1832 to 1836.
Political opinions and conduct of Lord de Saumarez.--Death of
his second son.--His letter on that occasion.--Anecdotes of his
carriage being robbed.--Of Sweden.--The King of Sweden presents
him with his portrait.--Count Wetterstedt's letter and Lord de
Saumarez's answer.--Lord de Saumarez's last illness and
death.--His Christian fortitude.--His professional
character.--Moral and religious character.--Remarks and
conclusion.
After Sir James's elevation to the peerage, he came during the session
from his residence in Guernsey to London, in order to attend his duty
in Parliament, but did not join any party in politics. We have already
said that he voted for the Reform Bill, being fully convinced that
some reform was necessary; but we know that he was firmly attached to
the Constitution and to the Established Church, and he may be said to
have followed nearest to the opinions of Earl Grey, after whose
retirement from office he did not appear in Parliament. When the
Author paid his lordship a visit at Tunbridge Wells in the winter of
1833, he found him much altered, and it was but too evident that his
constitution was broken. In the summer of 1834 he had to deplore the
loss of his second son (Thomas), who died on the 4th of July, on which
mournful occasion he wrote the following letter to his son.
In the heavy affliction with which it has pleased the Almighty
to visit us, he has not left us without consolation; and our
confidence in the Divine mercy, and the hope that your beloved
brother is removed to a better world, in the enjoyment of the
blessed, through the precious merits of our dear Redeemer, must
tend to assuage our sorrow, and induce us to submit with due
resignation to the divine will. It will be to me a source of
the greatest consolation, as it must be to us all, my dear
James, to have witnessed his meek and patient resignation
during his severe illness. It has been to me, as yourself and
your dear Mary will readily believe, a most distressing and
truly painful trial; but it has pleased God to support me
through the whole of this sorrowful time far beyond what I
could ever have thought myself to have been equal to, and I
trust that your dear mother and beloved brother and sister will
continue resigned to the will of Providence.
Lord de Saumarez's amiable disposition afforded him support under
severe and unexpected losses of every description, of which the
following anecdote is a proof. In the spring of 1834 he met with a
loss on his journey to visit Sir John Orde at Beckingham, which we
will venture to say would have been borne in a very different way by
many of his brother officers. His own carriage being under repair, he
had borrowed one from the coachmaker, which could only take one trunk
behind; in this trunk the female servant, who had lived a long time in
the family, had deposited his valuable diamond star of the Order of
the Bath, together with some costly jewels and trinkets belonging to
Lady de Saumarez and her daughter. On their arrival at Sir John's
mansion at Beckingham, it was discovered, to their utter
consternation, that the trunk had been cut off by thieves and carried
away with its contents, the value of which amounted to near 1000_l._
Sir James bore the loss with the most philosophic coolness; for,
instead of finding fault with the servant for placing such valuable
articles in so hazardous a situation, with his true habitual kindness,
he used his utmost endeavours to soothe the distress she felt as
having been the unintentional cause of the loss. Information was
immediately given at the Police-office, but none of the property was
ever heard of, excepting the trunk, which was found empty in a field
by the road side.
In Sweden the name of Saumarez will be for ever spoken of with
gratitude and respect, and all strangers who visit that country are
sure in their memoirs to mention the services which he had rendered.
In Mr. Lloyd's book we find:
To the good understanding which existed between Count Rosen and
Sir James Saumarez, our admiral on that station, may be
ascribed the flourishing trade which was afterwards carried on
during a period of nominal war, and the re-establishment of
peace between the countries which soon after followed. Of Sir
James Saumarez the inhabitants still speak in the highest terms
of respect and regard, for his mildness and moderation in
command, and for the attention he invariably paid to their
numerous applications and wants.
A tourist in Sweden writes as follows:
Stockholm, 22nd Jan. 1832.
To-day I shall again have the honour of dining with Count
Wetterstedt. Many, many inquiries were made after the health
and happiness of the gallant and amiable Lord de Saumarez,
whose name is beloved and respected throughout the whole
kingdom. I landed at Christiania and travelled by land within
fifty miles of Stockholm, and even the peasantry are familiar
with my Patron's excellent name and character, the great friend
of Sweden.
In October 1834, Lord de Saumarez received the last mark of Royal
favour from the King of Sweden, who sent him a splendid full-length
portrait of himself, which was forwarded with the following letter
from the late highly respected Count Wetterstedt, then Minister for
Foreign Affairs at Stockholm:
Stockholm, le 7 d'Octobre 1834.
MILORD,
Depuis longtems le Roi mon auguste Souverain vous avait
destine, Milord, son portrait en pied comme un temoignage de
son estime des services signales que vous avez rendus a la
Suede dans les annees 1810-12.
Divers incidens en avaient retarde l'expedition, d'autant plus
regrettables au Roi, que sa Majeste avait appris l'interet que
vous aviez attache a ce souvenir de sa part. L'occasion
opportune qui se presente maintenant de pouvoir embarquer ce
portrait a bord du batiment a vapeur, le Lightning, de la
Marine Britannique, qui transporte ici Monsieur de Disbrowe, a
ete saisie par le Roi, et j'ai l'honneur de vous annoncer en
son nom que cette expedition vient d'etre effectuee.
En faisant placer sur ce portrait cette inscription, "Charles
XIV. Jean, a James Lord Saumarez, au nom du Peuple Suedois," sa
Majeste s'est plue a transmettre a la posterite une preuve
eclatante des souvenirs qui restent chez elle, et chez la
Nation qu'elle gouverne, des vues eclairees du Gouvernement
Britannique a une epoque a jamais memorable, et de la noble
loyaute que vous mites, Milord, dans leur accomplissement.
Il m'est d'autant plus agreable, Milord, d'etre aupres de vous
l'organe de ces sentimens de mon Souverain, que je trouve une
occasion d'y ajouter ceux de la haute consideration avec
laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'etre,
Milord,
Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur,
LE CTE. DE WETTERSTEDT.
This portrait, which is the natural size of the illustrious donor,
arrived safely at Guernsey, where the Author saw it, and can affirm
that it is an excellent likeness of his Majesty, who was always
grateful for the services which Lord de Saumarez had rendered to his
adopted country. Not less so were the merchants in London, who were
preparing a splendid piece of plate, which the noble admiral did not
live to receive, but which was presented to his son, the present lord.
We now approach the last days of this great and good man. He had yet
another contest to encounter, and he entered upon it with that same
moral courage, which, being founded on his trust in the Almighty, had
hitherto enabled him to overcome every difficulty, and to face every
danger; he had yet another victory to achieve, in which he came off
more than conqueror. We are now to behold him as no longer holding
intercourse with earth, but rather standing on the confines of either
world; not indeed as preparing to meet his God, for that had been the
business of his whole life, but as ready to obey whenever his summons
came.
