CHAPTER II

THE OUTLOOK WAS, AT FIRST, NOT PLEASING

THE SILLY CRY OF “ON TO CANADA!”--THE NAVAL FORCES OF THE UNITED

STATES COMPARED WITH THOSE OF GREAT BRITAIN--THE FORESIGHT AND

QUICK WORK OF CAPTAIN RODGERS IN GETTING A SQUADRON TO SEA--BUT HE

MISSED THE JAMAICA FLEET HE WAS AFTER, AND WHEN HE FELL IN WITH A

BRITISH FRIGATE, THE RESULTS OF THE AFFAIR WERE LAMENTABLE.

Although “vast multitudes” of the American people had “passionately

wished for” a declaration of war against Great Britain, that

declaration was, indeed, “a solemn and serious fact” to those who

stopped to consider what odds must be met. What those odds were will

be told further on, but in view of the fact that the naval supremacy

of England is about as pronounced at the end of the nineteenth century

as it was at the beginning, it is well worth while giving a glance at

the plans of the Americans in 1812. For the cry was “_on to Canada!_”

Canada was very likely to welcome an opportunity to join the republic,

but even if she did not do that she was but feeble, and the spirited

Yankee militia would overrun the whole region and take revenge for

the wrongs received at the hands of the English by annexing the whole

fair domain. The sea-power of Great Britain was overwhelming, of

course, but we had coast-defence vessels by the hundred--nearly three

hundred schooners carrying a big gun each, and these should defend the

principal American forts while the valiant militia slaughtered the

Canadians! The majority of the American people seriously believed that

the way to defend American citizens from the aggressions of the only

nation likely to abuse them was by building a navy for coast defence

only and marching to Canada when ready for offensive operations. But

if that must seem astonishing to every one who has rightly studied

the war of 1812, what can be said of the fact that this same theory

of protecting the United States from British aggression is still held

by as great a majority as ever? For it must not be forgotten that the

American assaults on Canada were as futile as the American militia were

worthless. There was but one fight made by the land forces alone of

which Americans are proud--that at New Orleans.

[Illustration: A Brigantine of a Hundred Years Ago at Anchor.

_From a picture drawn and engraved by Baugean._]

On a casual glance at the American sea-power in 1812 the lack of

confidence in it was merited. For of sea-going craft we had only 17,

carrying all told 442 guns and 5,025 men. Even of these ships two were

condemned as unfit for service as soon as they were inspected. And as

for the gun-boats, they were simply brushed aside the moment actual

hostilities began. But Great Britain had 1,048 ships to our 17; these

ships carried 27,800 guns to our 442 and 151,572 men to our 5,025. Of

course the majority of these ships were employed elsewhere than on the

American coast. But by the London _Times_ of December 28, 1812, the

British had, “from Halifax to the West Indies, seven times the force of

the whole American navy.” By a pennant sheet taken from the British

schooner _Highflyer_ in 1813 there were on the American coast on March

13th, 107 British ships rated as carrying 3,055 guns, among which were

12 ships of the line rated as seventy-fours. As a matter of fact these

ships actually carried at least ten per cent. more guns than their

rating indicated. That this preponderance was increased as time passed,

and that there was good reason for increasing it, will appear farther

on.

The faint-hearted, indeed, were not without reason when they spoke of

the declaration of war as “the dreaded and alarming intelligence.” But

if the reader wishes for a correct idea of the quality of the men who

in that day stood erect, facing the quarter-deck, and uncovered their

heads whenever the brawny quartermaster hoisted the old flag, he will

find it in the fact that they--the men of the American navy--were the

foremost among those who “passionately wished for” a war with this

power--a power that outnumbered them and out-weighed them on their own

coast as seven to one.

[Illustration: An English Admiral of 1809.

