HARRY SMITH’S ATTEMPTS AT CIVILIZING THE KAFIRS—THE CHIEFS
MADE BRITISH MAGISTRATES—A CENSUS TAKEN—A POLICE FORCE
ESTABLISHED—A GREAT MEETING OF CHIEFS—WITCHCRAFT FORBIDDEN—A
CHIEF PUNISHED FOR DISOBEDIENCE—A REBELLIOUS CHIEF AWED INTO
SUBMISSION—AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE INTRODUCED—NAKEDNESS
DISCOUNTENANCED—BURIAL OF THE DEAD ENCOURAGED—BUYING OF
WIVES CHECKED—HOPES OF A GENERAL CONVERSION TO CHRISTIANITY.
During the assembly of the chiefs and their great men at Fort
Willshire, I had many and long conferences with them. They had become
British subjects at their own request, and now each chief was appointed
a magistrate in his own tribe and district, with orders to look up to
me and report to me as the Governor of the Province. To introduce a new
order of things diametrically opposed to their former habits required
much consideration; and the success of the undertaking depended on
the _gradual_ introduction of innovation and change. I joyfully and
enthusiastically entered upon the task of rescuing from barbarism
thousands of our fellow-creatures endowed by nature with excellent
understanding and powers of reasoning as regards the _present_; for
there was only one man among them—Umhala, the chief of the T’slambie
tribe—who had an idea of the _result_ of measures, or futurity. I saw
that innovations must be so introduced as to render them agreeable, not
obnoxious, and that anything acquired by conciliatory and palatable
means was an important point gained. I requested each chief to give me
one of his most able councillors, and several messengers on whom he
could depend, to accompany me to King William’s Town, now the “Great
Kraal” or seat of government, that we might freely communicate, or,
in their expression, “that they might have my ear.” This they all
cheerfully assented to. The Governor returned to Grahamstown [25
Sept.], I to my “Great Kraal” with my new court, and the chiefs to
their tribes.
By this arrangement much of the territory, indeed almost the whole,
between the Kei and the Keiskamma was restored to the previous
occupants. But the labour and difficulty I had to prevent locations on
the tracts of country reserved for military purposes and sites of towns
is not to be described. Frequently I have been compelled to resort
to very harsh measures; but I never would admit of any arrangement
bordering on a compromise. I started on the principle of Yes and
No, Right and Wrong. I was ever inflexible, and I ever strove most
energetically to establish that faith in my word and uncompromising
justice which aided me beyond anything to effect what I ultimately
did. I closed the door to all appeal or reference to events which
occurred prior to the conclusion of peace. In their own words, “the
old kraal was shut,” never to be reopened. It was fortunate for me
that I adopted this policy, for no records of the Court of Chancery
embraced more retrospect than my new subjects were disposed to. They
were all by nature subtle and acute lawyers. The councillor given me by
Macomo was an old man of great ability; Lords Bacon, Thurlow, and Eldon
were not more acquainted with our laws than was this old fellow with
the laws of his people. He had been Gaika’s Prime Minister and Lord
Chancellor, and was attached to the English. With this old fellow I
spent six hours a day for several successive days, until I made myself
thoroughly acquainted with their laws and rights of person. Although
these closely resembled the law of Moses given in Leviticus, and, if
correctly administered, were excellent, I soon discovered that might
was right, that the damnable forgery of sorcery and witchcraft was
the _primum mobile_ of oppression and extortion, and that under the
cloak of punishment for this offence there was committed oppression of
so barbarous and tyrannical a kind as it was hardly to be conceived
that beings endowed with reason could perpetrate on each other. The
following sketch will give some idea of what commonly takes place.
In Kafirland the witch-doctors and the rain-makers are in the
confidence of their respective chiefs. Whenever any individual renders
himself obnoxious to the chief or any of his family or influential men,
he is accused of bewitching either the chief, his wife, or child, or
cattle, or any other thing, but no one is ever considered capable of
this sort of sorcery but a man rich in goods, viz. cattle.