With the exceptions of occasional attacks of gout, which in general
were more tedious than severe, he may be considered to have enjoyed a
good state of health; but for the last three years his friends
perceived that advanced age was gradually bringing on its debilitating
effects. He was no longer able to walk with that firm commanding step,
and that erect posture of body for which he had always been noted; but
his mind retained its usual energy, and when he fell in with any of
his old companions he would converse on the deeds of his more active
life with all the vigour and animation of youth. Notwithstanding he
had nearly attained the latest of those periods assigned by the
Psalmist as the general boundary of human life, his children had still
fondly hoped that he might yet have been spared a few years; neither
had she, who for forty-eight years had been the joy and solace of his
existence, and who had watched over him with the most sincere and
devoted affection, any particular reason to think that they were so
soon to be severed. A few weeks before his death, his increasing
debility; attended with loss of appetite and inability of retaining
food, excited some slight apprehensions, which, though not sufficient
to cause alarm on the first appearance of those symptoms, led, as they
increased, to the conviction that the system was decaying.
On the 30th of September Lord de Saumarez seemed to have recovered his
usual good looks, and appeared with the cheerfulness which, when in
health, he always assumed. That day he received several friends, who
congratulated him on his convalescence; but the members of his family
who watched him most attentively, observed that he received their
congratulations with distrust, as if conscious of his declining state;
and, on their departure, calling one of them aside, he emphatically
told him, that his looks were not to be depended on, for that he
really felt ill. It is even said that he had already given directions
to his confidential servants respecting some of the last duties. On
the morrow his increased debility showed that his opinion of his own
state was but too correct, and on the next day, which was Sunday, he
awoke, after an uneasy night, under the pressure of distressing
symptoms. Finding it was too late for his family to go to church, he
requested they would read the service to him, and was afterwards much
employed in meditation. It was now apparent that he was impressed with
the belief, that the time of his departure was at hand, for he seemed
as if taking a farewell of terrestrial objects and resigning his soul
to his Maker and Redeemer.
More than once he exclaimed, "I am the resurrection and the life,
saith the Lord; he that believeth in me, though he were dead yet shall
he live, and whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die."
"What comfort, _shall never die_," he repeated, in a manner which
showed the hope he himself entertained of a blessed immortality. He
was well acquainted with every page of the sacred writings, the
perusal of a portion of which, including the psalms of the day, had
for many years formed part of his regular employment, and it was now
he felt the comfort which they inspired and the support which they
afforded under the near prospect of death and the grave.
Monday brought no amendment; it was evident that nature was sinking,
and his medical attendants no longer concealed their apprehensions of
the result. Those of his family, who had the privilege of attending
him at this solemn period, while they were filled with sorrow at the
prospect of losing one so deservedly dear to them, could not
contemplate the calmness and composure with which he met the
approaching change, without feelings of the most devout admiration.
Still seeking comfort from its only true source, Heavenly themes were
the prevailing occupation of his thoughts. "The Lord," he said, "is my
light and my salvation; of whom then shall I be afraid?" He also
repeated from memory the 23rd and 34th Psalms, together with some
other parts of the holy volume. On the Thursday, which may be
considered as the last day on which he enjoyed the full power of
speech and consciousness, his tongue was still employed in magnifying
the God of his salvation: several times he repeated, "If God is for
us, who can be against us?" sometimes adding, "Who shall lay anything
to the charge of God's elect?" Once he said, "Oh, my poor mind!"--"Not
a poor mind," was the reply, "but a rich one, stored as it is with
such heavenly things:" when he meekly answered, "I have tried to make
it so."
The two following days he felt increased difficulty in breathing, and
though only able to give occasional utterance to his thoughts, the
constant joining of his hands, and the devotion of his countenance,
showed that his understanding was still able to unite in the
supplications which his family offered up in behalf of the dying
husband and parent. His recollection, however, was gradually leaving
him; for, on Lady de Saumarez approaching his bedside on the morning
of Saturday, he no longer recognised her; he appeared to be fast
passing from this world to better and everlasting habitations. It was,
as this excellent and truly Christian woman acknowledged, more than
mortal strength which enabled her to contemplate without a murmur the
separation that was so soon to take place, and which raised her mind
above the distressing scene before her, to find utterance in prayer
for herself and for the departing spirit of her husband. She was not
sensible that she was heard, till, a few moments after she had
concluded, he distinctly said, in the metrical version of the 122nd
psalm, "It was a joyful sound to hear." It is uncertain whether this
alluded to the words of the prayer just uttered, or whether the
Almighty was already pleased to vouchsafe to him, as there is reason
to believe he does to his faithful servants when approaching the great
conflict, some assurance of his salvation, by admitting him to a
distant sound of the Hallelujahs of those blessed spirits which
surround the throne. From whatever source sprung this sentence, dear
and precious must it ever be to those who loved him; for these were
the last words he distinctly pronounced,--the last sound of his voice
in this world!
The next day (Sunday) was the 9th of October, a day which had been one
of peculiar interest to him, being the birth-day of his eldest son,
who was unfortunately prevented by a weak state of health, attended
with bodily infirmity, which would not admit of his crossing the water
in the stormy weather then prevailing, from being present at the dying
bed of his beloved parent.
His breathing now became very laborious, but his lordship was
apparently at ease and free from pain. Sometimes it was thought a
degree of consciousness existed; for when at noon his second son, who
had just arrived from England, appeared in the apartment and spoke, a
slight movement of the body was perceptible. Towards night the pulse
rapidly declined, the breathing, which had been much relieved during
the day, became gradually fainter, every limb was at rest, the whole
body in repose, as if indicating the happy state of that spirit which
was about to be resigned into the hands of Him that gave it.
A few minutes before midnight, the wise Disposer of all things was
pleased to close the mortal scene; the cessation of the act of
breathing was the only sign of dissolution; and even at that moment
his countenance bore an expression no language can portray; unimpaired
by illness, or the course of nearly fourscore years, time seemed to
have restored to his features and complexion the freshness and bloom
of the prime of life. In beholding such a blissful termination of
mortal existence, we have here a happy illustration of the words of
the prophet, "The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect
of righteousness quietness, and assurance for ever."[14]
[14] Isaiah, xxxii. 17.
In order to form a correct estimate of the merits of the late Lord de
Saumarez, his character should be viewed under the opposite relations
of life--professional and domestic; and very few who have belonged to
the navy, or indeed any service, have been more distinguished in
either. Rear-Admiral Sir Jahleel Brenton, Bart. &c. now Lieutenant
Governor of the Royal Hospital at Greenwich, has given us the
following sketch of his professional character, of which he must be
admitted to be the best judge, having served several years as his
captain under the most trying circumstances of his life.
