the
mediaeval English of the manuscript.
This book is a rework of that 1901 edition into modern English by
Harold Paget. His Introduction gives an account of the loss and
eventual return of the manuscript to Massachusetts.
In this etext italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been
placed at the end of the book.
Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
BRADFORD’S HISTORY
OF THE
PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT
BRADFORD’S HISTORY
OF THE
PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT
1608-1650
Rendered into Modern English by
HAROLD PAGET
[Illustration: (Publisher colophon)]
NEW YORK
E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY
681 FIFTH AVENUE
Copyright, 1909
By THE JOHN McBRIDE CO.
Copyright, 1920
By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY
_All Rights Reserved_
_Printed in the United States of America_
Some Dates in the History of England, Holland, Spain, and America,
which bear upon the Contents of this Book
Discovery of America 1492
Henry VIII of England 1509-1547
Act of Supremacy (Secession of England from Rome) 1534
Edward VI of England 1547-1553
Mary I of England 1553-1558
Philip, son of Charles V of Spain, marries Mary I of England 1554
Charles V of Spain hands over sovereignty of the Netherlands
to his son Philip 1555
Charles V of Spain resigns his crowns to his son, Philip II 1556
Elizabeth of England 1558-1603
Philip II returns from Netherlands to Spain 1559
Spanish Oppression of Netherlands reformers 1565
Netherlands rebel against Spain 1566
Netherlands form Republic (Union of Utrecht) 1579
William I of Orange accepts sovereignty of Holland: murdered:
his son Maurice elected Captain-General 1584
England joins Holland against Spain 1586
Defeat of Spanish Armada by England 1588
Philip II of Spain dies: Philip III succeeds 1598
James I of England 1603-1625
Pilgrim Fathers fly from England to Holland 1608
Truce of 12 years between Holland and Spain 1609
Landing of Pilgrim Fathers in New England 1620
Philip IV of Spain: truce with Holland expires 1621
Prince Maurice of Orange dies: his half-brother, Frederick
Henry, succeeds 1625
Charles I of England 1625-1649
Charter granted to Massachusetts 1629
Puritan Emigration to New England increases 1630
Archbishop Laud attacks English Puritans 1633
Writs for ship-money issued to English maritime towns 1634
Marriage of William, son of Prince of Orange, to Mary,
daughter of Charles I of England 1641
William II of Orange succeeds Frederick Henry 1647
Treaty between Holland and Spain 1648
Commonwealth of England 1649-1660
English Navigation Acts lead to war with Holland 1651
Blake defeats Van Tromp 1653
Charles II of England 1660-1687
The Dutch lose New Amsterdam to England: renamed New York 1664
James II of England 1685-1689
William (of Orange) III and Mary II of England 1689-1702
CONTENTS
BOOK I—1608-1620. Persecution and Flight from
England—Settlement in Holland—Passage to England and Voyage to
America—Landing at Cape Cod and New Plymouth
CHAPTER PAGE
I. Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of
the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement 1
II. Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608 9
III. Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 14
IV. Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to Decide upon
Settlement in America 19
V. Decision to make New England the place of Settlement in
preference to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent
from the King of England: 1617-1620 24
VI. Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the
Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of
the Settlement in New England: 1620 35
VII. Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at
Southampton—Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole
party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620 49
VIII. Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at
Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620 57
IX. The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at Cape
Cod: September-November, 1620 62
X. The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover
the Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620 67
BOOK II—1620-1646. History of the Settlement at New Plymouth
I. Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their
number—Squanto—Compact with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s
description of New Plymouth: 1620 75
II. The Mayflower returns—Death of John Carver—William
Bradford, Governor—Trade with the Massachusetts—The
First Marriage—Friendship with Massasoyt
confirmed—Hobbamok—Expedition against Corbitant—The First
Harvest—Arrival of Robert Cushman with 35 settlers—Fortune
returns, laden—The Narragansetts’ challenge—Christmas
Day: 1621 84
III. Weston abandons the Settlement—Dissensions among the
Adventurers in England—Weston’s plan for a Colony, and arrival
of Sixty Settlers for it—News from Captain Huddleston of
massacre in Virginia—Fort built at New Plymouth—Death of
Squanto—Weston’s Colony in difficulties: 1622 96
IV. Rescue of Weston’s Settlement—Weston arrives at New
Plymouth—His reception and ingratitude—Individual planting
of corn substituted for communal—Hardships—John Pierce and
the Patent—Sixty new Settlers—Compact between the Colony and
private Settlers—Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-General of
New England—Weston charged and arrested—Fire at New Plymouth:
Storehouse threatened: 1623 111
V. Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private
Settlers make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the
first Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections of
the Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to
sending the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent
holding to each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble
with Lyford and Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624 133
VI. Oldham and Lyford expelled—Lyford’s Past—Reply of
Settlement to Adventurers’ Charges—Support from friendly group
of Adventurers—Loss of two ship-loads of cargo—Captain Standish
in England: 1625 158
VII. Standish returns from England—Death of John Robinson and
Robert Cushman—Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan—Isaac
Allerton goes to England—Small ship built: 1626 169
VIII. Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between
Adventurers in England and the Settlement—Division of land
and live-stock among the Colonists—Hospitality given to
Fells-Sibsie Settlers—Pinnace and Depot at Manomet—Allerton
returns to England—Greetings between Dutch Colony at New
Amsterdam and Plymouth Settlement—Leading Colonists become
responsible for purchase of Adventurers’ shares in England and
buy rights of the Settlements’ trading from the general body of
Colonists for six years: 1627 174
IX. Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading
New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London
adventurers—Patent for Kennebec River procured—Further Dutch
intercourse—Trade in Wampum begun—Troubles with Morton in
Massachusetts—John Endicott’s arrival—Morton trades guns and
ammunition to the Indians—Morton apprehended—Troubles begin
with Isaac Allerton: 1628 188
X. Arrival of the Leyden people—Allerton in England tries
to get the Kennebec Patent enlarged—Morton’s return—Further
trouble with Allerton—The partnership with Ashley—The Penobscot
trading-house—Purchase of a fishing ship suggested—John
Endicott at Salem—The Church at Salem: 1629 201
XI. Ashley’s beginnings—Arrival of Hatherley on the Friendship
and Allerton on the White Angel—Hatherley examines the affairs
of the Colony—Failure of Allerton’s fishing voyage on the White
Angel—Ashley apprehended and sent to England—Discharge of
Allerton from his Agency—The first Execution—Day of
Humiliation appointed for Boston, Salem, Charlestown, and
New Plymouth: 1630 216
XII. Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel
and Friendship accounts—The White Angel let out to
Allerton—Allerton’s extravagance as agent—Josias Winslow sent
from England as accountant—Penobscot robbed by the French—Sir
Christopher Gardiner in New England—The Order of the Privy
Council about New England: 1631 227
XIII. Sale of the White Angel to Allerton—The White Angel
sold in Spain—Hatherley settles in New England—Rapid increase
of the Colonists’ Prosperity—Divisions in the Church of New
Plymouth—Wreck of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632 241
XIV. Trouble about the accounts of the partnership—Roger
Williams—Establishment of a trading-house on the
Connecticut River—Trouble with the Dutch there—Fever at New
Plymouth—Scourge of Flies: 1633 246
XV. Hocking Shot at Kennebec—Lord Say and the Settlement at
Piscataqua—Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston—The case of Hocking
submitted to a Tribunal of the combined Colonies—Captain Stone
and the Dutch Governor—Stone killed by Indians—Smallpox among
the Indians: 1634 253
XVI. Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners
for the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London
partners withhold the accounts of the partnership—The
French capture the trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the
French fails—Phenomenal Hurricane—Settlement of people from
Massachusetts on the Connecticut River—Mr. Norton minister at
New Plymouth: 1635 263
XVII. Consignments of Fur to England—The plague in
London—Disorganization of the accounts—Dispute between
the London partners—The Pequot Indians get unruly—Oldham
killed—John Raynor minister: 1636 275
XVIII. The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the
Colonies—The Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The
Pequot Fort attacked and taken—The Pequots routed and
subdued—The Narragansett Indians jealous of the Monhiggs under
Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his agency in London: 1637 283
XIX. Trial of three Murders—Rise in value of
Livestock—Earthquake: 1638 293
XX. Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and
Massachusetts—First steps towards winding up the partnership by
a composition: 1639-1640 298
XXI. Further steps towards the Composition between the London
and New Plymouth partners—Dispute with Rev. Charles Chauncey
about Baptism—Fall in value of live-stock—Many leading men of
New Plymouth move from town: 1641 305
XXII. Conclusion of Composition between London and New Plymouth
partners: 1642 312
XXIII. Death of Mr. William Brewster—His Career—Remarkable
longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims—Confederation
of the United Colonies of New England—War between the
Narragansetts and Monhiggs—Uncas permitted by the English to
execute Miantinomo: 1643 314
XXIV. Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to
Nauset—The Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas and the
Monhiggs—Truce arranged by the English: 1644 326
XXV. The Narragansetts renew their attack on Uncas and threaten
the English—Preparation for War by the Colonies—Declaration of
War by the English—Peace arranged and General Treaty signed by
the United Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and
Byanticks: 1645 330
XXVI. Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts—His
death—Edward Winslow’s long stay in England: 1646 338
INTRODUCTION
During the last four hundred years the peoples of the Western world
have been busily engaged in converting their governments—often
forcibly—to practical Christianity, in regard to their domestic
affairs.
The new era, upon which we now enter after the Great War, opens
with a crusade for the application of Christianity to international
relationships.
If the modern student sets up before his mental vision a moving
panorama of the history of Europe through the Middle Ages, the most
striking general feature is undoubtedly the irresistible course of
the growing stream of Freedom, touching and fructifying every section
and institution of human life—the inevitable outcome of the evolution
of Christianity made manifest in things temporal, and breaking
through the ecclesiastical bounds so long set for it, as exclusively
pertaining to things spiritual.
The gospel of Jesus Christ had hitherto been regarded as a religious
stream pure and simple, from which might be drawn, by priestly hands
alone, refreshment for the spiritual life of man, offered to him
in the sacerdotal cup, in such quantity and with such admixture of
doctrine as seemed fitted to his spiritual needs, by those ordained
to take charge of that department of his existence—the servants of
the Mediæval Church.
Little by little Christianity discovers itself as no single stream
of sacred water, limited by the shores of a prescribed religious
territory. Here and there in the wider landscape it is gradually
pushing a way out into the unconsecrated ground of the temporal
domain, welling up through the ancient crust of Feudalism—bursting
through it, submerging it, carrying it away, now gently and almost
imperceptibly piecemeal, now in sweeping and irresistible torrents,
passionate against its long subjection and suppression. This activity
recognizes no national or geographical limits—it reveals itself now
here, now there, fertilizing far distant spots of varying soil—some
instantly generous to its live-giving influence, some slow to respond.
Now watch its effect upon the inhabitants of the territories through
which it newly flows. Some, watching its uprising through the barren
soil, stand amazed—doubtful. See them slowly approach it, and gaze
upon it, awe-struck; they stoop, timorously—and drink; they pause—and
stoop to drink again. Presently their singing eyes declare the secret
they have won from it; a moment or two of forgetful, selfish joy—and
they turn away and hurry to impart the wonderful discovery to their
comrades. So by degrees they come, a straggling, jostling, motley
crowd—some doubting, some fearing, some realizing.
Now see their priests hurrying, perturbed, to behold the rumoured
wonder. What! The sacred river has burst its banks! Hasten to guard
it from the profane thirst of the multitude, and confine it to its
sacred keeping!
Impossible! Its upwelling pools and flowing tributaries are already
too many—the priestly keepers now too few to preserve the discovered
waters. For, as they stand watching, troubled and amazed, behold
the streamlets spreading themselves ever further, breaking forth
unbidden, in every direction.
They consult together. What shall be done? Counsel must be taken of
their superiors, for this is too much for the lesser orders to cope
with.
And so, as we watch the scene, we listen to the busy plans of princes
of church and state, of Popes and Kings. Some would set about damming
up these new unbiddable by-streams at their places of egress; others
would divert their courses, turning them back into the parent-current.
Too late! too late!
Proclaim then, broadcast, that the people shall not drink at these
waters, on pain of damnation. Meanwhile, hasten to secrete them again
by some means—for if the once rare and sacred treasure, jealously
guarded, comes, by superabundance, to be common and general, what
function is left for the votaries consecrated to its preservation?
But—oh horrible!—here is a dignitary of the state, there even a
personage of the church, who will not be led to further the vast
scheme of secluding the waters of these newborn rivulets from the
vulgar gaze or the profane thirst of the laity. There follow sharp
rebukes and rebellious retorts, inquisitions and excommunications;
factions breed, and wrangling takes the place of deliberation.
Slowly the scene’s central interest changes for us, and we find we
are watching, not the miraculous birth of many waters, but battling
crowds of angry partisans, surging this way and that. Now a little
band of stalwarts, who strive to keep the stream open to their
fellows, is routed and dispersed; now their following increases,
and in due time their supporters are rallied again—sometimes to
a temporary victory, with short lived reward and quick reverse,
sometimes to repeated disaster and defeat. But ever the waters
inevitably remain only half-guarded, and by ones and threes the
people find their way to them, some stealthily, some defiantly, and
drink of them—and are sealed. The little bands of stalwarts grow to
great followings, and their trend is as irresistible as the source
of their inspiration.
Once again the scene changes. As our eyes wander over it, we see that
it is not now a matter of mere civil warfare in isolated spots; it
is the nations themselves that rage furiously together; the western
world is one great battle-ground for the opposing forces. Treaties
and wars, alliances and royal marriages, all are but the flotsam
and jetsam on the surface of this ever increasing, ever multiplying
river,—sublime in the far-flung grandeur of its streamlets and
tributaries, its still deeps and its raging cataracts—not one
department of the whole landscape of human life, in all its variety,
but reveals its vague new workings or its established deep-set
currents.
Ah! At last we realize it: this is indeed the river of Freedom,
washing away, bearing away, surely, irresistibly—quietly if it may,
turbulently if it must—the worn-out earth-crust of the moribund
Feudal world, giving place to the bloom and blossom of a new era in
the history of Christ’s Kingdom on Earth and declaring the triumph
for all time of Soul-Freedom for His people.
It was He Himself, the arch-heretic, Who first broke from the
doctrinal curriculum of the priestly caste of His day, to spread
His gospel of Freedom to life’s wayfarers—saint and sinner alike.
The sword that He brought to break the head of the deadening,
self-sufficient, Pharisaical peace, hung suspended the while over the
world, awaiting the moment to strike. The sword has descended, and
has severed the bonds of the centuries which roll away to give place
to the new dispensation. Ex oriente lux! To-day the East itself is
just awakening to the dawning of the new day. Almost we hear a voice
from heaven, declaiming over the dust of the mediæval world: “Now is
Christ risen from the dead, and is become the first fruits of them
that slept.”
My object in limning the foregoing sketch has been to present to the
mind of the reader a setting for the ensuing remarks concerning “The
History of the Plymouth Settlement,” as recorded contemporaneously by
Governor Bradford, the first cause of which enterprise was one of the
most important episodes in the widespread movement whose course we
have just been observing,—the episode which, above all others of that
epoch, has produced the weightiest consequences in the history of the
world.
America was discovered by Columbus in 1492; Spain planted colonies
on its shores in the 16th Century; English trading settlements were
established in Virginia and elsewhere in the latter half of the
same century. It is no mere claim of priority that lends historic
importance to the foundation by the Pilgrim Fathers of the English
colony at New Plymouth. The materialization of their objects was
accomplished by the same means as formed the basis of the earlier
colonies: a trading enterprise supported by merchants in the home
country.
What, then, gives this particular project a prominence and
significance which so utterly dwarfs its predecessors? It was
the motive of its Founders. And what was that motive? Freedom of
religious thought and practice, in the first place; of civil rights,
in the second. It was the sublime ideal of this little band of
Englishmen which gave to the New Plymouth colony (the nucleus of
the other New England colonies) the honour and glory of setting its
characteristic impress upon the greatest of the new nations of the
world—the United States of America.
The ideal aimed at we have probably grasped from our preliminary
sketch of the general movement of western civilization out of the
shackles of feudalism towards religious and civil freedom. But
the sacrifice involved in its consummation,—do we realize its
significance? Let us try to think what it means.
Picture to yourself a group of citizens and their families, of good
standing and of average education. In defiance of established law
and order, and of the accepted, orthodox view of it, this little
body of people pursues an ideal, vital to the peace of their souls,
with a tenacity which implies certain loss of personal freedom
and confiscation of property, with risk of death. Rather than be
compelled to abandon the pursuit of their ideal, these people
voluntarily exile themselves from England, thereby depriving
themselves of loved homes and dear friends and worldly possessions.
After a few years of severe hardships in Holland, their newly adopted
country, the seed they are nurturing is threatened once again. It
must be preserved at all costs. They gather it up and bear it across
the seas—fearful seas—and plant it once more, forming a little
settlement in the savage, distant land of North America. For years
they defend their treasure there against every conceivable attack by
Nature and by man, encouraged solely by the consciousness that the
plant they are tending is God’s Truth—Freedom for each man to honour
and worship God as he sees Him.
First picture this to yourself as if it were an incident of modern
occurrence, and try to realize what would be its significance. Then
turn your eyes upon our Pilgrims, and watch them through their
persecution in mediæval England; their flight to Holland; their
hard sojourn there; their voyage across the wide seas of those
days, and their settlement at New Plymouth—“in a country devoid of
all civilized inhabitants, given over only to savage and brutish
men, who range up and down, little differing from the wild beasts
themselves.... What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of
God, and His grace? Ought not the children of their fathers rightly
to say: Our fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean,
and were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the
Lord, and He heard their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let
them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His mercies
endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord,
show how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When
they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and
found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving
kindness, and His wonderful works before the sons of men.”