A witch-dance is then called, special care being taken to summon the
individual upon whom it is intended to affix the crime. An old hag,
perfectly naked, comes forth; the assembled people dance round her in a
circle; she is, in their expression, to “smell out” the person who has
bewitched the supposed sufferers. After a variety of gesticulations,
this hag approaches the individual already named by the chief, and
literally _smells_ him, proclaiming him the culprit. If he is very
rich, the chief and his _pagate_, or councillors, are satisfied with
“eating him up” (the native expression for having all one’s property
confiscated under an accusation of witchcraft); if not so, or if he is
very obnoxious, they have various punishments, such as putting him at
once to death by a species of hanging, or rather strangulating by a
leather thong, throwing the poor wretch on the ground upon his back,
tethering his arms apart above his head, his legs apart and fully
extended, then bringing large quantities of large black ants,[111]
throwing them upon him, and leaving him exposed until the pain and
anguish of the stings put an end to his existence; burning the body
all over with large flat stones (the poor wretch on whose account I
punished Umhala so severely[112] had thirty large places burned on his
person); taking the accused to the edge of a particular precipice and
hurling him down; and several other methods. No individual, man, woman,
or child, is safe. The witch-doctors are in the confidence of the
chief, as much as the Inquisitors are in that of the Pope, and no more
arbitrary oppression is exercised on earth than by these Kafir chiefs
and witch-doctors.
I soon saw that the witch-doctors and rain-makers, _i.e._ fellows who
professed and were believed to be capable of bringing down rain in time
of drought, would be my formidable opponents in introducing a new order
of things, as their supposed power, if I succeeded, must ultimately be
annihilated.
Having thus made myself acquainted with the laws of the barbarous
people whom I was to govern and lead on to become civilized beings
and British subjects, I was in a position to begin proceedings. At
my suggestion, the Governor appointed magistrates to each tribe,
consisting principally of officers of the army. With Macomo and Tyalie
and the widow Suta, and with the heir-apparent Sandilli, Gaika’s
young son, I had Captain Stretch; with Dushani’s tribe, the widow
Nonibe,[113] and her son, I had Captain Southey; with Umhala and the
T’slambie tribes, Captain Rawstorne.
The missionaries all came back to their respective missions, and with
the magistrates, the missionaries, and other aid afforded by the kind
attention paid by Sir Benjamin D’Urban to all my wants, I proceeded to
take a nominal census of the whole male population arrived at puberty,
with the number of their women, children, etc. At first the Kafirs
were much opposed to this, but through the aid of my councillor Ganya,
the common sense of which they have a great share, and my patient
explanation of the utility of the measure, I succeeded. I found I had
upwards of 100,000 barbarians to reclaim who had no knowledge of right
or wrong beyond arbitrary power, desire, and self-will. To attach the
people to the new order of things was of vast importance; to lessen the
power of the chiefs equally so; but this had to be gradual, for if I
removed the hereditary restraint of the chiefs, I should open the gates
to an anarchy which I might not be able to quell.
A fortunate circumstance occurred, which enabled me to make gigantic
steps. The Kafirs have a barbarous festival, when all the maidens
are compelled to attend to undergo a sort of “Rape of the Sabines.”
These maidens, during the festival, are appropriated by the chiefs
to themselves and their followers, and then sent back to their
families. Old Ganya, who came to tell me this, said, “Now you have
an opportunity, by preventing this brutal custom, to restrain the
lawlessness of the chiefs, and to win the hearts of their subjects.” He
added that there were many fathers of families in camp, who had come to
appeal to me for protection. I immediately gave them an audience,[114]
as I invariably did every one who desired to see me. I acquired great
ascendancy by first ascertaining through the interpreter the grounds
on which they had come, and when they were ushered into the presence,
exclaiming, “Ah, you want so and so!” The poor wretches were much
astonished at this, believing that I had the power to divine their
thoughts; and I frequently saved myself from listening to a string of
lies very plausibly linked together.
I also established with every magistrate a police of Kafirs, and I had
a considerable number with me, to apprehend delinquents and culprits
and summon the heads of the kraals. These police carried with them
from the magistrate a long stick with a brass knob. This is a custom
of their own. Fakoo has a cat’s tail on his wands of office. At
headquarters I had a very long stick with a _large knob_, which was
always held by my Gold Stick when I was in council, or upon trials,
cases of appeal, mandates, issuing proclamations, etc. And when I
seized the stick, held it myself, and gave a decisive order, that was
formal and irrevocable. For when once I had decided, no power could
induce me to swerve from that decision.
When the police were out, if they were treated with contumely, and
the head of a kraal refused obedience or compliance, this stick was
stuck in his cattle-kraal, and he was obliged to bring it himself
to the authority whence it emanated; while so long as it remained
in the kraal, the proprietor was under _the ban of the Empire_,
excommunicated, or outlawed. The fear they had of this wand was
literally magical. I never had to use military aid in support of my
police but once, and then I did so, more as a display of the rapidity
with which I could turn out troops and rush them to the spot than from
any absolute necessity. Such was the respect for these policemen, that
the neighbours of a delinquent would voluntarily turn out in their
support, and I always rewarded such support by a present of cattle from
my treasury (formed from fines levied for offences).