I had frequent opportunities of observing him in both
characters, and knew not which to admire most--that perfect
enjoyment which he seemed to possess in the bosom of his
family; that peculiar faculty of giving and receiving happiness
in the truly happy circle of which he was the centre--or that
energy of character which led him with enthusiasm into active
service, and which made the good of his country paramount to
every other consideration. Perhaps the most weary of all
situations, to a naval officer, is, when placed in command of a
squadron, watching an enemy's fleet, particularly on such a
station as that of Brest; and there my noble friend was
severely tried, first, as a captain with a squadron under his
orders, and afterwards as a flag officer. The rapidity of the
tides, as well as their irregularity, and the constant heavy
gales from the westward, render the service a most anxious one;
and he indeed felt the full force of the responsibility; but
the determined resolution with which he maintained his
position, under the most threatening circumstances, gave the
fullest assurance to the commander-in-chief, that this most
important post was in able and sure hands. All his officers and
crew had their regular portions of repose; but sleep to the
officer charged with this immense responsibility was almost
impossible during the night, and a few transient snatches of
rest through the day, when danger could be seen or avoided,
were all that could be obtained, and these enabled him to
sustain the fatigue to which he was exposed.
During the long winter nights, we could all observe the effects
of this most trying situation upon the Admiral's appearance,
who, having alone the responsibility for the safety of all the
ships under his command, suffered in proportion to its amount.
It was, at the same time, a subject of general remark, how
every trace of fatigue and anxiety instantly vanished on the
arrival of a letter from his family. It would have been natural
to suppose that, deeply as he felt the happiness of home, so in
proportion would have been his distaste for a service that
deprived him of it; but the moment that he was assured of the
welfare of the objects of his affectionate solicitude, his
countenance was lighted up by the utmost gratitude to the Giver
of all blessings, and he again devoted himself to the
fulfilment of his arduous duties with renewed energy.
It was frequently said by Earl St. Vincent, that when an
officer of the navy married, he lost much of his value in his
profession. There are, doubtless, many exceptions to that rule,
and Sir James Saumarez was a most striking one; for I believe
he was most powerfully stimulated to great and good actions, by
the consideration of the share those dear to him would enjoy in
their results. And, certainly, no energy whatever was wanting
to get his ship, or squadron, ready for sea, or to proceed with
the utmost despatch in the execution of his orders, however it
might curtail the period of his domestic enjoyments; everything
gave way to duty, and every possible degree of energy and zeal
was brought into action for the execution of it.
The lively sensibility, which formed so prominent a feature in
the character of our lamented hero, was most remarkable. It was
not only in the intercourse of private friendship and in acts
of kindness and benevolence, that this feeling was evinced; but
upon all occasions, public as well as private, he manifested
how deeply his heart was engaged in events which might bear on
the interests of his friends and his country. I well remember,
when off the Black Rocks in April 1801, his coming on board,
from a visit he paid to the commander-in-chief, and bringing a
newspaper, containing an account of the landing in Egypt, and
the attack on the Danish fleet at Copenhagen by Lord Nelson. He
directed me to cause the hands to be turned up; but when they
were assembled, his feelings had so completely overcome him,
that he found it utterly impossible to read the account. Many
instances of this peculiar depth of feeling and goodness of
heart might be enumerated. I shall only add, that he was most
exemplary in his conduct, and most exact in causing all the
offices of religion to be performed on board his ship, allowing
nothing short of the most imperative duties of the ship to
interrupt divine service!
In conclusion, we must seriously recommend to our young readers, and
particularly to those of the Royal Navy, to whom indeed the whole
memoir is addressed, to read with attention the following remarks on
the moral and religious character of the late illustrious and noble
Admiral.
His lordship was a sincere Christian, in the most exalted sense of the
word; his religion was a strong principle, pervading every decision
and action of his long and distinguished life. It was a principle
emanating from a sound knowledge and love of scripture truth; those
who were honoured with his confidence, and who saw him at all times,
and under different circumstances, particularly in the hour of
sickness and in affliction, can testify with what earnestness he
turned to the great source of strength and consolation, with what
warmth of feeling he spoke of the redeeming mercies of God in Christ
Jesus; it was a theme to which he delighted to give utterance, and in
a way which convinced those who heard him, that it constituted the
firm, prevailing, comforting belief and support of his own mind and
heart. A friend, who visited Lord de Saumarez during a severe
illness, was deeply affected on hearing him say, that he had passed a
sleepless night, not so much from the bodily sufferings he endured as
from the painful reflection of the misery and danger of the multitudes
who were living without God in the world, particularly those who were
opposed to the gospel of Christ, and that he had earnestly prayed to
God on their behalf. It was a similar feeling which led him to employ
himself with so much zeal, and such magnificent liberality for the
erection of St. James's church in his native island: it owes its
existence mainly to him. No sacrifice appeared too great to ensure the
success of an undertaking which provided four hundred free sittings
for the use of the poor population. More recently, in the same spirit,
he became a bountiful contributor to another church, in a populous
district of the island; and his last public act was laying the
foundation-stone of that edifice. The multitudes who there saw his
benign countenance, will not quickly forget the devotion which mingled
with the performance of the ceremony. He ever liberally supported the
schools and religious institutions; but indeed his charity was
unbounded. In every case of public emergency, or of private distress,
he was a sure refuge; and the hopes entertained of his assistance and
sympathy were never disappointed. The success which attended his
Lordship in his profession, has proved that moral and religious worth,
far from unfitting men for the naval service, only qualifies them the
more for the right discharge of their arduous duties. No commander
ever possessed in a higher degree the confidence of the navy, the
respect of the community at large, and the love and veneration of
friends and relatives; and surely it is not too much to add, that this
homage was paid, not more to his professional skill and valour, not
more to the eminent services he had rendered to his king and country,
than to the Christian excellency which ever adorned his life and
actions.
ADDENDA.
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF LIEUT. GENERAL SIR THOMAS SAUMAREZ.
In adding the following memoir of this distinguished officer, who is a
younger brother of the late noble Lord, we feel confident that it will
be read with interest, his services having been in some degree mixed up
with those of his illustrious brother, in the prosecution of the
American and the late Continental war. The author having been intimately
acquainted with Sir Thomas, and having for many years kept up a constant
correspondence with him, has peculiar satisfaction in discharging this
duty of gratitude to a friend for whom he had always the highest regard
and respect, and to whom he materially owes his advancement in the
profession to which he has the honour to belong.
Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Saumarez entered the army in January 1776,
at the early age of 15 years, when he purchased a second lieutenancy in
the 23rd regiment or Royal Welsh Fusiliers. He was at the taking of New
York Island, and assisted at the storming of Fort Washington and in
capturing 3300 men.
In April 1777, he embarked on board transports with the regiment, and
proceeded to destroy all the military stores and provisions the enemy
had collected at Danburg in the province of Connecticut. He first
distinguished himself in the action fought at this place, and in the
actions of Ridgefield and Compo Point. Having obtained a lieutenancy in
1778 without purchase at Philadelphia, he soon after was selected to
serve in the company of grenadiers which was then attached to the
brigade, composed of more than fifty companies of grenadiers. He was in
the severe action fought at Monmouth, in the Jerseys, when the captain,
and more than one-third of the company to which he belonged, were killed
or wounded. His services were volunteered with the regiment to serve as
marines on board Lord Howe's fleet, destined to attack the French fleet,
under Count D'Estaing, at Rhode Island, very superior in size and weight
of metal to the British: a dreadful storm arose when the two fleets were
within gun-shot of each other, which prevented the engagement. In 1779,
he embarked and went up Hudson's River to East Chester, and Ver Plank's
Point, and was at the attack of Fort La Fayette and other fortified
places, which surrendered.
On the return of young Saumarez to New York in September 1779, he was
strongly recommended by his commanding officer to General Clinton, the
commander-in-chief, and, in consequence, was permitted to purchase a
company in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, although he was only 19 years of
age. The day following, he embarked with several regiments, under the
command of Earl Cornwallis, with the intention of attacking several
French West Indian Islands. A few days after leaving New York, a frigate
hove in sight, the captain of which gave information to Vice Admiral
Arbuthnot, that two days before he had seen a large fleet of men-of-war,
under the command of Count De Grasse, very superior in numbers to our
convoy, and that he supposed the enemy to be within a day's sail of our
ships. Upon this the Admiral made the signal for all the transports to
return as expeditiously as possible to New York, where he disembarked.
In December, our young officer embarked with many regiments, under the
command of Lieutenant General Clinton, and sailed for South Carolina, to
besiege the city of Charlestown, which surrendered on the 12th of May
1780. Soon after this, he was detached with 4000 men, under the orders
of Earl Cornwallis, and after marching upwards of one hundred miles took
possession of Camden. At this place, our little army became so sickly
that we had more than 1100 men in the hospital, which, with many
detachments, reduced our number to less than 2000 effective men. The
enemy being apprised of this, was induced to collect a force of more
than 7000 men, with the intention of attacking and capturing our little
army, under the command of General Gates. On the 15th of August, Lord
Cornwallis was informed that the Americans were within twelve miles of
Camden, and consisted of six to one in numbers more than we had to
oppose to them. Upon this, his lordship considered it was too late to
think of retreating to Charlestown, and not wishing to abandon our sick
in hospital, decided at once that, by attacking the enemy, we had a
great deal to gain and little to lose. He accordingly issued an order to
march at nine o'clock the same evening. About two hours after, the
advance guards of the British and of the Americans encountered each
other, as the enemy had begun to march precisely at the same hour: after
skirmishing some time, the firing ceased, and both armies waited most
impatiently for the dawn of day of the 16th, when they formed, and
immediately engaged; the Americans at the same time detaching troops on
both the flanks of the British, to prevent their escaping, under the
expectation of taking the whole prisoners. On the other hand, the
British marched coolly to meet the enemy, although under a very heavy
fire of cannon and musketry, until they came within twenty yards of
their opponents. Here Lord Cornwallis took off his hat, which was a
signal for the line to give three hearty cheers, advance, and, when
within a few yards of the enemy, fire a well-directed volley and charge:
this was done with such effect that the first line of the Americans ran
away and overset their reserve; the result was, that the British killed
(mostly with the bayonet), wounded, and took prisoners 300 more than
they had men in the field, took seven pieces of brass cannon, 150
waggons, full of all sorts of military stores, camp equipage, &c.
About three weeks after this action, Lord Cornwallis, upon finding the
greater number of the sick had left the hospital, issued an order for
all the officers' baggage which could possibly be dispensed with to be
destroyed immediately, as the little army was going by forced marches in
pursuit of the enemy. The troops accordingly marched seventeen
successive days, from five o'clock in the evening to eight or nine the
following morning, oftentimes with a very scanty allowance, or no
provisions, as it was through an exhausted country, without bread, (as
the corn mills had been rendered unserviceable,) except some Indian corn
used by the cattle, and this corn was taken from the fields. The troops
were without tents or any covering to shelter them from the intense heat
and heavy rains peculiar to the climate. They had to ford frequently
four or five rivers and creeks in a day; some of these were deeper than
their waist, and so rapid, that the officers and soldiers found it
requisite to tie and support each other. Under these circumstances the
men were frequently exposed to a most galling fire from the enemy,
strongly posted: if a man was wounded, he was let go down the stream and
drowned.
During a march of 1500 miles through South and North Carolina and
Virginia, the officers and soldiers were subjected to the greatest
sufferings, privations, and hardships, which, (as Lord Cornwallis
frequently observed in his despatches,) could not be possibly exceeded,
their clothes being worn out, especially their boots and shoes. They
were, moreover, almost without wine or spirits, having destroyed the
greater part when orders were issued at Camden to lessen the baggage as
much as possible, which deprived the officers of the comforts they so
much required, and which they had obtained with the greatest trouble and
expense: for this sacrifice, they never received the smallest
recompence. The officers having the rank of captain were allowed to ride
on a march, but in consequence of a requisition made to Lord Cornwallis
by Colonel Tarleton, commanding the cavalry, not only for the riding
horses, but also for all the cart horses, which were most serviceable to
mount his troopers, his lordship most reluctantly compelled every
officer to deliver the best of the horses for the cavalry. The captains
naturally lent their horses to the officers and men who might require
them from illness or otherwise; it was soon found out that they could
not be dispensed with, so that cast-off horses were substituted for
those they had been obliged to give up.
The little army being nearly exhausted with fatigue, the officers and
men became most anxious that, instead of the minor actions and
skirmishes to which they were frequently exposed, the enemy would
collect all his force and give them an opportunity to fight and end
their labours.