_From an engraving at the Navy Department, Washington._]

Nor was the power of the British navy found only in the number and size

of her ships and the number and size of the guns. “Since the year 1792

each European nation in turn had learned to feel bitter dread of the

weight of England’s hand. In the Baltic Sir Samuel Hood had taught the

Russians that they must needs keep in port when the English cruisers

were in the offing. The descendants of the Vikings had seen their whole

navy destroyed at Copenhagen. No Dutch fleet ever put out after the

day when, off Camperdown, Lord Duncan took possession of De Winter’s

shattered ships. But a few years before 1812 the greatest sea-fighter

of all time had died in Trafalgar Bay, and in dying had crumbled to

pieces the navies of France and Spain.” In spite of the infamous system

under which the British ships were manned, the personnel of the British

navy was--one is tempted to say it was beyond comparison better than

that of any other European nation. For the others felt “the lack of

habit--may it not even be said without injustice, of aptitude for the

sea.” The officers and men who gathered to crush the navy of the young

republic came from Aboukir and Copenhagen and Trafalgar Bay. They

were veterans in naval warfare--men who preferred short weapons as

the Romans did, men who preferred to fight with yard-arm interlocking

yard-arm, where short carronades were better than long guns of smaller

bore, and where even these might be made more effective through

loading with double shot. Luckily for us their long experience had

engendered prejudiced conservatism, their many victories had cultivated

an overweening confidence, and their bull-dog courage had made them

careless of the arts of seamanship.

As to the ability of the American crews who were to meet these

tar-stained, smoke-begrimed, cicatrice-marked veterans, enough will be

told in the descriptions of their battles, for they astounded the whole

world.

Nevertheless, the war at sea began in a fashion to discourage the

nation and humiliate the whole navy.

On the day (June 18, 1812) that war was declared, the effective part of

the American navy--the only American naval ships ready for a fight--lay

in New York Harbor, or else were at sea where they could not hear the

news. The ships in New York were the flag-ship _President_, rated

forty-four, Captain Rodgers; the _United States_, forty-four, Captain

Decatur; the _Congress_, thirty-eight, Captain Smith; the _Hornet_,

eighteen, Captain Lawrence, and the _Argus_, sixteen, Lieutenant

Sinclair. Nothing more discreditable to the administration of President

Madison than this fact can be told. He had seen for months that war

was inevitable and yet he had done nothing to gather in the ships and

prepare them for the fight. And Monroe was Secretary of State. But

for the earnest remonstrances of Captains Bainbridge and Stewart, who

repeatedly addressed the Department, every American warship would

have been kept in port for harbor defence.

[Illustration: Representation of a Ship-of-war, dressed with flags, and

yards manned.

1. American Ensign.

2. Ottoman-Greek

3. Norden.

4. Stralsund.

5. Greek.

6. Brandenburg.

7. Hanover.

8. Prussia.

9. Saxony.

10. Morocco.

11. Maltese.

12. Arabia.

13. Columbia.

14. Mexican.

15. Brazil.

16. Hayti.

17. Japan.

18. Mogul.

19. Buenos Ayres.

20. Spanish.

21. Tunis.

22. St. Domingo.

23. Old Sardinia.

24. Majorca.

25. Peru.

26. English (blue).

27. Venezuela.

28. Chili.

29. Normandy.

30. English (white).

31. French.

32. Tripoli.

33. Salee.

34. Old Portugal.

35. Algiers.

36. Senegal.

37. Oporto.

38. Central America.

39. English (red).

40. E. Russia.

41. Sandwich Islands.

42. American Jack.

o. Commodore’s Broad Pendant.

_Note._--Those which have no numbers affixed are the ship’s signals,

or, rather, the telegraphic numbers.

_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]

[Illustration:

1. Paint-room.

2. General store-room.

3. Bread-room.

4. Coal-locker.

5. Tanks.

6. Casks.

7. Chain-locker.

8. Tier gratings.

9. Shot-locker.

10. Shell-room.

11. Spirit-room.

12. Bread-room.

13. Slop-room.

14. Marine stores.

15. Magazine.

16. Light-room.

The Internal Arrangements and Stowage of an American Sloop-of-War.

_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]

But if the Administration had done nothing, Captain Rodgers, as

commodore of the squadron in New York, had done everything--he had

done so well that within one hour from the time that a messenger from

Washington arrived on board the _President_ with the declaration of war

and instructions to put to sea, the whole squadron except the _Essex_

was under sail, heading down New York Bay toward Sandy Hook.