Having now begun to have some weight and influence among the whole of
the tribes, and having taught the people to look up to me rather than
to their own chiefs, I had next to re-establish the power of the chiefs
as derived from myself. I therefore, with the sanction of the Governor,
resolved on a great meeting on the 7th January of all the chiefs,
their relatives, councillors, rain-makers, and as many as chose to
attend. I had previously prepared English clothes for Macomo, Tyalie,
Umhala, and some others, with a medal, which was to be the emblem of
their magisterial power. Some thousands assembled in a most orderly
and obedient manner. I had taken very good care to strengthen my force
at headquarters, for I made it an axiom never to place myself in such
a situation with these volatile savages as not to be able to enforce
obedience to my commands like lightning.
I gave them a sort of epitome of their own history, especially of the
Kafir wars. I dwelt particularly on their cruelty and treachery in
the late war, and reminded them that they had voluntarily proposed to
become British subjects. I then administered the oath of allegiance to
all the chiefs in the name of their respective peoples. Two councillors
from Kreili (the new Hintza and Great Father) whom I had invited to the
meeting, proposed that they should take the oath of allegiance too,
which of course I could not accept, all the inhabitants beyond the Kei
being independent. It is a curious fact that after this meeting had
been held, and the messengers from Kreili had disseminated throughout
the tribe the improved state of things under my rule, Kreili himself
and many of his influential men were most anxious to become British
subjects, and I received many deputations to that effect.
To return, however, to my meeting. I described the duties of the
magistrates, British and native, and the necessity of the people’s
obedience, and declared that, while no one should be “eaten up”[115]
or any way punished except for robbery, etc., I should oblige them
to be obedient to the laws and the jurisdiction of their respective
magistrates.[116]
After this meeting, my system began to work with the greatest
facility, and the rain-makers, who had most scrupulously kept aloof
from me, began to pay me visits, particularly the chief of that
department of deceit. I received these first visitors with great ease
and ceremony of reception, made them all presents, and dismissed them
without any discussion of their power and respectability. At the great
meeting I had prohibited every branch of witchcraft, so that the
rain-makers, being fully aware that the axe was laid to the root of
their power, thought it as well to worship the rising sun and court me.
Knowing that the presents would bring back the great rain-maker, and
induce the little rain-makers to come to me, I was prepared, on the
visit of the great one, to prove to him the fallacy and deceit by which
he led the people to believe that he possessed a power which he knew he
did not.
One day when the great rain-maker was in my camp, and many others, as
well as an unusually large number of Kafirs, I assembled them all for
the avowed purpose of hearing a disputation between the “Great Chief”
or “Father,” as they invariably called me, and the rain-makers. My
first question to them was, “So you can make rain, can you?” I never
saw in men’s countenances more caution. I said, “Speak out, speak
freely to your Father.” The great rain-maker said he could. I then
showed him one by one all the articles on my writing-table, knives,
scissors, etc., my clothes, my hat, boots, etc., etc., asking, “Can
you make this?” “No.” “Do you know how it is made?” “No.” Having
explained everything and how it was made through the medium of my
invaluable interpreter, Mr. Shepstone, I then called for a tumbler of
water. I showed all the people the water, and asked the rain-makers if
what was in the glass was of the same quality as the water or rain they
invoked. All agreed “Yes.” Their anxiety was intense. I then threw down
the water on the dry ground, which immediately absorbed it, and desired
the rain-makers to put it again in the tumbler. They were aghast, and
said, “We cannot.” In a voice of thunder, I said, “Put the rain again
in this glass, I say.” I then turned to the spectators. “Now you see
how these impostors have deceived you. Now listen to the ‘_Word_.’”
(This is the phrase they use in giving orders and decisions on all
points of law and in trials.) I took my wand of office, planted it
violently before me, and said, “Any man of my children hereafter who
believes in witchcraft, or that any but God the Great Spirit can make
rain, I will ‘eat him up.’” I then left the meeting and the rain-makers
thunderstruck and confounded.