On the 14th of March 1781, Lord Cornwallis received intelligence that
General Green, with a force five times greater as to numbers than the
British, was within ten miles. His lordship determined to attack them
the day following, and put his little corps in motion at daybreak of the
15th of March. About noon, he fell in with the enemy most advantageously
posted, and formed in three lines; the first, which was behind rails,
kept up a most incessant fire, from four six-pounders and musquetry,
upon the British troops as they advanced upon a ploughed field, which
was very muddy from rain that fell the day before. Notwithstanding all
these disadvantages, they marched coolly to the Americans without firing
a musket until within a few yards, when they halted to fire a
well-directed volley and charged. Upon this, they had to encounter the
enemy's second and third lines, which were attacked in the same manner
and totally dispersed, leaving their four six-pounders, the only guns
they had, in the field, which were bravely taken by the brigade of
guards: these four six-pounders were soon after retaken by a charge from
Colonel Washington's cavalry, and two of these guns were ultimately
taken by Captain Saumarez, who had the command of the left wing of the
regiment from the commencement of the action, after Captain Pater, who
commanded the royal Welsh Fusiliers, was wounded in the early part of
the engagement, and the left wing had been separated from the right wing
when in pursuit of the first line of the Americans. The other two
six-pounders were also taken by Colonel Tarleton's cavalry: these four
guns were all the Americans brought into the field.
The enemy's loss in killed and wounded was very considerable. The Welsh
Fusiliers and most of the other corps of Lord Cornwallis's army had
about one third of the officers and soldiers in the field killed and
wounded, and most unhappily, during the action, the lighted paper of the
cartridges set fire to the dried leaves, so that many of the unfortunate
wounded, which could not be removed, belonging to the British and
Americans, were burnt to death. Earl Cornwallis mentioned in his
despatches, "that the conduct and actions of the officers and soldiers
that compose this little army, will do more justice to their merit than
I can by words. Their persevering intrepidity in action, their
invincible patience in the hardships and fatigues of a march of many
hundred miles, in which they have forded several large rivers and
numberless creeks, many of which would be reckoned large rivers in any
other country in the world, without tents or covering against the
climate, and often without provisions, will sufficiently manifest their
ardent zeal for the honour and interests of their sovereign and their
country."
This engagement was generally considered to be the hottest and
bloodiest, as well as the best fought throughout the war.[15] The army
marched from Guildford the 18th of March for Wilmington, where it
arrived the 7th of April. At this place the officers and soldiers
fortunately were enabled to supply themselves with a small quantity of
wine and spirits, with which they had been without for some months, also
with tea and sugar and some clothing, of which they began to be in the
greatest need, in consequence of having been compelled to destroy the
greatest part of their baggage twice for the good of the service, since
they arrived at Camden in June 1780.
[15] The action of July 1779.
On the 25th of April 1781, he marched from Wilmington, North Carolina,
for Petersburg, Virginia, a distance of 800 miles: here he arrived on
the 20th of May, after undergoing the greatest privations and
hardships, which Lord Cornwallis deplored, and felt the distresses of
his little army so much that he became very ill with a fever, which
prevented the possibility of his lordship's sitting a horse, and made it
indispensably requisite for his being conveyed in a waggon over
mountains, rivers, and creeks.
On the 4th of July the troops marched from Williamsburg, the capital of
Virginia, for James Town, near which place there was a river three miles
wide, which the army had to cross. On the 5th, the baggage of the army
passed over the river, and some of the troops. The day following, Lord
Cornwallis received intelligence that the Marquis De La Fayette with
2000 Americans were within a short distance of the British, with the
intention of destroying the rear guard: upon this, his lordship
prevented the main body of his little corps from embarking, and placed
it in ambush behind a high hill to wait the attack of the enemy. About
four o'clock in the afternoon, the Americans began to attack the
piquets, which had orders to sustain their ground as long as possible;
in consequence, several officers and soldiers were wounded: at length
the main body of the enemy formed in front of the British, when the
latter, after receiving the repeated discharges of the former from two
six-pounders and musquetry, advanced, with the greatest impetuosity,
fired a volley and charged, which completely dispersed the Americans,
who were pursued until dark, the enemy leaving the two pieces of cannon
and more than 300 killed and wounded on the field. Another hour of
day-light would in all probability have prevented a single man of the
Americans escaping.
Earl Cornwallis was so well pleased with his little army, that in his
despatches he mentioned, that he could not sufficiently commend the
spirit and good behaviour of the officers and soldiers. On the 25th of
July the little corps marched for Portsmouth, and arrived at York Town
and Gloucester on the 9th of August, when orders were issued to fortify
both places as well as practicable. The Welsh Fusiliers were directed to
erect a redoubt on the right flank of the town, more than five hundred
yards in advance, there being a ravine between York and the position
allotted. Lord Cornwallis declared that the Fusiliers would have to
defend this post. On the 28th of September, 8000 French troops under the
command of Count Rochambeau, and 1500 American troops under General
Washington, with a large French fleet of ships of war, made their
appearance, with the avowed intention of besieging the army under Earl
Cornwallis, consisting of only 4017 men fit for duty: 1933 officers and
soldiers were wounded and sick in hospital. The night following, the
enemy broke ground within three hundred yards and continued their
approaches.
On the 6th of October, 3000 French grenadiers made a most vigorous
attempt to storm the right advanced redoubt, and were bravely repulsed
by only 130 officers and soldiers of the royal Welsh Fusiliers, and 40
marines. Two other attempts were made by the French to take the redoubt,
which proved equally unsuccessful. For the gallant defence made by the
troops in the right redoubt, they received the particular thanks of Earl
Cornwallis, and also the most flattering testimonials of approbation and
of admiration from the general officers of the army, for their intrepid
conduct during the siege, and upon all other occasions. Even the French
general officers, after the termination of the siege, gave the Welsh
Fusiliers their unqualified praises for their firmness and courage in
repulsing the three attacks made by such vastly superior numbers on the
redoubt, and could not be easily convinced that so few men defended it.
Captain Saumarez was the second officer in command in the advanced right
redoubt.
On the 19th of October 1781, the garrison of York Town capitulated. Lord
Cornwallis having ordered that one captain and three subalterns of each
regiment be required to remain with the prisoners, the captains drew
lots, when Captain Saumarez proved so unfortunate as to be the one to
remain with the regiment, in order to visit the non-commissioned
officers and soldiers very frequently; to be an eye-witness of their
treatment; to take care that the quantity and quality of the provisions
issued to them were conformable to the terms of the capitulation; to
distribute clothing and necessaries, and also to be of every other use
and benefit to them in his power. On the 29th of October, he marched
from York Town with the regiment, and arrived on the 15th November at
Winchester, in the back settlements of Virginia, where the soldiers were
confined in barracks, surrounded with a stockade. The 12th of January
1782, he marched with the regiment and a part of Lord Cornwallis's army
from Winchester, through the State of Maryland to Lancaster in
Pennsylvania, where they arrived the 28th following. The cold was so
intense during the march, which proved so harassing and fatiguing, that
many of the men were frost-bitten, and many others suffered exceedingly.