As we read this pæan of praise, penned by Bradford some ten or twelve
years after their arrival, the reality of a sublime human sacrifice
begins to shape itself in the mind, and our wonder rests upon the
spiritual grandeur of the offering, rather than upon its world-wide
consequences—of which the tale is not yet told.
It was from such a body of Englishmen, with their burning ideals
and consuming purpose, that a new national ideal emanated, and a
new nation ultimately sprang, since typically identified with their
devotion to Freedom. The eyes of liberal Europe were upon this little
handful of unconscious heroes and saints, taking courage from them,
step by step. The same ideals of Freedom burned so clear and strong
in future generations of these English colonists that they outpaced
the march of the parent nation towards the same goal—and so, the
episode we have just been contemplating resulted in due course in the
birth of the United States of America; in the triumph of democracy
in England over the vain autocracy of a foreign-born king and his
corrupt government; and, above all, in the firm establishment of the
humanitarian ideals for which the English-speaking races have been
the historic champions, and for which the Pilgrims offered their
sacrifice upon the altar of the Sonship of Man.
In the words of Governor Wolcott, at the ceremony of the gift of
the manuscript of Bradford’s History, by England to America: “They
stablished what they planned. Their feeble plantation became the
birthplace of religious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth.
To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the
civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which pictures
our national life, the richest spots are those where gleam the golden
threads of conscience, courage, and faith, set in the web by that
little band. May God in his mercy grant that the moral impulse which
founded this nation may never cease to control its destiny; that
no act of any future generation may put in peril the fundamental
principles on which it is based—of equal rights in a free state,
equal privileges in a free church, and equal opportunities in a free
school.”
For some years many have trembled for the fruits of the Pilgrims’
sacrifice. It seemed that the press of the children’s hurrying feet
had raised such a dust as to obscure from them their forefather’s
glorious visions and ideals. A striking absence of spiritual
aspiration and a dire trend towards gross materialism seemed, for a
time, all too characteristic of America. But to such as doubted or
feared have come, recently, a wonderful reassurance and a renewed
faith in the eternal efficacy of so sublime an offering. It is the
sons of those men—their spiritual offspring—who have arisen in their
millions,—here in America, there in old England,—to defend the
World’s freedom. The Dean of Westminster voiced England’s feeling,
and that of the world, when in the Memorial Service at Westminster
Abbey for the Officers and Men of the United States Army and Navy
who fell in the War, he gave thanks to God in the following words:
Their deaths have sealed the unwritten but inviolable Covenant
of our common Brotherhood. Their deaths have laid the enduring
foundations of the world’s hope for future peace. For their
sakes we raise this day our proud thanksgiving in the great
Abbey which enshrines the illustrious dust of the makers of the
English-speaking peoples. Let us render our humble and joyful
praise to Almighty God that in their response to the clarion call
of freedom and of justice the two Commonwealths have not been
divided.
Nor have our American brothers laid down their lives in vain.
They came in their hundreds of thousand from the other side of
the Atlantic to vindicate the cause of an outraged humanity and a
menaced liberty. The freewill offering of their sacrifice has been
accepted. They have been summoned to some other and higher phase in
the life of heavenly citizenship.
The mystery of suffering, sorrow and pain awaits its Divine
interpretation hereafter. Not yet can we hope to see through the
mist that veils the future. But the Cross is our pledge of the
fruitfulness of self-sacrifice.
May America and Great Britain go forward charged with the privilege
of a common stewardship for the liberties of mankind! May the
glorious witness of these brave lives, whom we commemorate to-day,
enrich us, whose course on earth is not yet run, with the inspiring
vision of the sanctity and self-abnegation of true patriotism! The
warfare against the countless forms of violence, injustice, and
falsehood will never cease: may the example of our brothers exalt
and purify our aims!
A few words as to the vicissitudes of the precious manuscript of this
book.
As the author tells us, he began to write down this record of the
affairs of the New Plymouth Settlement in the year 1630, ten years
after their arrival, continuing the writing of it from time to time
up to the year 1650, when he compiled the Register of Passengers on
the _Mayflower_, their marriages, the birth of their descendants, and
their deaths. In form, the original manuscript is a parchment-bound
folio, measuring about 11 inches high, 8 inches wide, and 1½ inches
thick.
Some inscriptions on fly leaves in it, give, tersely, its ownership
up to 1728. “This book was writ by Governor William Bradford, and
given by him to his son Major William Bradford, and by him to his son
Major John Bradford: writ by me, Samuel Bradford, March 20th, 1705.”
An entry by Thomas Prince, dated June 4th, 1728, intimates that Major
John Bradford turned over the manuscript to him for the New England
Library of Prints and Manuscripts, which he had been collecting since
1703, when he entered Harvard College. Since then it is supposed
that sundry authors have drawn upon its material, and that Governor
Hutchinson had access to it when he wrote the second volume of his
History, published in 1767.
From this time all traces of its presence in New England disappear,
and it was not until almost a century later that it was discovered
and identified in the Library of the Bishop of London, at Fulham
Palace. It is supposed that the manuscript found its way to England
some time between the years 1768 and 1785, being deposited under the
title of “The Log of the Mayflower,” at Fulham Palace as the Public
Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to
the Diocese of London, and to the Colonial and other Possessions of
Great Britain beyond the seas—New Plymouth being, ecclesiastically,
attached to the Diocese of London.
When compiling his “History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in
America,” published in 1844, Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford,
and later of Winchester, delved into the archives of Fulham Palace,
and brought under contribution a number of unpublished manuscripts,
from which he gave extracts. In 1855 this work fell into the hands of
John Wingate Thornton, and, through him, came under the eye of Barry,
the author of “The History of Massachusetts,” who recognized that
the passages quoted in Wilberforce’s work must come from none other
than Bradford’s long-lost annals. Charles Deane was consulted and
communicated with Joseph Hunter in England, who visited Fulham Palace
Library, and established incontestably the identity of “The Log of
the Mayflower” with Bradford’s History. It is still unknown exactly
how it found its way to London—but in all probability it was brought
over during the War of Independence.
From time to time, after its discovery, representations were made
to the custodians of the manuscript that it should be restored to
America, where its value was inestimable, as one of the earliest
records of her National History—in the words of Senator Hoar: “The
only authentic history of what we have a right to consider the most
important political transaction that has ever taken place on the
face of the earth.” Ultimately, the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, the first
United States Ambassador to England, instigated by Senator Hoar, put
the matter before the Bishop of London—Creighton—at Fulham, with
the result that, after due legal sanction by the Constitutional and
Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript was conveyed by Mr. Bayard
to America, and formally handed over to Governor Roger Wolcott,
on July 12th, 1897, for the State Archives of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, subject to the production of a photographic facsimile
being deposited at Fulham, and to the original manuscript being
reasonably accessible for investigation. Its present resting place is
the Massachusetts State Library.
No words could more vividly depict the feelings in the hearts of
Bradford’s descendants, on the return to American soil of this
precious relic by the free gift of England, than those of Senator
Hoar, which I now quote:
“I do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without a little
trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist in the eyes, as
they think of the story of suffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile,
of death, and of lofty triumph, which that book tells,—which the
hand of the great leader and founder of America has traced on those
pages. There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of
Bethlehem. These English men and English women going out from their
homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and
mother from child in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued
to the beach by English horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the
life at Amsterdam ‘in alley foul and lane obscure’; the dwelling at
Leyden; the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the
terrible voyage across the Atlantic; the compact in the harbour;
the landing on the rock; the dreadful first winter; the death roll
of more than half the number; the days of suffering and of famine;
the wakeful night, listening for the yell of the wild beast and the
war-whoop of the savage; the building of the State on those sure
foundations which no wave nor tempest has ever shaken; the breaking
of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the beginning of the
new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,—of all these things
this is the original record by the hand of our beloved father and
founder.”
After its discovery and identification, an edition was published
in the year 1856, under the editorship of Charles Deane, by the
Massachusetts Historical Society, based on a transcript made from
the original document in London. A photographic facsimile of the
manuscript was issued in 1896, in both London and Boston; and upon
receipt of the original by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1897,
a resolution was passed providing for the printing and publication
of a carefully collated edition, together with a report of the
proceedings connected with its return from England to America. This
edition was duly issued in 1901, and it is from that as a basis that
I have prepared the present modernization. My purpose is obvious. To
many, the reading of the mediæval English of the original, to which
all preceding editions have adhered, would be so laborious as to
preclude them from becoming acquainted with it. I have endeavoured
to preserve, as far as possible, the atmosphere of the time, while
accurately rendering the thought in current language.
* * * * *
As for the writer himself, William Bradford, who, on the death of
John Carver, the first Governor of the colony, a few months after
their arrival, succeeded him in the Governorship, and remained the
guiding genius of its destinies for over thirty years—his character,
despite his utter self-repression throughout his writings, can be
clearly read between the lines; his marvelous breadth of charity
and tolerance; his strong, simple piety; his plain, unselfconscious
goodness—all the grandest characteristics of the best traditions of
puritanism seem concentrated in him.
But little is known of his life in England. He was born at the
village of Austerfield, near Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, and the
baptismal entry in the registers of the church is dated March 19th,
1590. His family was of yeoman stock. The first Mrs. Bradford
(Dorothy May) was drowned in the harbour soon after the arrival of
the _Mayflower_, by falling overboard. The second wife was a Mrs.
Alice Southworth, a widow, to whom, it is supposed Bradford had been
attached before his and her first marriage. He wrote his proposal
of marriage to her in England, and she came out to him, with two
Southworth children. William Bradford died, May 9th, 1657, at 69
years of age.
His dealings in the external affairs of the colony were largely with
that class of hypocritical charlatan which successfully turns to
perverse account the generous religious impulses of those with whom
they hold intercourse. Yet his firm hold on faith, hope, and charity
never failed him; he always ascribed to them, until clear proof of
dishonour was revealed, the best of motives; taking account of the
possibility of misunderstanding; or, in the last resort, making
allowance for human weakness in the face of temptation, and forgiving
unto seventy times seven. His was the spirit given to Newton, who as
he watched a murderer being led to the gallows, exclaimed: “There
goes John Newton, but for the Grace of God”; or to Cromwell, in his
typical exhortation,—“I beseech you, in the name of Christ, think it
possible you may be mistaken.”
The reverse side of the picture shows us, indeed, the horrible
hypocrisy of the pseudo-puritans of the Weston-Sherley type, who
whenever ill-fortune overtook them called upon the name of the Lord
in true Pharisaic fashion,—as if to bribe by flattery a frivolous
Providence,—playing upon the finest qualities of forbearance and
disinterestedness of such men as Bradford and his colleagues, to
get advantage of them and rob them usuriously. Such parasites on
the true growth of puritanism brought it into disrepute with the
undiscriminating of those times,—nor have the results of their
evil work (in very truth, the Sin against the Holy Ghost!) yet
disappeared; for we find it in the supercilious and suspicious
attitude of the orthodox towards dissent in any form, to this day.
The strong grasp of the intellectual and practical side of his and
the other Pilgrims’ ideals of religious liberty,—for which, no doubt,
they owed a deep debt to that splendid apostolic figure, their old
pastor at Leyden, John Robinson,—is evidenced by the clear exposition
of their claims, in the answer they gave to charges against them of
dissembling in their declaration of conformity to the practices of
the French Reformed Churches, and of undue license in differing from
those professed forms of worship:
“In attempting to tie us to the French practices in every detail,
you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle
Paul would have none follow him but wherein he followed Christ; much
less ought any Christian or Church in the world do so. The French
may err, we may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do in
many circumstances. That honour of infallibility belongs, therefore,
only to the word of God and pure testament of Christ, to be followed
as the only rule and pattern for direction by all Churches and
Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or Church to think
that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to
be able to set down precisely a Church’s practices without error in
substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no one thereafter
may digress or differ from them with impunity.”
On the other hand, it is interesting to mark Bradford’s disparagement
of Utopian schemes of communal, or socialistic, forms of government.
Here is his conservative argument, based on the experience of the
first few years of their colonization:
“The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried
for several years, and by good and honest men, proves the emptiness
of the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later
times,—that the taking away of private property, and the possession
of it in community by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and
flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this instance,
community of property (so far as it went) was found to breed much
confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have
been to the general benefit and comfort.... If (it was thought) all
were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an
equality throughout, and one was as good as another; and so, if it
did not actually abolish those very relations which God himself has
set among men, it did at least greatly diminish the mutual respect
that is so important should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue
that this is due to human failing rather than to this communistic
plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this
failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of life
was fitter for them.”
Thus in civil as in religious matters, Bradford’s sure instinct
led him always to follow the guidance of a wise and benevolent
Providence, working for the rational and natural evolution
of mankind, which humanity could expedite only by a plain,
unsophisticated reliance upon truth and goodness, as incarnate in the
divine character and life of Christ.
* * * * *
If we of to-day, whether American or British, fail to appreciate
the almost unearthly value of Bradford’s History, it is because we
ourselves are still too close to the opening of that era in modern
civilization,—yet in its early stages of development,—with which
it is concerned. I believe that, among the world’s archives of
contemporary chronicles of the human race, future generations will
attribute to his annals a value far higher than that which we at
present ascribe to any similar historic record except the Gospels
themselves.
Certainly it is fitting in the present communion of interests of the
Anglo-Saxon peoples, that we should refresh ourselves at the glorious
founts of freedom which constitute their common heritage.
HAROLD PAGET.
Silver Mine, Conn. 1920.
BRADFORD’S HISTORY
OF THE
PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT
BRADFORD’S HISTORY
of the PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT
BOOK I
1608-1620
PERSECUTION AND FLIGHT FROM ENGLAND—SETTLEMENT IN HOLLAND
(AT AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN)—CROSSING TO ENGLAND AND VOYAGE TO
AMERICA—LANDING AT CAPE COD AND NEW PLYMOUTH.
CHAPTER I
Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of the
Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement.
First I will unfold the causes that led to the foundation of the
New Plymouth Settlement, and the motives of those concerned in it.
In order that I may give an accurate account of the project, I must
begin at the very root and rise of it; and this I shall endeavour to
do in a plain style and with singular regard to the truth,—at least
as near as my slender judgment can attain to it.
As is well known, ever since the breaking out of the light of the
gospel in England, which was the first country to be thus enlightened
after the gross darkness of popery had overspread the Christian
world, Satan has maintained various wars against the Saints, from
time to time, in different ways,—sometimes by bloody death and cruel
torment, at other times by imprisonment, banishment, and other
wrongs,—as if loth that his kingdom should be overcome, the truth
prevail, and the Church of God revert to their ancient purity, and
recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But when he could
not stifle by these means the main truths of the gospel, which began
to take rooting in many places, watered by the blood of martyrs and
blessed from heaven with a gracious increase, he reverted to his
ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. For
when, in those days, the bloody and barbarous persecutions of the
heathen Emperors could not stop and subvert the course of the gospel,
which speedily overspread the then best known parts of the world,
he began to sow errors, heresies, and discord amongst the clergy
themselves, working upon the pride and ambition and other frailties
to which all mortals, and even the Saints themselves in some measure,
are subject. Woful effects followed; not only were there bitter
contentions, heartburnings, and schisms, but Satan took advantage of
them to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many vain canons
and decrees, which have been snares to many poor and peaceable souls
to this day.
So, in the early days, Christians suffered as much from internal
dissension as from persecution by the heathen and their Emperors,
true and orthodox Christians being oppressed by the Arians and
their heretical accomplices. Socrates bears witness to this in his
second book. His words are these: “Indeed, the violence was no less
than that practised of old towards the Christians when they were
compelled to sacrifice to idols; for many endured various kinds of
torment—often racking and dismemberment of their joints, confiscation
of their goods, or banishment from their native soil.”
Satan has seemed to follow a like method in these later times, ever
since the truth began to spring and spread after the great defection
of that man of sin, the Papal Antichrist. Passing by the infinite
examples throughout the world as well as in our country, when that
old serpent found that he could not prevail by fiery flames and the
other cruel torments which he had put in use everywhere in the days
of Queen Mary and before, he then went more closely to work, not
merely to oppress but to ruin and destroy the kingdom of Christ by
more secret and subtle means, and by kindling flames of contention
and sowing seeds of strife and bitter enmity amongst the reformed
clergy and laity themselves.
Mr. Fox records, that besides those worthy martyrs and confessors who
were burned and otherwise tormented in Queen Mary’s days, as many
as 800 students and others fled out of England, and formed separate
congregations at Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg,
Geneva, etc.
Amongst these bodies of protestant reformers—especially amongst
those at Frankfort,—arose a bitter war of contention and persecution
about the ceremonies and the service book and other such popish
and anti-Christian stuff, the plague of England to this day. Such
practises are like the high places in Israel, which the prophets
cried out against; and the better part of the reformers sought to
root them out and utterly abandon them, according to the purity of
the gospel; while the other part, under veiled pretences, sought as
stiffly to maintain and defend them, for their own advancement. This
appears in the account of these contentions published in 1575—a book
that deserves to be better known.
The one party of reformers endeavoured to establish the right worship
of God and the discipline of Christ in the Church according to the
simplicity of the gospel and without the mixture of men’s inventions,
and to be ruled by the laws of God’s word dispensed by such officers
as Pastors, Teachers, Elders, etc., according to the Scriptures.