On principle, however, I never directly contradicted or prohibited
their customs, or left them without hope or a friend; so in about two
hours I sent for the great rain-maker and two or three others,—clever,
acute fellows all, and I said, “Your Father has now proved to the
people that you are impostors, but as you have been taught to fancy
that you possess a power you have not, I must provide another and
an honest livelihood for you, and I shall expect you to assist me in
administering the new and true laws.” I then made each presents, giving
them so many bullocks apiece—a stock-in-trade. These fellows were many
of them of great use to me afterwards. By the line of conduct I had
pursued, I had carried them with me instead of rendering them my secret
and bitter enemies.
In Umhala’s tribe, I heard of an awful case of his “eating up” a
man for witchcraft, and afterwards cruelly burning him with red-hot
stones. The poor wretch, so soon as he could move, came to me and
showed me the cicatrized wounds all over his body—how he had lived
was a wonder. I kept him closely concealed. I sent for Umhala and his
English magistrate and council to come to me immediately. This Umhala
was a man of superior intellect, and the only one who could judge cause
and effect, and future results. He never quailed in the slightest,
as all others did, under my most violent animadversions. He gave me
more trouble to render obedient than all the other chiefs. Still,
he respected me, and I him; and he afterwards showed more real and
permanent affection for me than the others.
Upon his arrival, he did all in his power to find out what I wanted
him for, and he apprehended the real cause. So soon as he and all
his people were assembled in my courthouse, I went in _with my wand
behind_, borne by my great councillor Ganya. Umhala then saw something
was coming. I came to the point at once, as was my custom. “Umhala, did
I not give the word—no more witchcraft?” He boldly answered, “You did.”
“Then how dare you, Umhala, one of my magistrates sworn to be obedient
to my law, infringe the Word?” He stoutly denied it. I then brought
in the poor afflicted sufferer, and roared out, “Umhala, devil, liar,
villain, you dare to deceive me. Deny now what I accuse you of.” He
then confessed all, and began to palliate his conduct. To this I would
not listen, but seized my wand to give the Word. “Hear you, Umhala! you
have eaten a man up. Give back every head of his cattle, and ten head
of your own for having eaten him up. And you forfeit ten head more to
me, the Great Chief, for my government.” He was perfectly unmoved, but
I saw that he intended to do no such thing. I then deprived him of his
medal of office, and said, “Now go and obey my orders,” and I desired
the English magistrate to report in two days that he had done so. He
had 30 miles to return to his kraal.
According to my custom, I sent the “news” all over Kafirland
immediately. I sent out a Court Circular daily. I had no secrets. This
they much admired. There never were such newsmongers. Their greeting is
“Indaba” (“the news”). The mode adopted to give the news was by so many
messengers running out at night-time in different directions, waving
their cloaks or karosses. The whole country is strongly undulating,
and there are always a number of fellows on the look-out. My messenger
called out the news. Others took it up, and so it passed from hill
to hill by a sort of telegraph; and every day I could communicate
information throughout the whole province in a few hours. This open
procedure was of vast importance.
The hour arrived when the news of Umhala’s obedience should be received
by me. The report came that Umhala had not obeyed my order nor did
Captain Rawstorne think he would. This letter was brought me by two
Kafir messengers. I had held two troops of cavalry ready to march to
reinforce the post of Fort Wellington at Umhala’s kraal. I sounded
the assembly, and in five minutes they were on the march. When I
ordered Rawstorne to “eat up” the chief, a thing never done before
in Kafirland, my old councillor Ganya asked me in consternation what
orders I had given, and when I told him, he said, “Then war is again
over the land.” For in old times such an act as seizing any of the
cattle of a chief was regarded as a formal declaration of war. I roared
out, “Either obedience or war. _I will be Chief_, and Umhala shall
see it, and every chief and man in Kafirland.” I seized all Umhala’s
cattle, and I desired the magistrate cautiously to count every head,
to give him a regular receipt, and send a copy to me. The cattle were
to be guarded by Umhala’s own people. I saw that now was my time to
establish or lose my power throughout my government. For this Umhala
was much looked up to throughout Kafirland, and regarded as the boldest
warrior, having distinguished himself by many daring acts in the war.
The news was sent out, and I immediately summoned to my “Court” Macomo,
Tyalie, Suta, and Gazela, a chief of whom I must speak hereafter. I
knew that this would so intimidate all parties that there would be no
danger of a war. Scarcely was Umhala’s cattle seized than he sent in
succession the most penitent messages, promising to obey my orders and
never transgress again. I would not “listen,” but desired Umhala to
come to me, and meet the chiefs for whom I had sent. He boldly, though
penitently, came, as did all the chiefs I had sent for.