The 2nd of June 1782, Captain Saumarez and the other twelve captains[16]
taken prisoners with the army under Earl Cornwallis, were ordered by the
American Congress and General Washington to assemble at Lancaster, in
Pennsylvania; and to draw lots, that one might be selected to suffer
death by way of retaliation, when the lot fell on Sir Charles Asgill,
who was in consequence conveyed under a strong escort to the American
army, stationed in the Jerseys, the place fixed upon for his execution.
Here he remained in prison for six months, enduring the greatest
hardships, expecting daily that his execution would take place. The
manner adopted for drawing lots, was by placing the names of the
thirteen captains in one hat, and in another twelve blank pieces of
paper, beginning with the names one by one, and by each piece of paper,
until the paper was drawn upon which was written the "_unfortunate_." It
may be observed that Captain Asgill had to pass through Philadelphia,
where the Congress was assembled; and he being attended voluntarily, and
most humanely, by Major Gordon, of the 80th regiment, the senior officer
of the British troops prisoners of war, he made it his business to wait
upon the French Ambassador, and desired in the most impressive manner
his Excellency's interference with the Congress, to prevent the
execution of Captain Asgill. The Ambassador refused complying with the
entreaty, but it was thought he afterwards relented, as he was seen
going to Congress; and that his remonstrances, together with the strong
representations of the captains, who wrote and applied in the most
decided manner to General Count De Rochambeau, who commanded the French
troops in besieging York Town, had the effect of at least suspending the
sanguinary intentions of Congress and of General Washington, to put
Captain Asgill to death, until the Government and the Queen of France,
to whom application had been made to interfere in his behalf, and if
possible save his life, were ascertained. The only reason alleged for
the above transactions, was, that a rebel captain named Huddy, who was
patrolling with Americans, fell in at night with another patrol of
royalists commanded by Captain Lippencott, who was taken prisoner by
Huddy, and who, without trial or any other cause but his being a
loyalist attached to the British army, hung poor Lippencott. The
latter's brother, shortly after this most infamous occurrence, was
patrolling and took Huddy prisoner, upon which, to retaliate for the
murder of his brother, he executed Huddy. The above transactions were
made known to the thirteen captains whilst prisoners on parole, and
credited by them. They were also informed very frequently, that General
Washington had often declared, that of the two events of his life which
grieved him and that he lamented most, one was his not having done his
utmost to prevent the thirteen captains taken by capitulation drawing
lots.
[16] Brigade of Guards:--Earl Ludlow, Sir Charles Morgan,
Captains Eld, Greville, Asgill, and Perrin. Captain Saumarez,
23rd, or Royal Welsh Fusiliers. Captain Coote, 37th Regiment.
Captains Graham and Barclay, 76th Regiment. Captains Arbuthnot
and Hathorn, 80th Regiment. Captain ----, name unknown.
Captain Saumarez being the senior officer of the British troops, during
the time they were prisoners at Winchester and at York Town, in
Pennsylvania, had the charge and superintendence of 3000 men, stationed
at each of these places during nineteen months, which caused the
greatest anxiety, and often-times the utmost distress. In consequence of
his unremitting zeal and exertions upon this arduous service for the
comfort and welfare of the soldiers under his superintendence, as well
as to prevent their deserting to the enemy, from whom they received
every enticement to do so, he was frequently offered passports and
encouragements to go to England, and abandon the soldiers, by the
American authorities; but flattering himself that he was most useful to
them, and being impelled by a sense of public duty, he voluntarily
continued a prisoner on parole, until, in May 1783, he had the
satisfaction at the end of the war of conducting the first division of
the army to New York, where upon his arrival he was honoured in
obtaining the thanks and approval for his conduct from Sir Guy Carleton,
the Commander-in-chief, and also from the Field Officers of the Royal
Welsh Fusiliers.
Soon after his arrival within the British lines, he was permitted to
embark for England. On landing at Portsmouth, he had the mortification
of hearing he had been placed on half-pay, in consequence of the army
having been reduced, although he had fought in three general actions,
several skirmishes, and two sieges, since he purchased his company in
1779. Having repeatedly offered his services, he was preferred to a
company in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers in 1787, upon the augmentation of
the army, and when war was expected to take place; but was unfortunately
reduced three months after, as the peace continued. In 1789, he was
appointed to a company in the 7th or Royal Fusilier regiment, and joined
it in Scotland: soon after he embarked at Leith for Gibraltar, to join
his colonel, his Royal Highness Prince Edward, who was pleased to form a
company selected from all the bad and worst-behaved soldiers in the
regiment, and appointed Captain Saumarez to command and take charge of
them: some time after this, he was honoured with his Royal Highness's
best thanks, for the reformation he had caused in the conduct and
discipline of these men, and for doing this without corporal punishment.
The Duke was pleased to honour him with the appointment of Equerry, and
afterwards of Groom of the Chamber to his Royal Highness.
In 1791, he embarked with the regiment for Canada, and soon after this
he was permitted to go to England. In 1793, on the declaration of war
with France, he offered his services to raise a regiment, when Mr.
Secretary Dundas and Major General Thomas Dundas, the latter being
appointed to command-in-chief at Guernsey, earnestly solicited him to
accompany the Major General to the island, on account of his knowledge
of the language, the laws, and customs of the island, and of its
inhabitants; and being informed that the enemy meditated to attack it,
he was induced to accept the appointment of Major of Brigade to 2000
militia of the island: he besides voluntarily did the duty of the
quarter-master-general's department to the troops. He also had the
superintendence and examination of all strangers as they landed, which
enabled him to cause many disaffected persons and rebels from Ireland to
be apprehended: he had the selection and appointment of pilots to the
ships of war requiring them, and otherwise rendered himself as useful as
possible to the public service, without additional pay or emolument
whatever, for the space of five years, and until the arrival of 7000
Russian troops, when he was appointed assistant quarter-master-general,
and, upon four French corps arriving in the island, he was appointed
their inspector.
Mr. Secretary Dundas, and Mr. Windham, secretary at war, were pleased to
confide to him the secret correspondence with the enemy's coast, from
Havre to Brest, when he obtained intelligence of the utmost importance,
for which he repeatedly received the thanks of His Majesty's ministers.
In 1794, he was deputed to carry an address from the States of the
island, on the marriage of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent; and on
this occasion Major General Small, who was the Lieutenant-Governor and
Commander-in-chief, was pleased to recommend his services in so strong a
manner to the King's ministers, that he had the honour of being
knighted. In 1799 he was promoted to be inspector of the militia of the
island, in which situation he continued to serve until June, 1811, when
he obtained the rank of major general.[17]
[17] In the year 1800, when the author was acting Lieutenant of
H.M.S. Weasle, he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner in
one of the boats, and was on the point of falling a sacrifice
to the injustice of those in power at St. Malo, when Sir
Thomas, who had the care of the French prisoners at Guernsey,
being aware of his situation, sent in conjunction with the
Governor, the late Sir Hew Dalrymple, an offer to the Prefect
at St. Malo of forty men for his exchange, which, although it
had not the effect of procuring his liberty, was certainly the
cause of saving his life, at a period when the execution of a
fellow-creature was a matter of little moment; and the author
soon after found means to escape.