The other party,—the episcopal,—under many pretences, endeavoured to
maintain the episcopal dignity after the popish manner,—with all its
courts, canons, and ceremonies; its livings, revenues, subordinate
officers, and other means of upholding their anti-Christian
greatness, and of enabling them with lordly and tyrannous power to
persecute the poor servants of God. The fight was so bitter, that
neither the honour of God, the persecution to which both parties were
subjected, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies, could
prevail with the episcopal party. They proceeded by all means to
disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church of dissenters, even
so far as to accuse (very unjustly and ungodly, yet prelate-like)
some of its chief members with rebellion and high-treason against the
Emperor, and other such crimes.
And this contention did not die with Queen Mary, nor was it left
beyond the seas. At her death the episcopal party of the Protestants
returned to England under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them
being preferred to bishoprics and other promotions, according to
their aims and desires, with the result that their inveterate hatred
towards the holy discipline of Christ in his church, represented
by the dissenting part, has continued to this day; furthermore,
for fear it should ultimately prevail, all kinds of devices were
used to keep it out, incensing the Queen and State against it as a
danger to the commonwealth; arguing that it was most needful that
the fundamental points of religion should be preached in these
ignorant and superstitious times, and that in order to win the weak
and ignorant it was necessary to retain various harmless ceremonies;
and that though reforms were desirable, this was not the time for
them. Many such excuses were put forward to silence the more godly,
and to induce them to yield to one ceremony after another, and one
corruption after another. By these wiles some were beguiled and
others corrupted, till at length they began to persecute all the
zealous reformers in the land, unless they would submit to their
ceremonies and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which
has no ground in the word of God, but is a relic of that man of
sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more they urged
subjection to these corruptions,—so that, notwithstanding all their
former pretences, those whose eyes God had not justly blinded easily
saw their purpose. In order the more to cast contempt upon the
sincere servants of God, they opprobriously gave them the name of
“Puritans,” which it is said the novations assumed out of pride. It
is lamentable to see the effects which have followed. Religion has
been disgraced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many
exiled, while others have lost their lives in prisons and other ways;
on the other hand, sin has been countenanced, ignorance, profanity,
and atheism have increased, and the papists have been encouraged to
hope again for a day.
This made that holy man, Mr. Perkins, cry out in his exhortation to
repentance, upon Zeph. ii. “Religion,” said he, “has been amongst
us these thirty-five years; but the more it is disseminated, the
more it is condemned by many. Thus, not profanity or wickedness,
but Religion itself is a byword, a mocking stock, and a matter of
reproach; so that in England at this day the man or woman who begins
to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve within himself to
sustain mocks and injuries as though he lived among the enemies of
religion.” Common experience has confirmed this and made it only too
apparent.[1]
But to come to the subject of this narrative. When by the zeal of
some godly preachers, and God’s blessing on their labours, many
in the North of England and other parts become enlightened by the
word of God and had their ignorance and sins discovered to them,
and began by His grace to reform their lives and pay heed to their
ways, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them than they were
scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers were compelled
to subscribe or be silent, and the poor people were persecuted with
apparators and pursuants and the commissary courts. Nevertheless,
they bore it all for several years in patience, until by the increase
of their troubles they began to see further into things by the light
of the word of God. They realized not only that these base ceremonies
were unlawful, but also that the tyrannous power of the prelates
ought not to be submitted to, since it was contrary to the freedom of
the gospel and would burden men’s consciences and thus profane the
worship of God.
On this subject a famous author thus writes in his Dutch
commentaries: “At the coming of King James into England, the new King
found established there the reformed religion of Edward VI., but
retaining the spiritual office of the bishops,—differing in this from
the reformed churches in Scotland, France, the Netherlands, Emden,
Geneva, etc., whose reformation is shaped much nearer to the first
Christian churches of the Apostles’ times.”
Those reformers who saw the evil of these things, and whose hearts
the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, shook off this
yoke of anti-Christian bondage and as the Lord’s free people joined
themselves together by covenant as a church, in the fellowship of
the gospel to walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known
to them, according to their best endeavours, whatever it should cost
them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something, the
ensuing history will declare.
These people became two distinct bodies or churches and congregated
separately; for they came from various towns and villages about the
borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire. One of
these churches was led by Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, and
a good preacher, who was afterwards made pastor; but later, falling
into some errors in the Low Countries, most of its adherents buried
themselves,—and their names! To the other church, which is the
subject of this discourse, belonged besides other worthy men, Mr.
Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and
diligence had done much good, and under God had been the means of
the conversion of many; also that famous and worthy man, Mr. John
Robinson, who was afterwards their pastor for many years, till the
Lord took him away; also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who
was afterwards chosen an Elder of the church, and lived with them
till old age. But after the events referred to above, they were not
long permitted to remain in peace. They were hunted and persecuted on
every side, until their former afflictions were but as fleabitings in
comparison. Some were clapped into prison; others had their houses
watched night and day, and escaped with difficulty; and most were
obliged to fly, and leave their homes and means of livelihood. Yet
these and many other even severer trials which afterwards befell
them, being only what they expected, they were able to bear by the
assistance of God’s grace and spirit. However, being thus molested,
and seeing that there was no hope of their remaining there, they
resolved by consent to go into the Low Countries, where they heard
there was freedom of religion for all; and it was said that many
from London and other parts of the country, who had been exiled
and persecuted for the same cause, had gone to live at Amsterdam
and elsewhere in the Netherlands. So after about a year, having
kept their meeting for the worship of God every Sabbath in one
place or another, notwithstanding the diligence and malice of their
adversaries, seeing that they could no longer continue under such
circumstances, they resolved to get over to Holland as soon as they
could—which was in the years 1607 and 1608. But of this, more will be
told in the next chapter.
CHAPTER II
Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608
For these reformers to be thus constrained to leave their native
soil, their lands and livings, and all their friends, was a great
sacrifice, and was wondered at by many. But to go into a country
unknown to them, where they must learn a new language, and get their
livings they knew not how, seemed an almost desperate adventure,
and a misery worse than death. Further, they were unacquainted with
trade, which was the chief industry of their adopted country, having
been used only to a plain country life and the innocent pursuit of
farming. But these things did not dismay them, though they sometimes
troubled them; for their desires were set on the ways of God, to
enjoy His ordinances; they rested on His providence, and knew Whom
they had believed.
But this was not all; for though it was made intolerable for them to
stay, they were not allowed to go; the ports were shut against them,
so that they had to seek secret means of conveyance, to bribe the
captains of ships, and give extraordinary rates for their passages.
Often they were betrayed, their goods intercepted, and thereby were
put to great trouble and expense. I will give an instance or two of
these experiences.
A large number of them had decided to take passage from Boston
in Lincolnshire, and for that purpose had hired a ship wholly to
themselves, and made agreement with the captain to be ready at a
convenient place on a certain day to take them and their belongings.
After long waiting and great expense—he had not kept day with
them—he came at last and took them aboard at night. But when he
had secured them and their goods he betrayed them, having arranged
beforehand with the searchers and other officers to do so. They
then put them in open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them,
searching them to their shirts for money,—and even the women, further
than became modesty,—and took them back to the town and made a
spectacle of them to the multitude that came flocking on all sides
to see them. Being thus rifled and stripped of their money, books,
and other property, they were brought before the magistrates, and
messengers were sent to inform the Lords of the Council about them.
The magistrates treated them courteously, and showed them what
favour they could; but dare not free them until order came from
the council-table. The result was, however, that after a month’s
imprisonment, the majority were dismissed, and sent back to the
places whence they came; but seven of the leaders were kept in
prison, and bound over to the Assizes.
Next spring there was another attempt made by some of the same
people, with others, to get over from a different place. They heard
of a Dutchman at Hull who had a ship of his own belonging to Zealand,
and they made an agreement with him, and acquainted him with their
plight, hoping to find him more reliable than the English captain
had been; and he bade them have no fear. He was to take them aboard
between Grimsby and Hull, where there was a large common a good way
from any town. The women and children, with all their effects, were
sent to the place at the time arranged in a small bark which they
had hired; and the men were to meet them by land. But it so happened
that they all arrived a day before the ship came, and the sea being
rough, and the women very sick, the sailors put into a creek hard
by, where they grounded at low water. The next morning the ship
came, but they were stuck fast and could not stir till about noon.
In the meantime, the captain of the ship, seeing how things were,
sent his boat to get the men aboard whom he saw were ready walking
about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard and she
was ready to go for more, the captain espied a large body of horse
and foot, armed with bills and guns and other weapons,—for the
country side had turned out to capture them. The Dutchman, seeing
this, swore his country’s oath, “sacramente,” and having a fair wind,
weighed anchor, hoist sail, and away! The poor men already aboard
were in great distress for their wives and children, left thus to be
captured, and destitute of help,—and for themselves, too, without
any clothes but what they had on their backs, and scarcely a penny
about them, all their possessions being aboard the bark, now seized.
It drew tears from their eyes, and they would have given anything
to be ashore again. But all in vain, there was no remedy; they must
thus sadly part. Afterwards they endured a fearful storm at sea, and
it was fourteen days or more before they reached port, in seven of
which they saw neither sun, moon, nor stars, being driven near the
coast of Norway. The sailors themselves often despaired, and once
with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had foundered
and they were sinking without hope of recovery. But when man’s hope
and help wholly failed, there appeared the Lord’s power and mercy
to save them; for the ship rose again, and gave the crew courage to
manage her. If modesty permitted, I might declare with what fervent
prayers the voyagers cried to the Lord in their great distress,—even
remaining fairly collected when the water ran into their mouths and
ears; and when the sailors called out, “We sink, we sink,” they cried
(if not with miraculous, yet with sublime faith): “Yet Lord, Thou
canst save; yet Lord, Thou canst save!” Upon which, the ship not only
righted herself, but shortly afterwards the violence of the storm
began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such
comfort as but few can understand, and in the end brought them to
their desired haven, where the people came flocking, astonished at
their deliverance, the storm having been so long and violent.
But to return to the rest where we left them. The other men, who were
in greatest danger, made shift to escape before the troops could
surprise them, only sufficient staying to assist the women. But it
was pitiful to see these poor women in their distress. What weeping
and crying on every side: some for their husbands carried away in the
ship; others not knowing what would become of them and their little
ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their poor little ones
hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold! Being thus
apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, till in
the end the officers knew not what to do with them; for to imprison
so many innocent women and children only because they wished to go
with their husbands, seemed unreasonable and would cause an outcry;
and to send them home again was as difficult, for they alleged, as
was the truth, that they had no homes to go to,—for they had sold or
otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short, after
they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one
constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them on any terms;
for all were wearied and tired of them. Though in the meantime, they,
poor souls, endured misery enough. So in the end, necessity forced a
way for them.
* * * * *
But not to be tedious, I will pass by other troubles which they
endured in their wanderings and travels, both on land and sea.
I must not omit, however, to mention the fruit of it all. For by
these public afflictions, their cause became famous, and led many to
inquire into it; and their Christian behaviour left a deep impression
on the minds of many. Some few shrank from these first conflicts, and
no wonder; but many more came forward with fresh courage and animated
the rest. In the end, notwithstanding the storms of opposition,
they all got over, some from one place, some from another, and met
together again with no small rejoicing.
CHAPTER III
Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620
Having reached the Netherlands, they saw many fine fortified cities,
strongly walled, and guarded with troops of armed men; and they heard
a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the different manners and
customs of the people, with their strange fashions and attire—all
so far differing from their own plain country villages wherein they
were bred and had lived so long, that it seemed they had come into
a new world. But these were not the things they gave much attention
to. They had other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage. For
though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of
all sorts of wealth and riches, it was not long before they saw the
grim and grisly face of poverty coming upon them like an armed man,
with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom they could
not fly; but they were armed with faith and patience against him and
all his encounters; and though they were sometimes foiled, yet, by
God’s assistance, they prevailed and got the victory.
When Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and the other principal members
had arrived,—they were among the last, having stayed to help the
weakest over,—such things were deliberated as were necessary for
their settling and for the best ordering of the church affairs. When
they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor,
together with the most discerning of the others, seeing that Mr.
John Smith and his followers had already fallen out with the church
which was there previously, and that nothing could avail to end the
quarrel, and also that the flames of contention were likely to break
out in the parent church itself (as afterwards, alas, came to pass);
they thought it best to move, before they were in any way involved,
though they knew it would be to their worldly disadvantage, both at
present and probably in the future,—as indeed it proved to be.
For these and other reasons, then, they removed to Leyden, a fair and
beautiful city, of a sweet situation, made famous by its university,
in which recently there had been so many learned men. However,
lacking seafaring trades, which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so
favourable in providing means of livelihood. But being settled here,
they fell to such trades and employments as they best could, valuing
peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatever;
and at length they came to raise a competent and comfortable living,
though only by dint of hard and continual labour.
Thus, after numerous difficulties, they continued many years in
good circumstances, enjoying together much sweet and delightful
intercourse and spiritual comfort in the ways of God, under the able
ministry and prudent government of Mr. Robinson, and Mr. William
Brewster, who before had been his assistant in place of an Elder,
to which position he was now called and chosen by the church. So
they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of
God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness; and many
came to them from different parts of England, so that there grew
up a great congregation. And if any differences arose or offences
broke out,—as cannot but be even amongst the best of men,—they
were always so met with and nipped in the head betimes, that love,
peace, and communion continued; or, in some instances, the church
was purged of those who were incurable and incorrigible, when, after
much patience used, no other means would serve. Indeed, such was
the love and respect that this worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, had
to his flock, and his flock to him, that it might be said of them,
as it once was of the famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the people
of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he was more delighted in
having such a people or they in having such a pastor. His love was
great towards them, and his care was always bent to their best good
both for soul and body; for, besides his singular ability in divine
things (wherein he excelled), he was also very able in directing
their civil affairs and foreseeing dangers and troubles; so he was
very helpful to their material well-being, and was in every way a
common father to them. None offended him more than those who kept
apart from the rest, and neglected the common good; or those who
were rigid in matters of outward order and would inveigh against the
evil of others, and yet were remiss themselves and not too careful
to maintain virtuous conversation. The congregation, too, ever had a
reverent regard for him and held him in precious estimation, as his
worth and wisdom deserved; and highly as they esteemed him whilst
he lived and laboured amongst them, it was even more so after his
death, when they came to feel the want of his help, and saw by woful
experience what a treasure they had lost. But to return. I know not
but it may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice to
any, that such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and fervent love,
of this people, whilst they thus lived together, towards God and His
ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere affection of one towards
another, that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first
churches as any other church of these later times has done.
It is not my purpose to treat of what befell them whilst they lived
in the Low Countries,—which would require a large treatise of
itself,—but to show the beginnings of the New Plymouth Settlement.
But since some of their adversaries, upon their departure from
Leyden of their own free will, uttered slanders against them, as if
the country had been weary of them and had driven them out, as the
heathen historians asserted of Moses and the Israelites when they
went out of Egypt, I will mention a particular or two to show the
contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place where they
lived.
First, though many of them were poor, there were none so poor but
that if they were known to be of that congregation, the Dutch (either
bakers or others) would trust them to any reasonable extent when they
lacked money to buy what they needed. They found by experience how
careful they were to keep their word, and saw how diligent they were
in their callings, that they would even compete for their custom, and
employ them in preference to others.
Again, about the time of their departure, or a little before, the
magistrates of the city, gave this commendable testimony of them
in the public place of justice in reproof to the Walloons, who
were of the French church there. “These English,” said they, “have
lived among us these twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or
accusation against any of them; but your strifes and quarrels are
continual.”
At this time occurred the great trouble with the Arminians, who
molested the whole state, and this city in particular, where the
chief university was situated. So there were daily hot disputes in
the schools thereabouts, and the students and other learned people
were divided in their opinions between two professors of divinity,
the one daily teaching in favour of the Arminian faction, and the
other against it. Things grew to such a pass, that few of the
followers of the one professor would hear the other teach. But Mr.
Robinson, though he preached thrice a week himself and wrote several
books, besides his many other duties, went constantly to hear their
readings, the one as well as the other; so he became well-grounded
in their controversy and saw the force of all their arguments, and
knew the shifts of the opponent, and being himself very able, none
was fitter to buckle with them than himself,—as appeared by various
disputes. In fact, he began to be a terror to the Arminians, so that
Episcopius, the Arminian professor, put forth his best strength and
advanced various Theses which he asserted he would defend against all
comers in public dispute.
Now Poliander, the other professor, and the chief preachers of the
city, requested Mr. Robinson to take up his challenge, but he was
loth to do so, being a stranger. However the others importuned
him, and told him that such was the ability and nimbleness of the
opponent, that the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So he
acquiesced and prepared himself accordingly; and when the day came,
the Lord so helped him to defend the truth and foil his adversary,
that he put him to an apparent nonplus in public audience. And he
did the same thing two or three times upon similar occasions. This,
while it made many praise God that the truth had so famous a victory,
procured him much honour and respect from those learned men and
others who loved the truth. So far from being weary of him and his
people, or desiring their absence, had it not been for fear of giving
offence to the government of England, they would have conferred
upon him some public honour. Indeed, when there was talk of their
departure to America, several men of prominence in the country tried
to induce them to become naturalized, and even made them large offers
to do so. Though I might mention many other similar examples to show
the untruth of this slander, these suffice, for it was believed by
few and was raised in malice.
CHAPTER IV
Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to decide upon
Settlement in America.
After they had lived here for some eleven or twelve years,—the period
of the famous truce between the Low Countries and Spain,—several of
them having died, and many others being now old, the grave mistress,
Experience, having taught them much, their prudent governors began to
apprehend present dangers and to scan the future and think of timely
remedy. After much thought and discourse on the subject, they began
at length to incline to the idea of removal to some other place;
not out of any new-fangledness or other such giddy humour, which
often influences people to their detriment and danger, but for many
important reasons, the chief of which I will here briefly touch upon.