I then had a council, told everything that had occurred, and asked if
Umhala merited what I, the Great Chief, had done to him, being one of
the magistrates who had sworn allegiance and obedience. There was a
mutter of assent. I had previously instructed Ganya to watch my eye and
to speak in mitigation of punishment. I said, “Now, Umhala, you see
how insignificant you are, unless obedient, and how powerful I am. I
will be obeyed, and I will ‘eat up’ every chief who dares disobey me or
sanction witchcraft. Here is your medal of magistrate, which I place
under my foot.”
The crowd were perfectly petrified, and looked at old Ganya, who
stood up and made a most eloquent speech. (Some of the Kafirs speak
beautifully.) He dwelt on their own desire to be British subjects and
my exertions for them; and then turned most judiciously to Macomo and
Tyalie. “Now, sons of my old chief, whose councillor I was, the great
Gaika, speak to our Chief for Umhala; and I hope he will ‘listen.’”
Macomo instantly stood up, and spoke capitally and to the purpose.
Umhala sat unmoved, until I said, “Now, Umhala, all depends on you. Can
I ‘listen’ or not?” He spoke modestly, but powerfully. I made a merit
of forgiving him, put his medal again on his neck, ordered his cattle
to be restored the moment he had returned the cattle of the burnt man
and paid the fines; and I immediately sent off the news throughout the
province. Umhala returned, received all his cattle, and reported to me
that he had got every head back, and had paid his fines and restored
the cattle to the sufferer.
This decision and determination established most effectively my
absolute power. I was fully prepared for some underhand work on
the part of the chiefs, and it was speedily started through the
instrumentality of Macomo; but the _people_ whom I protected were with
me, and nothing occurred which I was not informed of immediately.
Macomo had driven his cattle to graze over the Keiskamma contrary
to treaty and my orders, whereupon I strongly desired that he would
never do it again. This offended the gentleman, a restless, turbulent,
uncontrollable spirit, and he sent to all the other chiefs to say that
if they would join, he would strive for independence. At all the
courts this message was received most contemptuously. Tyalie turned
the messenger from his kraal; Suta and young Sandilli were indignant
and would not “listen”; Umhala listened, but his council opposed the
measure, and a subordinate chief of Umhala’s, a noble little fellow,
Gazela, stood up and spoke out like a man. “You, Umhala, and all know
how I fought during the war, and never was for giving in until I saw
we had no chance of success. Macomo made peace. He has received more
kindness than all of us put together. He is now false, and wants to
make us break the word given to our Great Chief,” etc.
All this I knew in a few hours. I sent for Macomo, received him as
usual, and said, “I have a fable to tell you.” They are very fond of
speaking in parables themselves. I then recounted a tale, viz. myself
and himself. I never saw a creature in such a state of agitation.
“Now,” I said, “if you were the Great Chief, what would you do?” He
threw himself at my feet, bathed in tears. “Ah, Macomo,” I said, “if
I were only to say the Word, your people would no longer _know you_.”
Oh, how Ganya did abuse him! “Ah, cry,” he said; “your tears can’t
wash away your sins. You caused the last war, disregarding the dying
words of Gaika. You are now treated with every kindness, yet treachery
and that same restlessness which has plunged the Colony and Kafirland
in blood, still guide you.” I said, “Rise, Macomo, and go. I will
not touch my stick and give the Word for _two hours_. I must cool.
Englishmen are generous, but they must be just to all. I must consider
for two hours how my actions may be guided, but for the good of all my
children, _go_.”
He never had such a lesson. I sent for him and forgave him, with a
full assurance that on the next offence I would eat him up and banish
him over the Kei. I sent off the news, and my authority was ever after
perfectly undisputed.
I now began to turn my attention to teaching them cultivation and
the use of money. In the former I had but little difficulty compared
with what I anticipated, although previously their fields had been
cultivated by their women in a miserable manner. I gave them Hottentots
to teach them, and I had soon several chiefs with ploughs and good
yokes of oxen. The chief Gazela, a man of great use to me, and with
more idea of honesty than any one, had also a commercial turn. I proved
to him that it was by the use of money that _we_ became a great people,
and could make everything and do everything, and I made him perfectly
understand our banking system—which I could induce no other Kafir to
attend to. Gazela sold me some bullocks for the Commissary. Afterwards
he let out horses to people travelling at so much a day, and he induced
others to sell me cattle; this I considered the greatest step towards
civilization.