In February 1812, Sir Thomas was appointed commandant of the garrison at
Halifax, Nova Scotia; and in August 1813 he had the honour of going as
President of the Council, and to command in chief the province of New
Brunswick. In July 1814, he returned to Halifax, and soon after he
embarked for England.
Before his departure from New Brunswick, His Majesty's Council presented
him the following address:
"To his Honour Major General Sir Thomas Saumarez, late President and
Commander-in-chief of the province of New Brunswick.
"THE ADDRESS OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL.
"Fredericton, 6th July 1814.
"SIR,
"The unsettled state of the government in New Brunswick has
long been a subject of general regret in the province, where
the changes of President have occurred no less than nine times
in the course of seven years. But although the period of your
Honour's administration in particular has been short, it will
not be soon forgotten; it has made a lasting impression on the
minds of all such as have had opportunity to observe, and
justly to appreciate, your vigilant and unwearied attention to
the duties of your station, and your constant ambition, by
every means in your power, to promote and secure the prosperity
of the colony committed to your care. His Majesty's Council
therefore request your acceptance of this address, not as a
mere compliment, but as a sincere tribute of respect and
esteem; which, together with their best wishes, they offer in
the confident assurance that, on this occasion, they speak the
sentiments of the province at large."
Sir Thomas Saumarez, who had long been the senior Lieutenant General in
Her Majesty's army, was advanced to the rank of General at the
Coronation of Her most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria.
Sir Thomas has almost constantly resided in his native island, and no
one has done more in promoting its improvement. Those who have visited
Guernsey with an introduction to him, and even perfect strangers, will
gratefully remember his hospitality. He was long the highly esteemed
friend of Her present Majesty's illustrious father, his Royal Highness
the Duke of Kent; and he is no less esteemed for the urbanity of his
manners and kindness of heart. The author can testify, that those who
know Sir Thomas Saumarez have a sincere and invaluable friend.
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN PHILIP DE SAUMAREZ.
The deeds of this brave and meritorious officer, who was the uncle of
the noble Lord whose memoirs we have recorded in these volumes, would
probably have been buried in oblivion, had not some official documents
been discovered, of which we have gladly availed ourselves in presenting
to the public a more full and authentic account of his glorious career
than has hitherto been given.
Philip de Saumarez was the third son of Mathew de Saumarez of Guernsey,
and Anne Durell, born at Guernsey 17th of November 1710. At an early age
he was removed from his native isle to a grammar school at Jersey, where
he continued under the immediate patronage of his aunt, Lady de
Carteret, till the age of eleven, when with the view of making himself a
proficient in mathematics and classics, as well as of acquiring the
English language, which at that period was but partially spoken in these
islands, he was sent to Southampton, and there placed under the care of
Mr. Isaac Watts and Mrs. Kinsman. That he made considerable proficiency
in learning, and employed the short time which in those days was devoted
to education, preparatory to entering the service to advantage, may be
justly inferred, if we may judge from the style of his letters, and from
the precision and accuracy which mark the astronomical observations to
be found in his journals.
At Southampton he remained about two years and a half, when he met with
his uncle Captain James Durell, of the Royal Navy, a brave and
distinguished officer, who took him to Greenwich, with the view of
placing him in the Royal Navy, which he was soon after able to
accomplish. Mr. Philip de Saumarez commenced his naval career on the
4th of February 1726, under Captain Charles Kendal, in his Majesty's
ship Weymouth of fifty guns, then attached to the Baltic station, from
whence she returned in November. In the spring of the year 1727, she was
ordered to the Nore to attend his Majesty George II, then going to
Holland, and in the month of August she sailed for Gibraltar and the
Mediterranean station.
On the 1st December 1727, he was removed from the Weymouth to the
Gibraltar of twenty guns, commanded by the Hon. George Byng, who was
succeeded by Captain John Stanley, with whom our young officer served
till the 20th December 1729, on which day he joined Captain Byng in the
Princess Louisa, of sixty guns, and sailed under his command till the
7th July 1730, when Captain Byng, having been appointed to the Falmouth
of fifty guns, removed into the latter ship, and took Mr. De Saumarez
with him, who had now served the necessary time, and had received
flattering testimonials from his respective captains. Captain Byng
mentioning that he was deserving of promotion, he obtained leave to go
to London to pass his examination, which he did on the 17th of October
1732, at which period he had served above six years and seven months.
After passing, he immediately rejoined the Falmouth, and continued to
serve two years longer as midshipman and master's mate. He now became
extremely anxious for that promotion to which his services and excellent
conduct so justly entitled him. He therefore returned home to apply for
it, receiving a very strong certificate from Captain Byng, dated 25th
June 1734. In August following he arrived in London; and several
officers, among whom Capt. Saunders appears to be foremost, having
recommended him for promotion as a most deserving officer, he was
placed on the Admiralty list, being appointed as midshipman and
subsequently as master's mate to the Blenheim, of ninety guns, bearing
the flag of Admiral Cavendish. Having arrived at the West Indies, he was
appointed to the Dunkirk on the Jamaica station, anxiously waiting for
promotion. He was above two years in that ungenial climate, where his
health became much impaired before he received his commission. Several
letters he wrote to his friends express his extreme desire to obtain it,
as will be seen by the following short extract:
"12th January 1737--I wish I had it in my power reciprocally to
enhance our satisfaction by acquainting you with my
advancement; that period has not yet arrived; fortune seems in
regard to me to be at a stand, and I find that I am obliged to
fill the chasm by a constant perseverance of patience: probably
this season may prove more auspicious, and I am in hopes of
shortly seeing some revolution to my advantage."
The season after did indeed prove the fatal effects of the climate, on
which subject he thus writes to his brother: "We have undergone a severe
season this summer, heat being excessive, attended with calms that
rendered it insupportable; this has occasioned a great mortality, and
made death quite familiar to us, it being the usual thing to attend the
funeral of the friends we conversed with the day before. Though this
made us a kind of mechanic philosophers, (if I may use the term,) I do
not observe that it contributes towards rectifying the morals of the
inhabitants here, or making us better Christians."