First, they saw by experience that the hardships of the country
were such that comparatively few others would join them, and fewer
still would bide it out and remain with them. Many who came and many
more who desired to come, could not endure the continual labour
and hard fare and other inconveniences which they themselves were
satisfied with. But though these weaker brethren loved the members
of the congregation, personally approved their cause, and honoured
their sufferings, they left them, weeping, as it were;—as Orpah did
her mother-in-law, Naomi; or as those Romans did Cato at Utica, who
desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be
Catos. For, though many desired to enjoy the ordinances of God
in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel, yet, alas, they
preferred to submit to bondage, with danger to their conscience,
rather than endure these privations. Some even preferred prisons in
England to this liberty in Holland, with such hardships. But it was
thought that if there could be found a better and easier place of
living, it would attract many and remove this discouragement. Their
pastor would often say, that if many of those who both wrote and
preached against them were living where they might have liberty and
comfortable conditions, they would then practice the same religion as
they themselves did.
Secondly, they saw that though the people generally bore these
difficulties very cheerfully, and with resolute courage, being in
the best strength of their years; yet old age began to steal on
many of them, and their great and continual labours, with other
crosses and sorrows, hastened it before their time; so that it was
not only probable, but certain, that in a few more years they would
be in danger of scattering by the necessities pressing upon them.
Therefore, according to the divine proverb (Prov. xxii, 3), that a
wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself; they,
like skillful and hardened soldiers, were wary of being surrounded by
their enemies, so that they could neither fight not flee, and thought
it wiser to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and
less danger, if any such could be found.
Thirdly, as necessity was a task-master over them, so they themselves
were forced to be, not only over their servants, but in a sort over
their dearest children; which not a little wounded the hearts of
many a loving father and mother, and produced many sad and sorrowful
effects. Many of their children, who were of the best disposition
and who had learned to bear the yoke in their youth and were willing
to bear part of their parents’ burden, were often so oppressed with
their labours, that though their minds were free and willing, their
bodies bowed under the weight and became decrepit in early youth,—the
vigour of nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But
still more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne,
was that many of the children, influenced by these conditions, and
the great licentiousness of the young people of the country, and the
many temptations of the city, were led by evil example into dangerous
courses, getting the reins off their necks and leaving their parents.
Some became soldiers, others embarked upon voyages by sea and others
upon worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the danger of their
souls, to the great grief of the parents and the dishonour of God. So
they saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate and become
corrupt.
Last and not least, they cherished a great hope and inward zeal of
laying good foundations, or at least of making some way towards it,
for the propagation and advance of the gospel of the kingdom of
Christ in the remote parts of the world, even though they should be
but stepping stones to others in the performance of so great a work.
These, and some other similar reasons, moved them to resolve upon
their removal, which they afterwards prosecuted in the face of great
difficulties, as will appear.
The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere in those vast
and unpeopled countries of America, which were fruitful and fit for
habitation, though devoid of all civilized inhabitants and given over
to savages, who range up and down, differing little from the wild
beasts themselves. This proposition when made public, found many
different opinions, and raised many fears and doubts. The hopeful
ones tried to encourage the rest to undertake it; others more timid,
objected to it, alleging much that was neither unreasonable nor
improbable. They argued that it was so big an undertaking that it
was open to inconceivable perils and dangers. Besides the casualties
of the seas, they asserted that the length of the voyage was such
that the women, and other weak persons worn out with age and travail,
could never survive it. Even if they should, they contended that the
miseries which they would be exposed to in such a country, would
be too hard to endure. They would be liable to famine, nakedness,
and want. The change of air, diet, and water would infect them
with sickness and disease. Again, all those who surmounted these
difficulties, would remain in continual danger from the savages, who
are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, furious in their rage, and
merciless when they get the upper hand,—not content to kill, they
delight in tormenting people in the most bloody manner possible;
flaying some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting off the members
and joints of others piecemeal, broiling them on the coals, and
eating collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live,—with
other cruelties too horrible to be related.
And the very hearing of these things could not but move the very
bowels of men to grate within them and make the weak to quake and
tremble. It was further objected that it would require greater
sums of money to prepare for such a voyage, and to fit them with
necessaries, than their diminished estates would amount to. Many
precedents of ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others
in similar undertakings were alleged,—besides their own experience
in their removal to Holland, and how hard it was for them to live
there, though it was a neighboring country and a civilized and rich
commonwealth.
It was replied that all great and honourable actions are accompanied
with great difficulties, and must be both met and overcome with
answerable courage. It was granted the dangers were great, but not
desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For, many
of the things feared might never befall; others by provident care and
the use of good means might in a great measure be prevented; and all
of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might
either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not
to be undertaken without good ground and reason, rashly or lightly;
or, as many had done, for curiosity or hope of gain. But their
condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and honourable;
their calling, lawful and urgent; therefore they might expect the
blessing of God on their proceedings. Yea, though they should lose
their lives in this action, yet might they have the comfort of
knowing that their endeavour was worthy.
They were now living as exiles in poor circumstances; and as great
miseries might befall them here as there, for the twelve years’
truce was now over, and there was nothing but beating of drums
and preparation for war. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the
savage of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore in Holland
as across the seas. After many other things had been alleged on
both sides, it was fully decided by the majority to undertake the
enterprise, and to prosecute it by the best means they could.
CHAPTER V
Decision to make New England the place of Settlement, in preference
to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent from the King of
England: 1617-1620
After humble prayers to God for His protection and assistance, and
a general conference, they consulted what particular place to pitch
upon. Some had thought of Guiana; some of those fertile places in hot
climates; others were for some parts of Virginia, where the English
had already made entrance. Those for Guiana alleged that the country
was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring, where
vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty,
without need of much labour, and that the Spaniards, having much more
than they could possess, had not yet settled there, or anywhere very
near.
To this it was objected that though the country was fruitful and
pleasant, and might yield riches and easy maintenance to the
possessors, other things considered, it would not be so fit for them.
First, such hot countries are subject to horrible diseases and many
noisome pests, which other more temperate places are free from, and
they would not agree so well with our English bodies. Again, if they
lived there and did well, the jealous Spaniards would never leave
them in peace, but would dispossess them as they did the French in
Florida,—and the sooner because they would have no protection, and
their own strength would be insufficient to resist so potent an enemy
and so near a neighbour.
On the other hand, against Virginia it was objected that if they
lived among the English who had settled there, or so near them as
to be under their government, they would be in as great danger of
persecution for their religion as if they lived in England,—and it
might be, worse; while, if they lived too far off, they would have
neither help nor defence from them.
* * * * *
At length the conclusion was reached that they should live as a
separate body, by themselves, under the general government of
Virginia; and that through their friends they should sue his majesty
to be pleased to allow them freedom of religion. That this might be
granted they were led to hope by some prominent persons of rank and
influence, who had become their friends.
* * * * *
Whereupon, two members of the congregation were sent to England
at the expense of the rest, to arrange the matter. They found the
Virginia company anxious to have them, and willing to grant them a
patent, with as ample privileges as they themselves had or could
grant and to give them the best assistance they could. Some of the
principal officers of the Virginia Company did not doubt that they
could obtain the King’s grant of liberty of religion, confirmed
under his broad seal. But it proved a harder piece of work than
they expected; and, though many means were used to accomplish it,
it proved impossible. Many of high standing used their influence to
obtain it,—though one of the King’s chief secretaries, Sir Robert
Nanton, was against them,—and others urged the Archbishop to give
way to it; but it proved all in vain. They succeeded, however, in
sounding his majesty’s mind, and found that he would connive at them,
and not molest them, provided they behaved peaceably. But to allow or
tolerate their claim to religious freedom by his public authority,
under his seal, was found to be impossible. This was all the leading
officials of the Virginia Company or any of their best friends could
do; though they persuaded the Congregation at Leyden to proceed with
the undertaking, believing that they would not be troubled. With this
answer the messengers returned.
This damped their enthusiasm, and caused some distraction. Many
feared that if they should unsettle themselves and count upon these
hopes, it might prove dangerous and be a sandy foundation. Indeed
it was thought they might better have taken this understanding for
granted, without making suit at all, than to have it thus rejected.
But some of the chief members thought otherwise, and that they might
well proceed, and that the King would not molest them, even though,
for other reasons, he would not confirm it by any public act. And it
was further contended that if there was no security in the promise
thus intimated, there would be no great certainty in its further
confirmation; for if, afterwards, there should be a desire to wrong
them, though they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would
not serve their turn, for means would be found to reverse it. With
this probability of success they urged that they should trust to
God’s providence for the outcome, as they had done in other things.
Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched to close with
the Virginia Company as well as they could and to procure a patent
with as good and ample conditions as possible; also to arrange with
such merchants and other friends as had manifested interest, to
participate in the accomplishment of this voyage. For these ends they
were instructed upon what lines to proceed,—otherwise to conclude
nothing without further orders.
Here it will be necessary to insert a letter or two bearing on these
proceedings.
_Sir Edwin Sandys in London to John Robinson and William Brewster
at Leyden_:
After my hearty salutations.... The agents of your congregation,
Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication with
some of the more important members of his majesty’s counsel for
Virginia; and by presentation of the seven articles subscribed
with your names have given them such satisfaction as has decided
them to further your wishes as well as possible, for your own and
the public good. Several particulars we will leave to the faithful
report of your agents, who have carried themselves here with a
discretion that is as creditable to themselves as to those they
represent. Having requested time to confer with those who are
interested in this undertaking, about several particulars, it has
been very willingly assented to and so they now return to you. If,
therefore, it may so please God to direct you that on your parts
there occur no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it
shall appear, that on our part all reasonable assistance will be
given. And so I leave you, with your undertaking (which I hope is
indeed the work of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of
the Highest.
Your very loving friend,
EDWIN SANDYS.
_London, Nov. 12th, 1617._
_John Robinson and William Brewster at Leyden to Sir Edwin Sandys
in London_:
Right Worshipful,
Our humble duties, with grateful acknowledgment of your singular
love, especially shown in your earnest endeavour for our good
in this weighty business about Virginia. We have set down our
request in writing, subscribed as you wished by the majority of
the congregation and have sent it to the Council of the Virginia
Company by our agent, John Carver, a deacon of our Church, whom a
gentleman of our congregation accompanies.
We need not urge you to any more tender care of us, since, under
God, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you,
expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and
the countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your
encouragement in the work we will mention these inducements to our
enterprise:
1. We verily believe and trust that the Lord is with us, unto Whom
and Whose service we have given ourselves in many trials; and
that He will graciously prosper our endeavours according to the
simplicity of our hearts therein.
2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother
country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land,
which by patience we have largely overcome.
3. The people are for the most part as industrious and frugal, we
think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world.
4. We are knit together as a body in a most strict and sacred bond
and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make great
conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly tied
to all care of each other’s good.
5. Lastly, we are not like some, whom small things discourage,
or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. We
know what we can expect both in England and in Holland, and that
we shall not improve our material well-being by our departure;
whereas, should we be forced to return, we could not hope to regain
our present position, either here or elsewhere during our lives,
which are now drawing towards their periods.[2]
These motives we have been bold to put to you, and, as you think
well, to any other of our friends of the Council. We will not be
further troublesome, but with our humble duties to your Worship,
and to any other of our well-willers of the Council, we take our
leaves, committing you to the guidance of the Almighty.
Yours much bounden in all duty,
JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.
_Leyden, Dec. 15th, 1617._
For further light on these proceedings, here follow some other
letters and notes.
_Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden to Sir John
Worstenholme in London_:
Right Worshipful,
With due acknowledgment of our gratitude for your singular care
and pains in the business of Virginia, we have sent enclosed,
as is required, a further explanation of our judgments in the
three points specified by some of his majesty’s Honourable Privy
Council; and though we are grieved that such unjust insinuations
are made against us, we are glad of the opportunity of clearing
ourselves before such honourable personages. The declarations we
have enclosed. The one is more brief and general, which we think
fitter to be presented; the other is somewhat more comprehensive,
expressing some small accidental differences, which if you think
well you can send instead of the former. Our prayer to God is, that
your Worship may see the fruit of your endeavours, which on our
parts we shall not fail to further. And so praying you, as soon as
convenient, to give us knowledge of the success of the business
with his majesty’s Privy Council, and accordingly what your further
pleasure is, so we rest,
Your worshipful in all duty,
JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.
_Leyden, Jan. 27th, 1617._
The first brief declaration was this:
As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, namely of pastors for
teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the
churches’ contribution, as also for the two sacraments,—baptism
and the Lord’s supper,—we agree wholly and in all points with the
French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of
Faith.
The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required of
us, and if it be not sufficient that we take the Oath of Allegiance.
JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.
The second and ampler declaration was this:
As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, etc., as in the former
declaration, we agree in all things with the French Reformed
Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith; though
some small differences may be found in our practices,—not at
all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidental
circumstances.
1. Their ministers pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered.
2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to
teach; which ability they do not require.
3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or three
years; ours perpetual.
4. Our elders deliver admonitions and excommunications for public
scandals, publicly, before the congregation; theirs more privately,
in their consistories.
5. We administer baptism only to infants of whom one parent, at
least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not
observe; though in this our practice accords with their public
confession, and with the judgments of the most learned amongst them.
Other differences worth mentioning, we know of none. Then about the
Oath of Supremacy, as in the former declaration.
Subscribed,
JOHN ROBINSON.
WILLIAM BREWSTER.
_Part of a letter from the messenger in England, who delivered the
foregoing, to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden_:
Your letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered into his own hands
almost as soon as I received it, and stayed with him whilst he
opened and read it. There were two papers enclosed, which he read
to himself, and also the letter; and while reading it he asked me:
“Who will make them?” (viz., the ministers). I answered that the
power of making ministers rested with the church; that they were
ordained by the imposition of hands, by its fittest members; that
it must rest either with the church or with the pope, and the pope
is antichrist. “Ho!” said Sir John, “what the pope holds good,—as
the Trinity,—we do well to assent to; but we will not enter into
dispute now.” As for your letters, he said he would not show them,
lest he should spoil all. He had expected that you would be of the
Archbishop’s mind in regard to the appointment of ministers; but
it seems you differed. I could have wished to know the contents
of your two enclosures, at which he stuck so much,—especially the
larger.
I asked his Worship what good news he had for me to write
to-morrow. He told me very good news, for both the King’s majesty
and the bishops had consented. He said he would go to the
Chancellor, Sir Fulk Greville, this day, and next week I should
know more. I met Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night; he wished me
to be at the Virginia Court next Wednesday, where I purpose to be.
I hope next week to have something certain to communicate. I commit
you to the Lord.
Yours,
S. B.
_London, Feb. 14th, 1617._
These things being lengthily discussed, and messengers passing to and
fro about them, they were long delayed by many rubs. At the return of
the messengers to England they found things far otherwise than they
expected. The Virginia Council was now so disturbed with quarrels
among themselves, that no business could well go forward. This will
appear in one of the messenger’s letters which follows:
_Robert Cushman in England to the Congregation at Leyden_:
I intended long since to have written to you, but could not effect
it; but I doubt not that Mr. B. has written to Mr. Robinson. The
main hindrance to the Virginia business is the dissensions in the
Council of Virginia. The cause of the trouble is, that, recently,
Sir Thomas Smith, weary of his many offices, wished the Company of
Virginia to relieve him of being its treasurer and governor,—he
having 60 votes, Sir John Worstenholme 16 votes, and Alderman
Johnstone 24. But Sir Thomas Smith, finding his honours diminished,
was very angry, and raised a faction to contest the election, and
sought to tax Sir Edwin Sandys, the new Governor, with many things
which would both disgrace him and deprive him of his office as
Governor. In these contentions they still stick, and what will
result we are not yet certain. Most likely Sir Edwin will win, and
if he does, things will go well in Virginia; if otherwise, they
will go ill. We hope in some two or three Court-days things will be
settled. Meanwhile, I intend to go down to Kent, and come up again
about 14 days or three weeks hence unless these contentions or the
ill tidings from Virginia (of which I will now speak) should wholly
discourage us.
Captain Argoll came home from Virginia this week. Upon receiving
notice of the intentions of the Council, he left before Sir George
Yeardley had arrived there; so there is no small dissatisfaction.
But his tidings are ill. He says Mr. Blackwell’s ship did not reach
there till March, owing to northwest winds, which carried them to
the southward beyond their course. The captain of the ship and
some six of the sailors dying, it seems they could not find the
bay till after long beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr.
Maggner, the Captain; in fact Captain Argoll says 130 persons on
that ship died out of a total of 180. There were so many that they
were packed together like herrings. They were ill with the flux,
and they lacked fresh water; so here it is rather wondered at that
as many are alive, than that so many are dead. The merchants here
say it was Mr. Blackwell’s fault for packing so many in the ship.
There was much grumbling at the time, and Mr. Blackwell was blamed
for his disposition of them and his insults to them. They say the
streets of Gravesend rang with their quarreling, crying out at each
other: “Thou hast brought me to this;” and, “I may thank thee for
this!” Heavy news it is, and I wonder how far it will discourage
our project. No one here is much discouraged; they seem only to
wish to learn by other men’s misfortunes. As we desire to serve one
another in love, so take heed of being enthralled by any imperious
persons,—especially if they seem to have an eye to their own
advantage. It often troubles me to think that in this business all
of us must learn, and none can teach; but better so, than to depend
upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. He once laid a similar
trap for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,—which was their ruin.
But though in that instance he managed to pluck his neck out of
the collar, at last his foot is caught. No letters have arrived
yet, as the ship Captain Argoll came in is still on the west coast;
all that we hear is his report; it seems he came away secretly.
The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here shortly. What Mr.
Robinson once said has come true: that we should hear no good of
them.
Mr. B. is not well; whether he will return to you or go north, I
do not know. For myself I hope to see an end of this business ere
I come, though I am sorry to be away from you. If things had gone
straight forward, I should have been with you within these 14 days.