This was on June 21, 1812. Commodore Rodgers was bound out to intercept

a big fleet of British merchantmen sailing home from Jamaica, convoyed

only by the thirty-six-gun frigate _Thalia_ and the eighteen-gun

corvette _Reindeer_. This fleet had left Jamaica, it was said, on the

20th, and it was sure to follow the Gulf Stream under very easy sail.

But when Rodgers was a short way out to sea an American brig reported

the fleet well down the stream (about due east of Boston and well off

shore) on June 17th. The fleet had sailed some days earlier than the

Americans had supposed. So the squadron hauled to the northeast in

pursuit.

At 6 o’clock on the morning of June 23d, when the squadron was

thirty-five miles southwest of Nantucket shoals, a sail was seen. It

was the thirty-three-gun frigate _Belvidera_, Captain Byron, that was

then lying in wait for a French privateer expected from New London,

Connecticut. At once the _Belvidera_ headed toward the American

squadron to examine them, but when at 6.30 A.M. she discovered their

character she wore around and headed away to the northeast with a

smacking breeze over the port quarter and studding-sails set.

At once the Yankees made sail in chase, with the _President_, the

swiftest of the squadron when sailing free, well in the lead. By 11

o’clock the _President_ was near enough to warrant clearing for action,

but a shift of wind helped the _Belvidera_ and she held her own until 2

P.M., when another shift favored the _President_, so that at 4.20 P.M.

the Britisher with her colors flying was within range.

Getting behind one of the long bow-chasers on the forecastle of the

_President_, Commodore Rodgers carefully sighted it, and pulling the

lanyard, fired the first shot of the war of 1812. It knocked the

splinters out of the stern of the flying enemy. The second shot was

fired from a bow-chaser on the deck below, and a third was fired on

the forecastle. Each of these reached its target. One passed through

the rudder-coat, and another, striking the muzzle of a stern-chaser,

broke into pieces, which killed two men, severely wounded two more, and

slightly wounded three others, including a lieutenant who was aiming

the gun.

[Illustration: Guns Secured for a Gale.

_From the “Kedge Anchor.”_]

Greatly elated at the accuracy of their fire, the men working the

_President’s_ bow-chaser on the lower deck aimed a fourth shot. A boy

with his leather box full of powder-cartridges arrived just as the

gunner was pulling his lanyard, and then when the hammer fell the gun

exploded and the flames from the splitting breech darted into the open

box of powder, setting it off as well.

The explosion knocked the men in all directions, disabled for the

moment every one of the bow-chasers, and bursting up the deck above, it

threw Commodore Rodgers so violently into the air that when he fell his

leg was broken. Of the men standing about the gun two were killed and

thirteen wounded.

At that moment the _Belvidera_ opened an effective fire with her

stern-chasers, and one of her projectiles came crashing into the

_President’s_ bows, and went bounding along the gun-deck, killing a

midshipman and wounding a number of seamen. For a time there was not

a little confusion on the _President_, but her crew soon got to work

again and began to make it warm on the _Belvidera_ once more. But the

mistake of yawing to fire broadsides was made. That “a whole broadside

battery will be much less likely to ‘disable a flying enemy’ than the

cool and careful use of one well-served gun,” has been amply proven.

The yawing gave the _Belvidera_ a gain in the race. That she would

have waited for a fight with the _President_ but for the presence of

the other ships is not doubted, but, as it was, Captain Byron saw that

something desperate must be done to escape, so he threw over his spare

anchors and boats and fourteen tons of water in casks. So lightened, he

was able to outsail the Yankee squadron and escape.

The _President_ lost three killed and nineteen wounded, and was

considerably cut up aloft. The _Belvidera_ lost two killed and

twenty-two wounded, Captain Byron being among the number. His rigging

was also cut up somewhat, but he made such a good running fight of it

that a painting, by a British artist, was made of the scene, that,

according to Allen’s history, is preserved to this day.

As for the American squadron, it vainly followed the Jamaica fleet to

within less than a day’s sail of the English Channel, and returned home

by the way of the Madeiras and Azores, reaching Boston after a cruise

of sixty-nine days, in which nothing had been accomplished, save only

that seven merchantmen were taken and an American ship recaptured.

The history of our Navy from its origin to the present day, 1775-1897, vol. 2 (of 4) · 第 2 / 19 章