The missionaries had all returned to me, and were excellent good
men, doing all in their power. The chief Tyalie, in the English
clothes I had given him, attended divine service every Sunday, and
the missionaries had a considerable degree of moral influence; but as
to spiritual instruction or conversion, few indeed were the converts.
Macomo knew more theology than many Christians, but was still a
perfect heathen. Had I remained long enough, as cultivation and sale
progressed, I would have built churches, and by feasts and slaughtering
cattle have induced all influential men to attend; I would have had
schools, and, by educating the children, would have reared a generation
of Christians, but to convert the aged barbarian was a hopeless task.
The world does not produce a more beautiful race of blacks than these
Kafirs, both men and women; their figures and eyes are beautiful beyond
conception, and they have the gait of princes. It was one of my great
endeavours to make them regard appearing naked as a grievous sin,
now that they were British subjects; and no one was ever permitted
in my camp, much less in my presence, but dressed in his karosse.
This karosse is the skin of a bullock, but beautifully dressed so as
to be pliant and soft, and then ornamented by fur, beads, buttons,
etc. The head-dresses of the chiefs’ wives are really beautiful. No
creatures on earth are more the votaries of fashion than these Kafirs.
In Grahamstown I could procure no beads and buttons of the mode of the
day, but great quantities exceedingly cheap, which the Kafirs would
not buy because they were out of fashion. I therefore bought up the
whole. I had always about me some of the rejected buttons and of the
blue beads that had been once their delight, and I found fault with
every button that was not of my shape and every bead that was not of my
colour. The discarded buttons and the blue beads were soon established
as the _haut ton_ of fashion.
My wife, who took equal interest in the reform of these poor barbarians
with myself, was always surrounded by numbers of the chiefs’ wives
and hangers-on, particularly the queens Suta and Nonibe (the former
was Gaika’s widow, the latter Dushani’s, and both had sons in their
minority). She taught many of them needlework, and was for hours daily
explaining to them right and wrong, and making them little presents, so
that she became so popular she could do anything with them.
The Kafirs have a horror of burying their dead, or even touching
them. They will carry out a dying creature from their kraal, mother
or father, wife or brother, and leave him exposed to wild beasts and
vultures for days, if nature does not sink in the mean time. I not
only prohibited this, but I had three or four Kafirs who died in my
camp regularly buried. (Many came to me to be cured of diseases.) In
each case I made my Kafir messengers dig the grave, and I, with my
interpreter, read the funeral service over the dead. Then the news was
sent over the land—the Great Chief does it, and whenever any one came
and told me he had _buried_ his deceased relative (I took care to
_prove_ it, though), I gave him a bullock, and sent the news over the
land.
The Levitical law as to uncleanness is fully in force among the Kafirs,
and they practise circumcision, but not until the age of puberty. It is
a great ceremony, after which the youths are able to marry, provided
they have enough cattle to buy a wife from the father. (A plurality of
wives is tolerated. Macomo had eleven, all very handsome women.) This
buying of wives is the great source of all robbery and inroads into the
Colony. I just began to prohibit it gradually by making the parents of
the bride and bridegroom contribute to the establishment of the newly
married pair, and myself giving a present.
I directed the magistrates to decide all cases of law themselves, but
when they were in any doubt, to send me, for my approval, the parties
and the opinion or decision proposed to be given. This strengthened
their power and also mine, for whatever I once decided on, I never
revoked, and admitted of no appeal or renewal of the subject.
Having thus gained an ascendancy over these people never attempted
before, my mind was dwelling on the great and important subject of
their conversion to Christianity, and many is the conference I had with
the missionaries upon the subject. Of ultimately effecting a general
conversion I never despaired, but I was convinced it could only be
through the educating of the youth and at the same time introducing
habits of industry and rational amusement. The Kafirs, like the
Hottentots, are great lovers of music and have remarkably good ears.
I have been wonderfully amused at observing the effect the playing
of our bands had on many who had never heard them before. Some would
laugh immoderately, some cry, some stand riveted to the spot, others
in a sort of vibrating convulsion, others would dance and sing, all
were animated and excited beyond measure. When poor Hintza heard the
bagpipes of the 72nd, he closed his ears with his hands and said, “This
is to make people cry.[117] I like the bugles and trumpets. When I hear
them I feel like a man.” Thus with the aid of music I should have made
some advance towards Christian conversion.