I pray God direct us, and give us the spirit which is fitting for
such a business. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr.
Brewster I think has more largely written of to Mr. Robinson, I
leave you to the Lord’s protection.
Yours in all readiness, etc.,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.
_London, May 8th, 1619._
A word or two, by way of digression, about this Mr. Blackwell. He
was an Elder of the church at Amsterdam,—a man well known to most
of them. He declined from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest,
and went with them when they parted from the congregation in that
woful manner, which brought such great dishonour to God, scandal
to the truth, and ruin to themselves in this world. But, I hope,
notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now
at rest with Him in the heavens, and that they have reached the haven
of happiness; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the
terrible seas, and others sank under the burden of bitter afflictions.
He, with some others, had prepared to go by way of London to
Virginia. Being a private meeting—I take it a fast—in London, and
being discovered, many of them were arrested, Mr. Blackwell being
one; but he so glozed with the bishops, and either dissembled or
flatly denied the truth which he had formerly maintained, and very
unworthily betrayed another godly man who had escaped, so that he
might slip his own neck out of the collar, that he won the bishop’s
favour (but lost the Lord’s) and was not only acquitted, but in open
court the Archbishop praised him highly, and gave him his solemn
blessing to proceed on his voyage. But if such events follow the
Archbishop’s blessing, happy are they that miss it; it is much better
to keep a good conscience and have the Lord’s blessing, whether in
life or death.
But to return to the concerns of the congregation at Leyden. At
last, after all these occurrences, and their long waiting, they had
a patent granted them and confirmed under the Virginia Company’s
seal. But these divisions had alienated many of their less constant
supporters, and they were thus disappointed of much of their hoped
for and proffered means. By the advice of some friends the patent
was not taken out in the name of any of their own members, but in
the name of Mr. J. Wincot (a religious gentleman then in the service
of the Countess of Lincoln), who intended to go with them. But God
so disposed things that he never went, nor did they ever make use of
this patent, which had cost them so much labour and expense, as will
appear. The patent being sent over for those at Leyden to consider,
and also the propositions of such merchants and friends as would go
with them or participate in the adventure,—and especially those (Mr.
Thomas Weston, etc.), on whom they chiefly depended for shipping
and stores,—they were requested to prepare with all speed. And this
matter of the patent is a true emblem of the uncertain things of this
world, which, when men have toiled to acquire them vanish into smoke!
CHAPTER VI
Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the Merchants and
Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of the Settlement in New
England: 1620.
Upon the receipt of these papers through one of their messengers,
they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation to seek the Lord’s
direction; and their pastor took this text, I Sam. xxiii., 3, 4: “And
David’s men said unto him, see, we be afraid here in Judah; how much
more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistines? Then
David asked counsel of the Lord again.” From this text he taught
things very aptly and befitting the present occasion,—strengthening
them against their fears and perplexities, and encouraging them in
their resolutions.
Afterwards they decided what number and which of the members should
prepare to go first; for not all that were willing to go could settle
their affairs in so short a time; nor if all could have been ready,
would there have been means of transport for them. Those that stayed,
being the greater number, required the pastor, Mr. Robinson, to stay
with them; and for other reasons he could not well go, and so it was
the more easily conceded. The others then desired the elder, Mr.
Brewster, to go with them, which was agreed to. It was also decided
by mutual consent that those who went should be a separate church,
distinct from those who stayed, since, with such a dangerous voyage
before them, and removal to such a distance, it might happen that
they should never meet again, as a body, in this world. But there
was this proviso: that when any of the members at Leyden came over
to join the others, or when any of the others returned, they should
be received as members without any further testimonial. It was also
promised by the rest to those that went first, that if the Lord gave
them life and opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they
could.
About this time, while they were troubled at the proceedings of
the Virginia Company, and the ill-news about Mr. Blackwell and his
fellow-colonists, and were busily enquiring about the hiring or
buying of shipping for their voyage, some Dutchmen made them offers
about going with them. Also, Mr. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London,
came to Leyden about the same time, being well acquainted with some
of them, having assisted them in their former proceedings,—and
after much conference with Mr. Robinson and other chief members,
he persuaded them to go on, and not to join with the Dutch, or to
depend too much on the Virginia Company; for if that failed them, he
and some of his merchant-friends would supplement their means and
set them forth. He advised them to prepare and fear neither want of
shipping nor of money; what they needed should be provided. And, not
so much for himself as for the satisfaction of his friends, they
were to draw up articles of agreement, and make a proposition such
as would be likely to incline his friends to the venture. Upon which
an agreement was drawn up, and was shown to and approved by him, and
was afterwards sent to England by their messenger, Mr. John Carver,
who, together with Robert Cushman, were to receive the money and make
provision both for shipping and other things for the voyage. They
were charged not to exceed their commission but to proceed according
to the agreement. Others at Leyden were chosen to proceed with
similar arrangements which were to be made there. Those that were to
go, prepared with all speed, and sold their estates, putting their
money into the common stock, which was in charge of those appointed
to make the general provisions.
About this time they heard both from Mr. Weston and others, that
sundry honourable lords had obtained a large grant from the King, of
the more northerly parts of the country, arising out of the Virginia
Company’s patent, but wholly separated from its government, and to be
called by another name, viz., New England. To these parts, Mr. Weston
and the chief members began to feel that it was best for them to
go,—amongst other reasons, chiefly because of the profit to be made
from the fishing there.
But in all business the executive part is most difficult,—especially
where the concurrence of many agents is necessary. And so it was
found to be in this undertaking: some of those in England, who were
to have gone, changed their minds and would not go; other merchants
and friends, who had offered to invest their money in the project,
withdrew, making many excuses. Some wished them to go to Guiana;
others again would risk nothing if they did not go to Virginia;
some again—indeed those they had most relied on—utterly disapproved
of Virginia, and would do nothing if they went there. In the midst
of these distractions, those at Leyden, who had disposed of their
property and expended their money, were in great straits and feared
disastrous results; but at length the majority inclined to the New
England Settlement.
But now another difficulty arose. Mr. Weston and some of his friends
(either for their own advantage, or, as they pretended, to make
further inducements for others to join them) insisted on altering
some of the conditions that had been agreed upon at Leyden. To these
alterations the two agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them
who is most to be blamed for it) consented, fearing that otherwise it
would all be thrown up. They presumed to agree with the new terms,
in some particulars overstepping their authority and commission, and
without giving due notice. Indeed, the fact that it was concealed
for fear of any further delay, afterwards caused much trouble and
contention.
I will here insert a copy of these new conditions, as follows.
_July 1st, 1620._
1. The adventurers and planters agree that every person who goes,
of sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10; £10 to be reckoned
as a single share.
2. That he who goes in person, and furnishes himself with £10,
either in money, or provisions, be accounted as having £20 in
stock; and in the division shall receive a double share.
3. The persons transported, and the adventurers, shall continue
their joint stock and partnership together for seven years (unless
some unexpected impediment cause the whole company to agree
otherwise), during which time all profits and benefits go by trade,
traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, by any
persons or person, shall remain in the common stock until the
division.
4. That on their arrival there, they shall chose out such number
of fit persons as may man their ships and boats at sea; employing
the rest in their several faculties upon the land, such as
building houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such
commodities as shall be most useful for the colony.
5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and profits,
viz., the houses, lands, goods and chattels, shall be equally
divided among the adventurers and planters; which done, every man
shall be free of any debt to any other of them, arising from this
adventure.
6. Whosoever shall come to the colony hereafter, or shall
contribute to the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be
allowed proportionately to the time of his doing so.
7. He who shall take his wife and children, or servants, shall
be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and upwards,
a single share in the division; or if he provide them with
necessaries, a double share; or if they be between ten and sixteen,
two of them to be reckoned as one person, both in transportation
and division.
8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten
years, have no other share in the division, but fifty acres of
unmanured land.
9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired,
their executors to have their part or share at the division,
proportionately to the time of their life in the colony.
10. That all such persons as are of this colony, are to have their
food, drink, clothing, and all provisions, out of the common stock
and goods of the said colony.
The principal difference between this and the former agreement,
consisted of these two points: that the houses and improved lands,
especially gardens and home-lots, should remain undivided, and should
belong wholly to the planters at the seven years’ end; secondly, that
they should have two days a week for their own private employment,
for the greater comfort of themselves and their families. But as
letters are considered the best part of history by some wise men, I
will show their grievances on the score by their own letters.
_Mr. John Robinson at Leyden to Mr. John Carver in England_:
My dear Friend and Brother.
Whom, with yours, I always remember in my best affection, and whose
welfare I shall never cease to commend to God, by my best and most
earnest prayers.
You thoroughly understand by our general letters the state of
things here, which indeed is very pitiful; especially the want
of shipping, and not seeing means of providing it; though, in
addition, there is great want of money for other needful things.
Mr. Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a penny here;
though Robert Cushman reckoned upon I know not how many hundred
pounds from him, and I know not whom else. But it seems strange
that we should be asked to take the risk of his and his partners’
enterprise,—and yet Mr. Weston writes to him that he has drawn upon
him for £100 more. There is some mystery in this, as indeed there
seems to be in the whole affair. Besides this, those who were to
pay in such of their money as is yet in arrears, refuse to do it
till they see shipping provided, or steps taken for its provision.
Indeed, I think there is not a man here who would pay anything,
if he had his money in his purse again. We depended on Mr. Weston
alone, and upon such means as he would procure; and when we had
in hand another project with the Dutchmen, we broke it off at his
instance and upon the conditions propounded by him shortly after.
He had our interests sincerely at heart, I know; but he has not
fulfilled his pledges thus far. That he ought first to have put in
his money is the opinion of many; but that I can well excuse, he
being a merchant, and having uses for it in the meantime to his
benefit; whereas, others, if it had been in their hands, would have
expended it. But that he should not have had shipping ready before
this, or at least definite provision for it, duly made known to us,
cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard that when he has
been urged about the business, he has put it off and referred it to
others; or would go to George Morton and enquire news of him about
things, as if he himself had scarcely been even an accessory to it.
Whether some of his friends have failed him, and so he is not able
to go through with things; or whether he fears it will be ready
too soon and so increase the charge of shipping; or whether he
thought by holding back to put us in straits, thinking that thereby
Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be induced to do more; or what
other mystery is in it, we know not. But certain we are that the
arrangements made do not accord with the requirements. Mr. Weston
makes himself merry with our endeavours to buy a ship; but we have
done nothing about this without good reason, nor about anything
else that I know of, except two. The one is that we employed Robert
Cushman, who though a good man and of special ability in his way
is known to be most unfit to deal for others, because of his
singularity and too great indifference to the circumstances,—for,
as a matter of fact, we have had nothing from him but terms and
suggestions. The other is that we have relied too much by implicit
faith as it were, upon generalities, without having the details of
ways and means for so important an affair settled between us. For
shipping, Mr. Weston it seems is set upon hiring, which I hope he
may soon accomplish. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expect. I do
not think Mr. Pickering will take part except to buy, as specified
in former letters.
About the conditions, you have our reasons for what is agreed
upon. And let this specially be borne in mind; that the greatest
part of the colony is likely to be employed constantly not upon
cultivating their own particular land, and building houses, but
upon fishing, trading, etc. So, though the land and houses would be
but a trifling advantage to the adventurers, the ultimate division
of them would be a great discouragement to the settlers who would
tend them with singular care, to make them comfortable, with
borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of common
employment, constantly, by the majority, is good reason not to deny
to the planters the two days a week for private use. Consider how
unfitting you would find it that you and your likes should serve
a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day’s freedom from
task.
Send me word what others are going; who that are possessed of
useful faculties; how many; and particulars of everything. I know
you do not lack a mind. I am sorry you have not been in London all
this while. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and
yours well, always in the Lord, in Whom I rest.
Yours to use,
JOHN ROBINSON.
_June 14th, 1620._
_Several of them at Leyden to John Carver and Robert Cushman in
England_:
To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman:
Good Brethren,
We received several letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our
pilot, which was a great encouragement to us. Indeed, had you
not sent him, many would have been ready to lose heart, and give
up—partly because of the new conditions which have been accepted
by you, which all are against; and partly for lack of our own
ability to accomplish any of the important matters which you have
commissioned us to do here. As to the former, of which Robert
Cushman requests reasons for our dislike and promises to alter
them accordingly, saying that otherwise we must think he has no
brains,—we desire him to exercise them therein, referring him to
our pastor’s former reasons. But our desire is that you will not
bind yourselves and us to any such unreasonable stipulations, viz.,
that the merchants shall have half the houses and lands at the
dividend; and that the settlers shall be deprived of the two days
a week for their own work, as agreed upon,—otherwise we cannot
conceive why any of us should take servants for our own help and
comfort, since we could demand no service of them. This alteration
we have gathered only by word from Mr. Nash, and not from any
letters of yours; so we hope you have not proceeded far in so
great a departure from the terms without our concurrence. However,
requiring you not to exceed the bounds of your commission, which
was to proceed upon the conditions agreed upon and expressed in
writing, we leave it,—not without wondering that you yourselves, as
you write, knowing how small a thing disturbs our consultations,
and hew few understand the business aright, should trouble us with
such matters as these.
Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived.
Pray make known our present condition to him, and, if you think
good, show him our letters. At least tell him that, under God, we
rely much upon him and put our confidence in him; and that as you
well know, if he had not joined with us, we should not have entered
upon the enterprise, presuming that if he had not seen means to
accomplish it, he would not have begun it. So we hope that he will
so far help us that our expectations in him be not disappointed.
Thus beseeching the Almighty, Who is all-sufficient to raise us
out of this depth of difficulties, and to assist us herein, and to
supply means by His providence and fatherly care for us, His poor
children and servants, that we may with comfort behold the hand
of our God for good towards us in this our enterprise, which we
undertake in His name and fear; we take leave and remain,
Your perplexed, yet hopeful brethren,
SAMUEL FULLER WILLIAM BRADFORD
EDWARD WINSLOW ISAAC ALLERTON
_June 10th, 1620_.
_Robert Cushman in England to the foregoing at Leyden_:
Brethren,
I understand by letters that have come to me, that many of you
greatly dislike my proceedings. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content
to bear it, not doubting that partly by writing, and principally
by word when we come together, I can satisfy any reasonable man.
I have been persuaded by some, especially the bearer of this, to
come and make things clear to you; but as things now stand I cannot
be absent one day, without hazarding the whole voyage; nor do I
conceive that any great good would come of it. Take then, brethren,
this as a step to give you content. First, as to your dislike of
the alteration of one clause in the conditions: if you see it
aright, no blame can lie on me at all. The articles first brought
over by John Carver were never seen by any of the adventurers here
except Mr. Weston himself, when he had well considered it. £500
was withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his brother because of it,
and all the rest would have withdrawn (Mr. Weston excepted), if we
had not altered the clause. Now when we at Leyden concluded upon
certain points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was
not my fault. Besides, I showed you by letter the equity of the new
condition as against our inconveniences, which might be set against
all the inconveniences cited by Mr. Robinson, and showed that
without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means
to get there, nor supplies for our subsistence when we arrived.
Yet, notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but
other men’s wiser than myself, without answer to any one of them,
many complaints are directed against me, of lording it over my
brethren, and making conditions fitter for thieves and bondslaves
than honest men. And at last came a paper of reasons against that
clause in the conditions, which since they were delivered to me
open, my answer shall be open to you all.
1. First, it is said that if there had been no division of houses
and lands, it would have been better for the poor:—
True,—and that shows the inequality of the original conditions:
we should more respect him that ventures both his money and his
person, than him that ventures his person only.
2. Consider, further, that we are not giving alms, but furnishing
a storehouse. No one will be poorer than his neighbour for seven
years; and, from the nature of the enterprise, if any of us be
rich, none of us can be poor. At any rate we must not in such an
undertaking start out with the cry,—Poor, poor; mercy, mercy!
Charity has its life in disasters, not in ventures.
3. This will hinder the building of good houses, which is contrary
to sound politics:—
So we would have it. Our purpose is, for the present, to build
such houses as, if need be, we may with little grief set fire to
and run away by the light. Our riches shall not be in pomp, but in
strength. If God sends us riches, we will employ them to provide
more men, ships, ammunition, etc. You will see it argued amongst
the best politicians, that a commonwealth is readier to ebb than to
flow when once fine houses and gay clothes appear.
4. The government can prevent excess in building:—
But if it be generally resolved on beforehand to build modest
houses, the Governor’s labour is spared.
5. All men are not of one condition:—
If by “condition” you mean “wealth” you are mistaken; if you mean
by “condition,” “qualities,” then I say that he who is not content
that his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc.,
as himself, is not of good quality. Such secluded persons as have
an eye only to themselves, are fitter to come where catching is,
than closing; and are fitter to live alone, than in any society,
either civil or religious.
6. It will be of little value, scarcely worth £5:—
True; it may not be worth half £5. If then so small a thing will
content them, why strive we thus about it, and give them occasion
to suspect us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I
have heard since these complaints first reached us here.
7. Our friends that venture with us do not look to their own
profit, as did the old adventurers:—
Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profit are
ready to draw back. Look to it, brethren, you that make profit your
main end; repent of this, or go not, lest you be like Jonas to
Tarshis. Though some of them have no eye for profit, others have;
and why not they as much as we? Such ventures are undertaken by all
sorts of men, and we must try to content them all if we can.
8. It will break up the community, as may be shown by many reasons:—
That is only a statement; and I say again, it will best foster
community, as may be shown by many reasons.
9. Great profit is likely to be made by trucking, fishing, etc.:—
As it is better for them, so for us; for half is ours, besides
getting our living from it. And if profit comes largely in that
way, we shall labour less on the land, and our houses and lands
will be of less value.
10. Our risk is greater than theirs:—
True, but do they force us to it? Do they urge or egg us? Has not
the motion and resolution always been in ourselves? Do they, any
more than in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means
upon equal terms and conditions? If we do not wish to go, they are
content to keep their money. Thus I have pointed out a way to loose
those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me
have no more stir about them.
Now, further, I hear a noise about slavish conditions being made;
but surely this is all that I have altered, and I have sent you
the reasons. If you mean about the two days a week for personal
occupations, you are misled. You can have three days a week, as far
as I care, if you wish; and when speaking to the adventurers about
times of working, they said they hoped we were men of discretion
and conscience, and fit to be trusted with that. But indeed the
grounds of our proceedings at Leyden were mistaken.
As for those of Amsterdam, I thought they would as soon have gone
to Rome as with us; for our liberty is to them as rat’s-bane,
and their rigour as bad to us as the Spanish inquisition. If any
action of mine discourage them, let them withdraw. I will undertake
they shall have their money back at once, paid here. Or if the
congregation think me the Jonas, let them dismiss me before we go;
I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the clothes
on my back. Let us then have quietness, and no more of these
clamours; little did I expect these things which are now come to
pass.
Yours,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.
Whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden, I know
not; I rather think it was intercepted by Mr. Carver and kept by
him, for fear it should give offence. But the letter which follows
was received.
_Robert Cushman in England in reply to the joint letter from
Leyden_:
I received your letter yesterday through John Turner, with another
the same day from Amsterdam through Mr. W., savouring of the place
whence it came. And indeed, the many discouragements I find here,
together with the demurs there, made me say I would give up my
accounts to John Carver, and at his coming acquaint him fully
with all, and so leave it entirely with only the poor clothes
on my back. But gathering myself up, on further consideration I
resolved to make one trial more, and to acquaint Mr. Weston with
the unstable condition of things. He has been very discontented
with us of late, and has even said that but for his promise he
would have nothing more to do with the business; but considering
how far we have gone already and how it stood with our credit,
he pulled himself together, and coming to me two hours after, he
told me he would not yet abandon it. So we decided to hire a ship,
and have taken the option of one till Monday. It is small, but
except one that was too large for our purpose, we could not get a
larger; but it is a fine ship. Since our friends over there are
so close-fisted, we hope to secure her without troubling them any
further; and if the ship is too small, it is only fitting that
those who stumble at straws so early in the day, shall rest them
there awhile, lest worse blocks come in the way ere seven years be
ended. If you had faced this business so thoroughly a month ago,
and had written as you do now, we could have concluded things with
less difficulty. But it is as it is. I hope our friends there, if
they are quit of the ship-hire, will be induced to venture the
more. All that I now require is that salt and nets may be bought
there,—all the rest we will provide here; and if even that be
impossible, let them give you credit for a month or two, and we
will take steps to pay it all. Let Mr. Reynolds remain there, and
bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilot here, a
Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of cattle.
You shall hear more exactly by John Turner, who I think will leave
here on Tuesday night. I had thought to come with him to answer
the complaints; but if I had more mind to go and dispute with them
than I have care of this important project, I should be like those
who live by clamour and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body
is at liberty to do much, for I am fettered with business, and had
rather study to be quiet than to make answer to their exceptions.
Meanwhile entreat our friends not to be too busy in questioning my
actions before they know them. If I do things that I cannot give
reasons for, it seems you have sent a fool about your business;
in that case you had best return the reproof to yourselves, and
send another, and let me return to my combes. The Lord, Who judges
justly without respect of persons, see into the equity of my cause
and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient minds in all these
turmoils, and sanctify us unto all crosses whatsoever. And so I
take my leave of you all, in all love and affection.
I hope we shall get all ready here in fourteen days.
Your poor brother,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.
_June 11th, 1620._
There arose, also, a difference between the three that received
the money and made the provisions in England; for besides the
two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden,—John Carver and Robert
Cushman,—there was one chosen in England to join them in making
provisions for the voyage. His name was Mr. Martin; he came from
Billirike in Essex, whence several others came to join them, as well
as from London and other places. It was thought right by those in
Holland that these strangers who were to go with them should appoint
some one, not so much from any great need of their help, as to avoid
all suspicion or jealousy. Indeed their care not to give offence,
both in this and other things, afterwards greatly inconvenienced
them, as will appear. However, it showed their equal and honest
minds. The provisions were made for the most part at Southampton,
contrary to Mr. Weston’s and Robert Cushman’s advice (which generally
concurred in these things). Reference to these matters is made in the
following letter from Robert Cushman to Mr. Carver, and more will
appear afterwards.
_Robert Cushman in London to John Carver at Southampton_:
Loving Friend,
I have received some letters from you, full of affection and
complaints; but what it is you want me to do I know not. You cry
out, Negligence, negligence, negligence: I marvel why so negligent
a man as myself was employed to undertake the business. Yet you
know that as far as my power permits, nothing shall be one hour
behind, I warrant you. You call upon Mr. Weston to help us with
more money than his share in the adventure; while he protests that,
but for his promise, he would not have done anything further. He
says we take a heady course; and he is offended that our provisions
are being made so far off, and that he was not made acquainted with
our quantity of things. He says that working thus, in three places,
so far distant, we shall, with going hither and thither, wrangling
and expostulating, let the summer slip by before we start. And to
tell the truth, there is already a flat schism among us. We are
readier to dispute than to undertake a voyage. I have received from
Leyden, since you went, three or four letters directed to you;
though as they only concern me I will not trouble you with them.
I have always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with
us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or else go without their
company, or we shall not lack quarrelling; but let that pass. We
have reckoned, it seems, without our host; and counting upon 150
persons, we cannot raise above £1200 odd, besides some cloth,
stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come short
at least three or four hundred pounds. I would have reduced the
beer and other provisions; and now we could get, both in Amsterdam
and Kent, beer enough; but we cannot accept it without prejudice.
You fear we have begun to build and shall not be able to make
an end. Our plans for provisioning not having been made in
consultation, we may justly fear the results. There was contention
amongst us three at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin to prevent
the making of the provisions in Kent; which he did nevertheless,
and decided how much he would have of everything, irrespective of
us. However, your money which you must have there, we will provide
you with instantly. £500 you say will serve; as for the rest, which
will be required here and in Holland, we may go scratch for it. As
for Mr. Crabe, the minister, of whom you write, he has promised to
go with us; but I shall not be sure till I see him shipped, for
he is contentious on many points; still, I hope he will not fail.
Think the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and
the Lord guide us all.
Your loving friend,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.
_London, June 10th, 1620._
I have been more discursive on these subjects,—and shall crave leave
to be so concerning some similar occurrences which will follow;
though in other things I shall try to be more concise. My object is
that their children may see with what difficulties their fathers
had to wrestle in accomplishing the first beginnings; and how God
ultimately brought them through, notwithstanding all their weakness
and infirmities; also that some use may be made of them later, by
others, in similar important projects. Herewith I will end this
chapter.
CHAPTER VII
Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at Southampton—Letter
of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole party of Pilgrims: July
and August, 1620.
At length after much discussion everything was got ready. A small
ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, intended to help transport
them, and then to remain in the country for fishing and such other
pursuits as might benefit the colony. Another ship was hired at
London, of about 180 tons. When they were ready to depart, they had
a day of solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra
viii., 21: “And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast
that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seek of Him a
right way for us and for our children, and for all our substance.”
Upon this discourse he spent a good part of the day very profitably.
The rest of the time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord
with great fervency and abundance of tears.
The time having come when they must depart, they were accompanied
by most of their brethren out of the city to a town several miles
off, called Delfthaven, where the ship lay ready to take them. So
they left that good and pleasant city, which had been their resting
place for nearly twelve years; but they knew they were pilgrims,
and lifted up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and
quieted their spirits. When they came to the place, they found the
ship and everything ready, and such of their friends as could not
come with them followed them, and several came from Amsterdam to see
them shipped and to take leave of them. That night there was little
sleep for most of them, for it was spent in friendly entertainment
and Christian discourse and other real expressions of true Christian
love. The next day the wind being fair they went aboard and their
friends with them,—and truly doleful was the sight of that sad and
mournful parting. What sighs and sobs and prayers rose from amongst
them! What tears gushed from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced
each heart! Many of the Dutch strangers who stood on the quay as
spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet it was comfortable and
sweet to see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned
love. But the tide which stays for no man called them away, though
loth to part; and their reverent pastor, falling down on his knees,
and all with him, with watery cheeks commended them with most fervent
prayers to the Lord and His blessing. Then with mutual embraces and
many tears, they took their leave of one another,—which proved to be
the last leave for many of them.
Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in short time
to Southampton, where they found the bigger ship from London lying
ready with all the rest of the company. After a joyful welcome and
mutual congratulations with other friendly entertainment, they
came to the subject of their business, and how to conclude it most
expeditiously, and discussed with their agents the alteration of
the conditions. Mr. Carver pleaded that he was employed here at
Southampton, and did not know what his colleague had done in London.
Mr. Cushman answered that he had done nothing but what was essential,
both in fairness and of necessity, otherwise all would have been
sacrificed and many ruined. He stated that at the outset he had
acquainted his fellow-agents with what he had done, and that they had
consented, and left it to him to execute, to receive the money in
London and send it down to them at Southampton, where they wished
to buy provisions; which he accordingly did, though it was against
his advice and some of the merchants’. As for giving them notice at
Leyden, about this change he could not, because of the shortness of
time; again, he knew it would trouble them and hinder the business,
which had already been too long delayed, considering the time of the
year, which he feared they would find to their cost.
But these explanations did not content his hearers. Mr. Weston also
came up from London to see them embark, and to have the conditions
confirmed; but they refused, and told him that he knew well that
they were not according to the first agreement, nor could they
endorse them without the consent of the rest in Holland. In fact
they had special orders when they came away, from the chief men of
the congregation, not to do it. At this he was much offended, and
told them in that case they must stand on their own legs; so he
returned to London in displeasure. They lacked about £100 to clear
their obligations; but he would not disburse a penny, and left them
to shift as they could. So they were forced to sell some of their
provisions, including some three or four firkins of butter, which
they were best able to spare, having provided too much. Then they
wrote a letter to the merchants and adventurers about the changes in
the conditions as follows:
_The Pilgrims at Southampton to the Merchants and Adventurers_:
Beloved Friends,
We are sorry that it should be necessary to write to you at all,
because we hoped to see most of you here; but especially we regret
that there should be these differences between us. Since we cannot
confer together, we think it proper to show you briefly the just
cause of our dissenting from the articles last made by Robert
Cushman, without our commission or knowledge. For, though he might
make good excuses to himself, it in no way justifies his having
done it. Our main differences lie in the fifth and ninth articles,
concerning the division of houses or lands, the possession of
which, as some you know, was one special motive amongst others
which induced us to go. This was thought so reasonable, that when
your chief partner in this venture (whom we have much cause to
respect) proposed conditions to us of his own accord, he added this
one. A copy of these conditions we have sent to you, including
some proposed by us; which being approved on both sides, and a day
set for the payment of the money, those of Holland paid in theirs.
After that, Robert Cushman, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Martin put them
into better form, and wrote them in a book now extant; and upon
Robert’s showing Mr. Mullins a copy he paid in his money. And we
of Holland had never seen any other agreement before our coming to
Southampton, except for a private copy of changed conditions which
reached us, and at which we manifested utter dislike; but having
sold our estates and being ready to come, it was too late to give
up the voyage. We beseech you, therefore, to judge impartially of
things, and if a fault has been committed, lay it where it should
be, and not upon us.
We never gave Robert Cushman commission to draw up a single article
for us, but only sent him to receive money upon the articles before
agreed on, and to arrange for the provisions till John Carver came,
and to assist him in it. However, since you conceive yourselves
wronged as well as we, we have made an addition to our 9th article,
such as will almost heal the wound of itself. But that it may
appear to all that we are not lovers of ourselves only, but desire
also the good of our friends who have ventured their money with
our persons, we have added the last article to the rest, promising
you again by letter, on behalf of the whole company, that if large
profits should not arise during the seven years, we will remain
longer with you if the Lord give a blessing. We are in such straits
at present that we are forced to sell £60 worth of our provisions
to clear the Haven, and put ourselves upon bare necessities,
scarcely having any butter, no oil, not a soul to mend a shoe, nor
every man a sword to his side, lacking many muskets, much armour,
etc. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to such imminent
dangers as are likely to ensue, and trust to the good providence
of God, rather than His name and truth should be evil spoken of
through us. Thus saluting all of you in love, we take our leave and
rest,
Yours, etc.
_Aug. 3rd, 1620._
It was subscribed with the names of the chief members of the
congregation.
At their parting Mr. Robinson wrote a letter to the whole party of
the pilgrims which, though it has already been printed, I thought
well to insert here; also a brief letter written at the same time to
Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor
appears.
_Mr. John Robinson in Holland to John Carver at Southampton_:
My dear Brother,
I received enclosed in your last letter the note of information,
which I shall certainly keep and make use of, when occasion arises.
I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body;
but I hope that you, who have always been able so plentifully
to administer comfort to others in their trials, are so well
furnished for yourself that even far greater difficulties than
you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great
enough) cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle
says. The spirit of a man, sustained by the spirit of God, will
sustain his infirmity, and, I doubt not, so will yours; and much
the better when you enjoy the presence and help of so many godly
and wise brethren, in bearing part of your burden, who will not
admit into their hearts the least thought or suspicion of the least
negligence, still less presumption, to have been in you, whatever
they may think of others. Now what shall I say and write to you
and your good wife, my loving sister? Even only this: I desire,
and always shall, from the Lord unto you as unto my own soul; and
assure yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not
delay my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a
large letter to the whole company, and am sorry that I shall not
be able to speak with them; the more so considering the want of a
preacher, which will be an additional spur to my hastening after
you. I do ever commend my best affection to you, which if I thought
you doubted, I would express in more words. And the Lord in whom
you trust, and whom you serve ever in this business and journey,
guide you with His hand, protect you with His wing, and show you
and us His salvation in the end, and bring us in the meanwhile
together in the place desired, if such be His good will, for His
Christ’s sake. Amen.
Yours,
JOHN ROBINSON.
_July 27th, 1620._
This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from him.
_Mr. John Robinson in Holland to the Pilgrims departing from
Southampton for New England_:
Loving Christian Friends,
I salute you all heartily in the Lord, as being they with whom
I am present in my best affections and most earnest longings,
though I am constrained for a time to be bodily absent from you. I
say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than
otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt,
were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Think of
me in the meanwhile as of a man divided in himself with great pain,
and (physical limitations set aside) as having his better part with
you. Though I doubt not that in your godly wisdom, you foresee what
is applicable to your present condition, I have thought it but my
duty to add some further spur, even to those who run already,—not
because you need it, but because I owe it in love and duty.
First, as we ought daily to renew our repentance with our God,
especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown
trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon
such an occasion of difficulty and danger as lies before you, both
to more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in His
sight lest He, calling to remembrance of our sins forgotten by us
or unrepented of, take advantage of us, and, as a judgment upon us,
leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or another. Whereas, on
the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the
pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up into a man’s conscience by
His spirit, great shall be his security and peace in all dangers,
sweet his comfort in all distresses, with happy deliverance from
all evil, whether in life or in death.
Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own conscience,
we are carefully to provide for peace with all men so far as in
us lieth especially with our associates; and for that we must
be watchful that we ourselves neither give, nor easily take,
offence. Woe be unto the world for offences; for though it be
necessary (considering the malice of Satan and man’s corruption)
that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either, by whom
the offence come, saith Christ (Math. xviii, 7). And if offences
arising from unseasonable actions, innocent in themselves, are
more to be feared than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth (I
Cor. ix, 15), how much more when arising from things simply evil,
in which neither honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy
to be regarded. Nor is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by the
grace of God from giving offence, except we be armed also against
taking offence when it is given by others. For how imperfect is the
work of grace in him who lacks the charity that covers a multitude
of offence, as the scripture says. Neither are you exhorted to
this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity. Persons
ready to take offence, either lack the charity which should cover
offences; or the wisdom duly to weigh human frailty; or lastly,
are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teaches
(Math. vii, 1, 2, 3). In my own experience I have found few who
are quicker to give offence, than those who easily take it. They
who have nourished this touchy humour have never proved sound and
profitable members in societies.
But there are, besides, many reasons why you, above others, should
use special care in this direction. You are, many of you, strangers
to each other and to the infirmities of one another, and so stand
in need of the more watchfulness, lest when unsuspected qualities
appear in men and women, you be inordinately affected by them. This
requires at your hands much wisdom and charity. Further, the plans
for your intended civil community will furnish continual occasion
of offence, and will be as fuel to the fire, unless you diligently
quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking offence
causelessly or easily at men’s doings should be so carefully
avoided, how much more is it to be heeded lest we take offence at
God himself,—which we do as often as we murmur at His providence in
our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as He pleases to
visit upon us. Store up, therefore, patience against the evil day,
with which we take offence at the Lord Himself in His holy and just
works.
A fourth thing is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with
your employments, which will be common to all, you join affections
truly bent upon the general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague of
your comfort, all retiredness of mind for selfish advantage. Let
every one repress within himself, as so many rebels against the
common good, all private partialities, not consistent with the
general convenience and as one is careful not to have a new house
shaken with any violence before it is well settled and the parts
firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more careful,
that the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken
with unnecessary novelties or other oppositions at the first
settling thereof.
Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, administering
among yourselves civil government, and are furnished with persons
of no special eminence above the rest, from whom you will elect
some to the office of government, let your wisdom and godliness
appear, not only in choosing such persons as will entirely love and
promote the common good, but also in yielding them all due honour
and obedience in their lawful administrations; not beholding
in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God’s ordinance
for your good; nor being like the foolish multitude, who honour
a gay coat more than either the virtuous mind of the wearer or
the glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better, and
understand that the image of the Lord’s power and authority which
the magistrate bears, is honourable, in how humble persons soever.
And this duty you can the more willingly perform, because you are
at present to have only those for your governors as you yourselves
shall choose.
Several other things of importance I could put you in mind of, but
I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you heedless
of these things, there being many among you well able both to
admonish themselves and others. These few things, therefore, I do
earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, joining therewith
my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He Who has made the
heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and Whose
providence is over all His works, especially over all His dear
children for good, would so guide and guard you in your ways, as
inwardly by His spirit, so outwardly by the hand of His power, that
both you and we also may praise His name all the days of our lives.
Fare you well in Him in Whom you trust, and in Whom I rest.
An unfeigned well-willer of your happy success in this hopeful
voyage,
JOHN ROBINSON.
This letter, though long, being so suitable to the occasion I thought
well to insert here.
Everything being now ready, and all business completed the company
was called together, and this letter was read to them, and was
well received by all, and afterwards bore fruit in many. Then they
allotted the company to each ship as they thought best, and chose
governors and two or three assistants, to take charge of the people
on the way, and to see to the distribution of their provisions, and
such affairs. Which done, they set sail from Southampton, about the
5th of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of England
will appear in the next chapter.
CHAPTER VIII
Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at Dartmouth and
Plymouth: August and September, 1620.
Having thus put to sea, they had not gone far when Mr. Reynolds, the
captain of the smaller ship, complained that he found her so leaky
that he dare not go further till she was mended. So the captain of
the bigger ship, Mr. Jones, being consulted with, they both resolved
to put into Dartmouth and have her mended, which accordingly was
done, at great expense and loss of time and a fair wind. She was
here thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some leaks were found
and mended, and it was then believed that she might proceed without
danger. So with good hope they put to sea again, thinking they
would go comfortably on, not looking for any more hindrances of
this kind. But after they had gone 100 leagues beyond Land’s End
holding together all the while, the captain of the small ship again
complained that she was so leaky that he must bear up or sink at sea,
for they could scarcely keep her afloat by pumping. So they consulted
again, and both ships resolved to bear up again and put into
Plymouth, which accordingly was done. No special leak could be found,
but it was judged to be the general weakness of the ship, and that
she would not prove equal to the voyage. Upon which it was resolved
to dismiss her, and part of the company, and proceed with the other
ship; which, though it caused great discouragement, was put into
execution. So after they had taken out such provisions as the other
ship could well stow, and decided what persons to send back, they
made another sad parting, the one ship going back to London, and the
other proceeding on her voyage. Those that went back were mostly such
as were willing to do so, either from discontent or fear of the ill
success of the voyage, seeing they had met with so many crosses and
the year was so far spent. Others, owing to their weakness and having
many young children, were thought least useful and most unfit to bear
the brunt of this arduous adventure; to which work of God and the
judgment of their brethren they were contented to submit. And thus,
like Gideon’s army, this small number was divided, as if the Lord
thought these few too many for the great work He had to do.
It was afterwards found that the leakiness of the ship was partly
caused by being overmasted and too much pressed with sail; for after
she was sold and put into trim she made many voyages, to the profit
of her owners. But it was partly due to the cunning and deceit of
the captain and his crew, who had been hired to stay a whole year at
the Settlement, and now, fearing want of victuals, they plotted this
stratagem to free themselves, as was afterwards confessed by some of
them. Yet in order to encourage the captain the majority of those
who had come from Leyden had been put aboard this ship, to content
him. But so strong was self-love that he forgot all duty and former
kindnesses, and dealt thus falsely with them, though he pretended
otherwise.
Amongst those who returned was Mr. Cushman and his family, whose
heart and courage had failed them before. He was assistant to
Mr. Martin, who was governor in the bigger ship. I insert here a
passionate letter he wrote to a friend in London from Dartmouth,
whilst the ship lay there mending, which, besides the expression of
his own fears, shows how the providence of God was working for their
good beyond man’s expectations, and other things concerning their
condition in these straits. And though it discloses some infirmities
in him (as who under temptation is free), he afterwards continued to
be a special instrument for their good, and performed the offices of
a loving friend and faithful brother to them, and was a partaker of
much comfort with them.
_Robert Cushman at Dartmouth to Edward Southworth, at Heanage
House, Duke’s Place, London._
Loving Friend,
My most kind remembrances to you and your wife, with loving E. M.,
etc., whom in this world I never look to see again. For beside the
imminent dangers of this voyage, which are no less than deadly, an
infirmity has seized me which will not in all likelihood leave me
till death. What to call it I know not; but it is, as it were, a
bundle of lead crushing my heart more and more these fourteen days,
so that though I perform the actions of a living man I am but as
dead; but the will of God be done.
Our pinnace will not cease leaking, else I think we had been half
way to Virginia. Our voyage hither has been as full of crosses as
ourselves have been of crookedness. We put in here to trim her, and
I think if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours more she
would have sunk. And though she was twice trimmed at Southampton
she is still as open and leaky as a sieve. We lay at Southampton
seven days, in fair weather, waiting for her; and now we lie here
waiting for her in as fair a wind as can blow, and so have done
these four days, and are likely to lie four more, and by that time
the wind may have turned as it did at Southampton. Our victuals
will be half eaten up, I think, before we leave the coast of
England, and if our voyage last long we shall not have a month’s
victuals when we arrive. Nearly £700 has been spent in Southampton,
upon what I know not. Mr. Martin says he neither can nor will give
any account of it; and if he is called upon for accounts he cries
out that we are ungrateful for his pains and care, and that we are
suspicious of him. Also he insults our poor people, and treats them
with scorn and contempt, as if they were not good enough to wipe
his shoes. It would break your heart to hear the mourning of our
poor people. They complain to me, and alas! I can do nothing for
them. If I speak to him he flies in my face as mutinous, and says
no complaints shall be heard or received but by himself, and they
are forward, waspish, and discontented people. There are others
who would gladly lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction
for what they have had, if they might only depart; but he will
not listen to them or allow them to go ashore lest they should run
away. The sailors, too, are so annoyed at his ignorant boldness, in
meddling with things he knows nothing of, that some threaten to do
him mischief. He makes himself a laughing stock.
As for Mr. Weston, unless grace is with him he will hate us
ten times more than ever he loved us, for not confirming the
conditions. Now that they have met some reverses they begin to see
the truth, and say Mr. Robinson was at fault to tell them never to
consent to those conditions, or put me in office. But he and they
will rue it too late. Four or five of the chief of them from Leyden
came resolved never to go on those conditions. Mr. Martin said he
never received any money on those conditions, and that he was not
beholden to the merchants for a pin; that they were blood-suckers,
and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any
conditions with the merchants, nor ever spoke with them. But did
all that money fly to Southampton, or was it his own? Who would go
and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know
how he comes by it or on what conditions? Secondly, I told him of
the alterations long ago, and he was content; but now he domineers,
and says I betrayed them into the hands of slave-drivers; he is
not beholden to them; he can fit out two ships himself for a
voyage—when he has only £50 worth of shares in the venture, and if
he gave in his accounts he would not have a penny left, as I am
persuaded.
Friend, if ever we establish a colony, God works a miracle;
especially considering how scanty our provisions will be and most
of all how disunited we are among ourselves, and devoid of good
leaders. Violence will break all. Where is the meek and humble
spirit of Moses and of Nehemiah, who re-edified the walls of
Jerusalem and the state of Israel? Is not the sound of Rehoboam’s
bragging daily among us here? Have not the philosophers and all
wise men observed, that even in settled commonwealths violent
governors bring either themselves or people or both to ruin? How
much more in the building of commonwealths, when the mortar is
scarcely hardened which is to bind the walls. If I were to write
you everything that foreruns our ruin, I should overcharge my weak
head and grieve your tender heart; only this,—prepare for evil
tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly. It may be the
Lord may yet be entreated.
I see not how in reason we can escape the gasping of hunger-starved
persons; but God can do much, and His will be done. It is better
for me to die now than to bear it. Poor William King and I strive
who shall first be meat for the fishes; but we look for a glorious
resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no more; but,
looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure all these
things and account them light in comparison of the joy we hope for.
Remember me in all love to our friends, as if I named them, whose
prayers I desire earnestly, and wish again to see, but not till I
can look them in the face with more comfort. The Lord give us that
true comfort which none can take from us. I desired to send a brief
account of our condition to some friend. I doubt not but you will
know when to speak a word in season. What I have written is true,
and much more which I have foreborne to mention. I write it as upon
my life and my last confession in England. What you deem well to
mention at once, you may speak of; and what is best to conceal,
conceal. Excuse my weak manner, for my head is weak and my body is
feeble. The Lord make me strong in Him, and keep both you and yours.
Your loving friend,
ROBERT CUSHMAN.
_Dartmouth, Aug. 17th, 1620._
These being his fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger
when he arrived at Plymouth.
CHAPTER IX
The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at Cape Cod:
September-November, 1620
These troubles being over, and all being together in the one ship,
they put to sea again on September 6th with a prosperous wind, which
continued for several days and was some encouragement to them,
though, as usual, many were afflicted with sea-sickness. I must not
omit to mention here a special example of God’s providence. There
was an insolent and very profane young man,—one of the sailors,
which made him the more overbearing,—who was always harassing the
poor people in their sickness, and cursing them daily with grievous
execrations, and did not hesitate to tell them that he hoped to help
throw half of them overboard before they came to their journey’s
end. If he were gently reproved by any one, he would curse and swear
most bitterly. But it pleased God, before they came half seas over,
to smite the young man with a grievous disease, of which he died
in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first to be thrown
overboard. Thus his curses fell upon his own head, which astonished
all his mates for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him.
After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for some time, they
encountered cross winds and many fierce storms by which the ship was
much shaken and her upper works made very leaky. One of the main
beams amid-ships was bent and cracked, which made them afraid that
she might not be able to complete the voyage. So some of the chief
of the voyagers, seeing that the sailors doubted the efficiency of
the ship, entered into serious consultation with the captain and
officers, to weigh the danger betimes and rather to return than to
cast themselves into desperate and inevitable peril. Indeed there was
great difference of opinion amongst the crew themselves. They wished
to do whatever could be done for the sake of their wages, being
now half way over; on the other hand they were loth to risk their
lives too desperately. But at length all opinions, the captain’s
and others’ included, agreed that the ship was sound under the
water-line, and as for the buckling of the main beam, there was a
great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, by which the
beam could be raised into its place; and the carpenter affirmed that
with a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck, and otherwise
fastened, he could make it hold. As for the decks and upper works,
they said they would calk them as well as they could; and though with
the working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet there
would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her
with sail.
So they committed themselves to the will of God, and resolved to
proceed. In several of these storms the wind was so strong and the
seas so high that they could not carry a knot of sail, but were
forced to hull for many days. Once, as they thus lay at hull in a
terrible storm, a strong young man, called John Howland, coming on
deck was thrown into the sea; but it pleased God that he caught hold
of the top-sail halliards which hung overboard and ran out at length;
but he kept his hold, though he was several fathoms under water,
till he was hauled up by the rope and then with a boat-hook helped
into the ship and saved; and though he was somewhat ill from it he
lived many years and became a profitable member both of the church
and commonwealth. In all the voyage only one of the passengers died,
and that was William Button, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller, when
they were nearing the coast. But to be brief, after long beating
at sea, on November 11th they fell in with a part of the land
called Cape Cod, at which they were not a little joyful. After some
deliberation among themselves and with the captain, they tacked about
and resolved to stand for the southward, the wind and weather being
fair, to find some place near Hudson’s River for their habitation.
But after they had kept that course about half a day, they met
with dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and as they conceived
themselves in great danger,—the wind falling,—they resolved to bear
up again for the Cape, and thought themselves happy to get out of
danger before night overtook them, as by God’s providence they did.
Next day they got into the bay, where they rode in safety.
A word or two, by the way, of this Cape. It was first thus named by
Captain Gosnold and his people in 1602, because they caught much of
that fish there; and afterwards was called Cape James by Captain
Smith; but it retains the former name among seamen. The point where
they first met with those dangerous shoals they called Point Care, or
Tucker’s Terror; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Malabar.
Having found a good haven and being brought safely in sight of land,
they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of Heaven who had
brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from
all the perils and miseries of it, again to set their feet upon the
firm and stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel that they
were thus joyful, when the wise Seneca was so affected with sailing
a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, that he affirmed he had
rather taken twenty years to make his way by land, than to go by sea
to any place in however short a time,—so tedious and dreadful it was
to him.
But here I cannot but make a pause, and stand half amazed at this
poor people’s present condition; and so I think will the reader,
too, when he considers it well. Having thus passed the vast ocean,
and that sea of troubles before while they were making their
preparations, they now had no friends to welcome them, nor inns to
entertain and refresh their weather-beaten bodies, nor houses—much
less towns—to repair to.
It is recorded in scripture (Acts. xxviii) as a mercy to the apostle
and his shipwrecked crew, that the barbarians showed them no small
kindness in refreshing them; but these savage barbarians when they
met with them (as will appear) were readier to fill their sides full
of arrows than otherwise! As for the season, it was winter, and those
who have experienced the winters of the country know them to be
sharp and severe, and subject to fierce storms, when it is dangerous
to travel to known places,—much more to search an unknown coast.
Besides, what could they see but a desolate wilderness, full of wild
beasts and wild men; and what multitude there might be of them they
knew not! Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah,
to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their
hopes; for which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to
the Heavens!) they could gain little solace from any outward objects.
Summer being done, all things turned upon them a weather-beaten face;
and the whole country, full of woods and thickets, presented a wild
and savage view.
If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had
passed, and was now a gulf separating them from all civilized parts
of the world. If it be said that they had their ship to turn to, it
is true; but what did they hear daily from the captain and crew? That
they should quickly look out for a place with their shallop, where
they would be not far off; for the season was such that the captain
would not approach nearer to the shore till a harbour had been
discovered which he could enter safely; and that the food was being
consumed apace, but he must and would keep sufficient for the return
voyage. It was even muttered by some of the crew that if they did not
find a place in time, they would turn them and their goods ashore and
leave them.
Let it be remembered, too, what small hope of further assistance from
England they had left behind them, to support their courage in this
sad condition and the trials they were under; for how the case stood
between the settlers and the merchants at their departure has already
been described. It is true, indeed, that the affection and love of
their brethren at Leyden towards them was cordial and unbroken; but
they had little power to help them or themselves.
What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of God, and His
grace? Ought not the children of their fathers rightly to say: Our
fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and were
ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord,
and He heard their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let
them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His mercies
endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord,
show how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When
they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and
found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving
kindness, and His wonderful works before the sons of men!
CHAPTER X
The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover the
Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620
They thus arrived at Cape Cod on the 11th of November, and necessity
called on them to look out for a place of habitation. Having brought
a large shallop with them from England, stowed in quarters in the
ship, they now got her out, and set their carpenters to work to trim
her up; but being much bruised and battered in the foul weather they
saw she would be long mending. So a few of them volunteered to go
by land and explore the neighbouring parts, whilst the shallop was
put in order; particularly since, as they entered the bay, there
seemed to be an opening some two or three leagues off, which the
captain thought was a river. It was conceived there might be some
danger in the attempt; but seeing them resolute, sixteen of them,
well armed, were permitted to go, under charge of Captain Standish.
They set forth on the 15th of November, being landed by the ship’s
boat, and when they had marched about the space of a mile by the
sea-side, they espied five or six persons with a dog coming towards
them. They were savages; but they fled back into the woods, followed
by the English, who wished to see if they could speak with them, and
to discover if there were more lying in ambush. But the Indians,
seeing themselves followed, left the woods, and ran along the sands
as hard as they could, so our men could not come up with them, but
followed the track of their feet several miles. Night coming on, they
made their rendezvous, and set sentinels, and rested in quiet. Next
morning they again pursued the Indians’ tracks, till they came to a
great creek, where they had left the sands and turned into the woods.
But they continued to follow them by guess, hoping to find their
dwellings; but soon they lost both the Indians and themselves, and
fell into such thickets that their clothes and armour were injured
severely; but they suffered most from want of water. At length they
found some, and refreshed themselves with the first New England water
they had drunk; and in their great thirst they found it as pleasant
as wine or beer had been before. Afterwards they directed their
course towards the other shore, for they knew it was only a neck of
land they had to cross over. At length they got to the sea-side,
and marched to this supposed river, and by the way found a pond of
fresh water, and shortly after a quantity of cleared ground where
the Indians had formerly planted corn; and they found some of their
graves. Proceeding further, they saw stubble where corn had been
grown the same year, and also found a place where a house had lately
been, with some planks, and a great kettle and heaps of sand newly
banked, under which they found several large baskets filled with
corn, some in the ear of various colours, which was a very goodly
sight they having never seen any like it before. This was near the
supposed river that they had come to seek. When they reached it, they
found that it opened into two arms, with a high cliff of sand at the
entrance, but more likely to be creeks of salt water than fresh, they
thought. There was good harbourage for their shallop, so they left
it to be further explored when she was ready. The time allowed them
having expired, they returned to the ship, lest the others should be
anxious about their safety. They took part of the corn and buried
the rest; and so, like the men from Eschol, carried with them of the
fruits of the land, and showed their brethren; at which the rest
were very glad, and greatly encouraged.
After this, the shallop being ready, they set out again for the
better reconnoitering of the place. The captain of the ship desired
to go himself, so there were some thirty men. However, they found
it to be no harbour for ships, but only for boats. They also found
two of the Indians’ houses covered with mats, and some of their
implements in them; but the people had run away and could not be
seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various colours. These
they brought away, intending to give them full satisfaction when they
should meet with any of them,—as about six months afterwards they did.
And it is to be noted as a special providence of God, and a great
mercy to this poor people, that they thus got seed to plant corn the
next year, or they might have starved; for they had none, nor any
likelihood of getting any, till too late for the planting season. Nor
is it likely that they would have got it if this first voyage had not
been made, for the ground was soon all covered with snow and frozen
hard. But the Lord is never wanting unto His in their great need; let
His holy name have all the praise.
The month of November being spent in these affairs, and foul weather
coming on, on the sixth of December they sent out their shallop
again with ten of their principal men and some sailors upon further
discovery, intending to circumnavigate the deep bay of Cape Cod. The
weather was very cold, and it froze so hard that the spray of the sea
froze on their coats like glass. Early that night they got to the
lower end of the bay, and as they drew near the shore they saw ten or
twelve Indians very busy about something. They landed about a league
or two from them; though they had much ado to put ashore anywhere,
it was so full of flats. It was late when they landed, so they made
themselves a barricade of logs and boughs as well as they could in
the time, and set a sentinel and betook them to rest, and saw the
smoke of the fire the savages made that night. When morning came
they divided their party, some to coast along the shore in the boat,
and the rest to march through the woods to see the land, and, if
possible, to find a fit place for their settlement. They came to the
place where they had seen the Indians the night before and found they
had been cutting up a great fish like a grampus, covered with almost
two inches of fat, like a hog. The shallop found two more of the same
kind of fish dead on the sands, a usual thing after storms there,
because of the great flats of sand. They ranged up and down all that
day, but found no people nor any place they liked. When the sun got
low they hastened out of the woods to meet their shallop, making
signs to it to come into a creek hard by, which it did at high water.
They were very glad to meet, for they had not seen each other since
the morning. They made a barricade, as they did every night, with
logs, stakes, and thick pine boughs, the height of a man, leaving it
open to leeward; partly to shelter them from the cold wind, making
their fire in the middle and lying around it; and, partly to defend
them from any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should try to
surround them. So being very weary, they betook them to rest. But
about midnight they heard a hideous cry, and their sentinel called
“Arm, arm!” So they bestirred themselves and stood to their arms, and
shot a couple of muskets and then the noise ceased. They concluded
it was a pack of wolves, or some such wild beasts; for one of the
sailors told them he had often heard such noises in Newfoundland. So
they rested till about five o’clock in the morning. After prayer they
prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best
to be carrying things down to the boat. Some said it was not best
to carry the guns down; others said they would be the readier, for
they had wrapped them up in their coats to keep them from the dew.
But some three or four would not carry their guns down to the boat
till they went themselves. However, as the water was not high enough,
the others laid theirs down on the bank of the creek, and came up to
breakfast. But soon, all of a sudden, they heard a great and strange
cry, which they knew to be the same as they had heard in the night,
though with various notes. One of the company who was outside came
running in and cried: “Men; Indians, Indians”; and at that their
arrows came flying amongst them! The men ran down to the creek with
all speed to recover their guns, which by the providence of God they
succeeded in doing. In the meantime two of those who were still armed
discharged their muskets at the Indians; and two more stood ready at
the entrance of the rendezvous, but were commanded not to shoot till
they could take fell aim at them; and the other two loaded again at
full speed, there being only four guns there to defend the barricade
when it was first assaulted.
The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw the men
run out of the rendezvous towards the shallop to recover their guns,
the Indians wheeling about them. But some of the men, armed with
coats of mail and with cutlasses in their hands, soon got their guns
and let fly among them, which quickly stopped their violence. There
was one big Indian, and no less valiant, who stood behind a tree,
within half a musket-shot, and let his arrows fly at them. He was
seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided. He stood three
musket-shots, till one of them made the bark and splinters of the
tree fly about his ears, at which he gave an extraordinary shriek,
and away all of them went. The men left some of the party to guard
the shallop, and followed the Indians about a quarter of a mile,
shouting once or twice, and shooting off two or three guns, and then
returned. They did this so that the natives might not think they were
afraid of them.
Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give them
deliverance; and by His special providence so to dispose that not
one of them was hit, though the arrows came close to them, on every
side, and some of their coats which were hung up in the barricade
were shot through and through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks
and praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of the
arrows, and later sent them to England by the captain of the ship.
They called the place “The First Encounter.”
Then they left, and coasted all along, but discovered no likely place
for a harbour. So they made all speed to a spot which their pilot—a
Mr. Coppin, who had been in the country before—assured them was a
good harbour, which he had been in, and which they might fetch before
night. Of this they were glad, for the weather began to be foul.
After some hours’ sailing, it began to snow and rain, and about the
middle of the afternoon the wind increased, and the sea became very
rough. They broke their rudder, and it was as much as two men could
do to steer her with a couple of oars. But the pilot bade them be of
good cheer, and said he saw the harbour; but the storm increasing
and night drawing on, they carried all the sail they could to get in
while they could see. Then their mast broke in three pieces, and the
sail fell overboard in a very heavy sea, so that they were in danger
of being wrecked; but by God’s mercy they recovered themselves, and
having the tide with them, struck in towards the harbour. But when
they came to, the pilot found he had mistaken the place, and said the
Lord be merciful to them, for he had never seen the place before;
and he and the mate were about to run her ashore, in a cove full
of breakers, before the wind. But one of the seamen, who steered,
bade the rowers, if they were men, about with her, or they would all
be cast away; which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good
cheer and row lustily for there was a fair sound before them, and
he did not doubt but they would find a place where they could come
to safely. Though it was very dark and rained hard, they ultimately
got under the lee of a small island, and remained there safely all
night; but they did not know it was an island till morning. They
were divided in their mind; some wished to stay in the boat, for
fear there would be more Indians; others were so weak and cold
they could not endure it, but got ashore and with much ado made a
fire—everything being wet,—and then the rest were glad enough to join
them; for after midnight the wind shifted to the northwest and it
froze hard.
But though this had been a night of much hardship and danger, God
gave them a morning of comfort and refreshment, as He usually doth
to His children; for the next day was a fair sun-shining day, and
they found they were on an island secure from the Indians, where they
could dry their stuff, fix their arms, and rest themselves and give
God thanks for His mercies in their manifold deliverances. This being
the last day of the week they prepared to keep the Sabbath there.
On Monday they sounded the harbour and found it fit for shipping;
and marching inland they found several cornfields and little running
brooks,—a place, as they supposed, fit for a settlement, at least
it was the best they could find, and considering the season of the
year and their present necessity they were thankful for it. So they
returned with this news to the rest of their people aboard the ship,
which cheered them greatly.
On the 15th day of December they weighed anchor to go to the place
they had discovered, and came within two leagues of it, but had to
bear up again. On the 16th day the wind came fair, and they arrived
safe in the harbour. Afterwards they took a better view of the place,
and resolved where to pitch their dwellings; and on the 25th day they
began to erect the first house for common use, to receive them and
their goods.
BOOK II
1620-1646
HISTORY OF THE SETTLEMENT AT NEW PLYMOUTH
CHAPTER I
Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their
number—Squanto—Compact with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s description
of New Plymouth: 1620.
The rest of this work—if God give me life and opportunity—I shall,
for brevity’s sake, handle in the form of Annals, noting only the
principal doings, chronologically.
First, I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact or deed
drawn up by them before they went ashore to settle, constituting the
first foundation of their government. This was occasioned partly by
the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers
amongst them had let fall: that when they got ashore they would
use their liberty that none had power to command them, the patent
procured being for Virginia, and not for New England, which belonged
to another company, with which the Virginia company had nothing
to do. And, further, it was believed by the leading men among the
settlers that such a deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their
present condition, would be as effective as any patent, and in some
respects more so.
The form of the deed was as follows:
In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the
loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the
grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender
of the Faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God, and
advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and
country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern
parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in
the presence of God, and of one another, covenant and combine
ourselves into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and
preservation, and the furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by
virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal
laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to
time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general
use of the Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and
obedience. In witness whereof we have here underscribed our names
at Cape Cod, 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our
sovereign lord, King James of England, France and Ireland the
eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth.
_A. D. 1620._
They then chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver, a godly man
and highly approved among them, as their governor for that year.
After they had provided a place for their goods and common stores,
which they were long in unlading owing to want of boats, the severity
of the winter weather, and sickness, had begun some small cottages
for dwellings,—as time would admit they met and consulted of law and
order, both for civil and military government, as seemed suited to
their conditions, adding to them from time to time as urgent need
demanded. In these arduous and difficult beginnings, discontent
and murmuring arose amongst some, and mutinous speech and bearing
in others; but they were soon quelled and overcome by the wisdom,
patience, and just and equal administration of things by the Governor
and the better part, who held faithfully together in the main.
But soon a most lamentable blow fell upon them. In two or three
months’ time half of their company died, partly owing to the severity
of the winter, especially during January and February, and the want
of houses and other comforts; partly to scurvy and other diseases,
which their long voyage and their incommodious quarters had brought
upon them. Of all the hundred odd persons, scarcely fifty remained,
and sometimes two or three persons died in a day. In the time of
worst distress, there were but six or seven sound persons, who, to
their great commendation be it spoken, spared no pains night or day,
but with great toil and at the risk of their own health, fetched
wood, made fires, prepared food for the sick, made their beds, washed
their infected clothes, dressed and undressed them; in a word did
all the homely and necessary services for them which dainty and
queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear mentioned; and all this they
did willingly and cheerfully, without the least grudging, showing
their love to the friends and brethren; a rare example, and worthy
to be remembered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster,
their reverend elder, and Myles Standish, their captain and military
commander, to whom myself and many others were much beholden in our
low and sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these men, that in
this general calamity they were not at all infected with sickness.
And what I have said of these few, I should say of many others who
died in this general visitation, and others yet living, that while
they had health or strength, they forsook none that had need of them.
I doubt not that their recompense is with the Lord.
But I must not pass by another remarkable and unforgettable
occurrence. When this calamity fell among the passengers who were
to be left here to settle, they were hurried ashore and made to
drink water, so that the sailors might have the more beer and when
one sufferer in his sickness desired but a small can of beer, it
was answered that if he were their own father he should have none.
Then the disease began to seize the sailors also, so that almost
half of the crew died before they went away, and many of their
officers and strongest men, amongst them the boatswain, gunner,
three quarter-masters, the cook and others. At this the captain was
somewhat struck, and sent to the sick ashore and told the Governor
that he could send for beer for those that had need of it, even
should he have to drink water on the homeward voyage.
But amongst the sailors there was quite a different bearing in their
misery. Those who before, in the time of their health and welfare,
had been boon companions in drinking and jollity, began now to desert
one another, saying they would not risk their lives for the sick
among them, lest they should be infected by coming to help them in
their cabins; if they died, let them die! But the passengers who were
still aboard showed them what pity they could, which made some of
their hearts relent, such as the boatswain, who was an overbearing
young man, and before would often curse and scoff at the passengers.
But when he grew weak they had compassion on him and helped him. Then
he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, for he had abused
them in word and deed. “Oh,” said he, “you I see now, show your love
like Christians indeed to one another; but we let one another lie
and die like dogs.” Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had
not been for her he had never come on this unlucky voyage; and anon
cursed his fellows, saying he had done this or that for some of them,
he had spent so much and so much amongst them, and they were now
weary of him, and did not help him in his need. Another made over to
one of his mates all he had, when he should die, if he would but help
him in his weakness. So his companion went and got a little spice
and prepared some food once or twice; and when he did not die as
soon as he expected, he went among his comrades and swore the rogue
would cheat him of his inheritance; he would see him choke before
he prepared him any more food; and so the poor fellow died before
morning!
All this while the Indians came skulking about those who were ashore
and would sometimes show themselves aloof, at a distance, but when
any approached them, they would run away. Once they stole away the
men’s tools where they had been at work, and were gone to dinner.
About the 16th of March a certain Indian came boldly among them, and
spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand,
but were astonished at it. At length they understood by speaking
with him that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern
country where some English ships came to fish; and with some of these
English he was acquainted, and could name several of them. From them
he had got his knowledge of the language. He became useful to them in
acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country
in the east parts where he lived, as also of the people there, their
names and number, their situation and distance from this place, and
who was chief among them. His name was Samoset; he told them also
of another Indian, whose name was Squanto, a native of this part,
who had been in England and could speak English better than himself.
After some time of entertainment, being dismissed with gifts, in a
little while he returned with five more, and they brought back all
the tools that had been stolen, and made way for the coming of their
great Sachem, called Massasoyt, who about four or five days after,
came with the chief of his friends and other attendants, and with
Squanto. With him, after friendly entertainment and some gifts, they
made a peace which has now continued for twenty-four years.
These were the terms:
1. That neither he nor any of his, should injure or harm any of
their people.
2. That if any of his did any harm to any of theirs, he should send
the offender, that they might punish him.
3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he should
cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his.
4. If any made unjust war against him, they would aid him; if any
made war against them, he should aid them.
5. He should send to his neighboring confederates, to certify them
of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise
comprised in the conditions of peace.
6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their bows
and arrows behind them.
After this he returned to his place, called Sowams, some forty
miles off, but Squanto stayed with them, and was their interpreter,
and became a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond
their expectation. He showed them how to plant their corn, where to
take fish and other commodities, and guided them to unknown places,
and never left them till he died. He was a native of these parts,
and had been one of the few survivors of the plague hereabouts.
He was carried away with others by one Hunt, a captain of a ship,
who intended to sell them for slaves in Spain; but he got away for
England, and was received by a merchant in London, and employed in
Newfoundland and other parts, and lastly brought into these parts
by a Captain Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinand Gorges
and others, for discovery and other projects in these parts. Of
Captain Dermer I will say something, because it is mentioned,—in
a book published A. D. 1622, by the President and Council of New
England,—that he made peace between the savages of these parts and
the English, of which this plantation, as it is there intimated, had
the benefit. But what kind of peace it was appears by what befell him
and his men.
Captain Dermer had been here the same year that the people of the
Mayflower arrived, as appears in an account written by him, and given
to me by a friend, bearing date, June 30th, 1620; and as they came
in the November following, there was but four months’ difference.
In this account to his honoured friend, he makes the following
references to this very place:
“I will first begin,” says he, “with the place from which Squanto
(or Tisquantem) was taken away, which in Captain Smith’s map
is called ‘Plymouth’; and I would that Plymouth had the same
commodities. I could wish that the first plantation might be
situated here, if there came to the number of fifty persons or
upward; otherwise at Charlton, because there the savages are less
to be feared. The Pokanokets, who live to the west of Plymouth,
bear an inveterate hatred to the English, and are of greater
strength than all the savages from there to Penobscot. Their desire
of revenge was occasioned by an Englishman, who having invited many
of them on board slaughtered them with small shot, when, as the
Indians say, they offered no injury on their part. Whether they
were English or no, it may be doubted; but they believe they were,
for the French have so assured them. For this reason Squanto cannot
deny but they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he
not interceded hard for me. The soil of the borders of this great
bay may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seen in
Virginia. The land is of various sorts. Patuxet is a stubborn but
strong soil; Nauset and Satucket are for the most part a blackish
and deep mould, much like that where the best tobacco in Virginia
grows. In the great bay itself is a quantity of cod and bass, or
mullet.”
But above all, he commends the Pokanokets’ country for the richest
soil, and much open ground fit for English grain, etc.
“Massachusetts, about nine leagues from Plymouth, and situated
between both, is full of islands and peninsulas, for the most part
very fertile.”
He was taken prisoner by the Indians at Manamoick, a place not far
off, now well-known. He gave them what they demanded for his liberty,
but when they had got what they desired, they still kept him, and
endeavoured to kill his men; but he freed himself by seizing some of
them, whom he kept bound till they gave him a canoe-load of corn (of
which, see Purch: lib. ix, fol. 1778). But this was A. D. 1619.
After the writing of the foregoing narrative, Dermer went with
Squanto to the Island of Capawack, which lies south of this place
on the way to Virginia. There he went ashore amongst the Indians to
trade, as he used to do, but was betrayed and assaulted by them, and
all his men were killed except one who kept the boat. He himself
got aboard very sorely wounded, and they would have cut off his
head as he climbed into his boat, had not the man rescued him. They
got away, and made shift to reach Virginia, where he died. This
shows how far the natives were from peace, and under what dangerous
conditions this plantation was begun, but for the powerful hand of
the Lord, which protected them. This was partly the reason why they
kept aloof, and were so long before they came to the English. Another
reason, as afterwards they themselves stated, was that about three
years before, a French ship was wrecked at Cape Cod, but the men got
ashore and saved their lives and a large part of their provisions.
When the Indians heard of it, they surrounded them and never left
watching and dogging them till they got the advantage and killed
them, all but three or four, whom they kept, and sent from one Sachem
to another, making sport with them and using them worse than slaves.
Of these, Captain Dermer released two. So the Indians thought that
this ship had now come to revenge these outrages. It was also later
disclosed, that before they came to the English to make friends, they
got all the Powows of the country together for three days to curse
and execrate them in a horrid and devilish manner with conjurations,
holding their assembly in a dark and dismal swamp.
But to return. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the
mortality began to cease among them, and the sick recovered apace,
which put new life into them all; though they had borne their sad
afflictions with as much patience and contentedness as I think
any people could do. But it was the Lord who upheld them, and had
beforehand prepared them, many having long borne the yoke, yea, even
from their youth. Many other minor matters I will omit, several of
them having been published already in a journal written by one of
the company; and some other narratives and descriptions of journeys,
already published, to which I refer those who wish to acquaint
themselves more closely. Having now come to the 25th of March, I will
begin the year 1621.