On the 6th of August 1737, he at last succeeded in obtaining his
long-expected promotion as lieutenant from Admiral Digby Dent,
Commander-in-chief at Jamaica. This pleasing intelligence was
communicated in a letter to Lady Carteret, dated the 10th of October
1737, which mentions that he was appointed lieutenant of the Kinsale of
forty guns, and that the Admiral signed his commission only three hours
before his death. On the 28th July, he was removed from the Kinsale by
the Commander-in-chief, but on the 22nd of August he received his
confirmation from the Admiralty to the Diamond, which confirmed also
both the former. He returned to England in October 1739, when he visited
his friends in Guernsey and Jersey, and recruited his health, which was
naturally delicate, and had been seriously impaired by the West Indian
climate; but the imperious demands of active service soon called him
away.
It was in this year that the memorable voyage round the world was
projected, and shortly after the command was given to Commodore Anson,
who had the privilege of selecting the officers who were to serve under
him on that interesting and important enterprise, when Mr. Saumarez was
chosen as second lieutenant of the Centurion of sixty guns, his own
ship; besides which the squadron consisted of the Gloucester, fifty
guns, Captain Norris; the Severn, fifty guns, Captain Legge; of the
Pearl, forty guns, Capt. Mitchell; of the Wager, twenty-eight, Captain
Kidd; and the Tryal of eight guns, Captain E. Murray; besides the
Centaur store-ship and two victuallers, the Anna and Industry Pinks.
From numberless delays injurious to the expedition, it was not before
the 17th of September 1740 that the Commodore was able to leave St.
Helen's, and proceed on his intended voyage.
As the account of the proceedings of Commodore Anson has been published
in almost every naval history as well as in the biographical memoirs of
that illustrious navigator, it need not be repeated here, and we shall
therefore confine ourselves to the part in which the conduct of Lieut.
Saumarez was conspicuous.
Lieut. Saumarez in 1741 was made acting commander of the Tryal, in the
place of Lieutenant Saunders, who was appointed to the vacancy
occasioned by the death of Captain Kidd, but who from ill-health was not
in a state to be removed from the Centurion. In this situation he
remained seven weeks, during which time he gave proofs of his consummate
skill during a period of excessively inclement weather. Captain
Saunders, on his recovery, assumed the command on the 19th February,
when he returned to the Centurion as first lieutenant.
The following account given by Lieutenant Saumarez of the action with
the Spanish Galleon, off Manilla, cannot be read without much interest.
It is dated on board the Centurion, 1742.
"I shall run over briefly the dates of our voyage, and give you
a rude sketch of our proceedings: to enlarge on particulars
would exceed the limits of a letter.
"You will recollect our squadron left England on the 18th
September 1740. We had a tedious passage of forty-one days to
Madeira, the usual one being ten; to this accident several
secondary ones succeeded, as loss of time, and the season
proper for navigating the Southern seas, and declining health
of the men, especially the soldiers. We stayed a month at this
island, employed in watering, and taking in our stock of wine.
It is highly probable that we narrowly escaped a squadron of
the enemy, which were discovered from the mountains, cruising
off the west end of the island, and which, if the commanders
had behaved like disciplinarians, might have intercepted us,
and it would have fully answered the designs of the Spanish
court if they had disabled us from pursuing our voyage, which
must have been the consequence of an engagement. They had also
the advantage of being double our number; but, leaving them to
their reflections, we pursued our course, and crossed the line
and tropic without any remarkable accidents occurring,
excepting that fever and fluxes began to attack us, especially
the soldiers; and in forty-four days we arrived at the island
of St. Catherine, on the coast of Brazil, on the 19th March
1740.
"We stayed at St. Catherine's twenty-eight days, employed in
recovering our sick, who lived on shore in tents, and in making
preparations for doubling Cape Horn in a tempestuous and
advanced season.
"We sailed hence on the 18th of January 1741, and soon after
began to meet with uncertain, stormy weather, in which the
Tryal sloop lost her mainmast, and was towed by one of the
squadron; the rest separated from us, but as our rendezvous was
at St. Julien's, a port on the coast of Patagonia, or, as
others term it, Terra Magellanica, in 49 deg. 30' South, we
rejoined them there, by which we heard of Pizarro's squadron,
from whom we narrowly escaped off Pepy's Island. We stayed here
eight days, employed in putting all our lumber on board the
store-ship, and were in hopes of meeting with the Spanish
squadron.
"The coast here is a sulphureous and nitrous soil, abounding
with salt lakes, but destitute of verdure, shrub, tree, or
fresh water, and seems the seat of infernal spirits; nor indeed
was there the trace of any animals, besides seals and birds. We
here took in salt and refitted the sloop.
"Captain Kidd's death made a revolution by promotion amongst
us, and I was appointed first lieutenant of the Commodore; but
my predecessor, to whose command the sloop descended, was taken
dangerously ill, and became incapable of taking possession of
his charge. I was ordered to take the command until his
recovery; and here I must confess to you, I was sanguine enough
to flatter myself with the same addition of good fortune, some
favourable crisis in my behalf: but I was born to be
unfortunate.
"We sailed hence on the 27th of February 1741: my station was
a-head of the squadron, to keep sounding and make timely
signals of danger.
"The 4th of March we discovered the entrance of the Strait of
Magellan, and on the 7th passed through the Strait le Main,
lying at the extremity of Terra del Fuego, between that and
Staten Land.
"This day was remarkably warm and favourable, and though in
latitude 55 deg. 50' South, we began to look on the conquest of the
Peruvian mines and principal towns in the Pacific sea as an
amusement, which would naturally occur. From this time forward,
we met with nothing but disasters and accidents. Never were the
passions of hope and fear so powerfully agitated and exercised;
the very elements seemed combined against us. I commanded the
sloop at the time of the separation of the ships that returned
home, being stationed to look out for islands of ice; and had
to endure such fatigue from the severity of the weather, and
the duty which the nature of the service necessarily brought on
me, that really my life was hardly worth preserving at the
expense of such hardships. Our own ships had several miraculous
escapes, which, in the obscurity of the night and the violence
of the weather, often endangered foundering the sloop.
"Having had the command of the sloop several weeks, I was at
length superseded by her proper captain, who had recovered on
board the Commodore's ship; and I returned to my post.
"During this time, the scurvy made terrible havoc among us,
especially the soldiers, who, being either infirm old men or
raw inexperienced youths, soon lost their spirits, grew sick
and disabled, and from the stench they occasioned, contributed
to infect our seamen.
"This distemper is the consequence of long voyages, and
exhibits itself in such dreadful symptoms as are scarcely
credible, viz. asthma, pains in the limbs and joints, blotches
all over the body, ulcers, idiotism, lunacy, convulsions, and
sudden death. Nor can the physicians, with all their _materia
medica_, find a remedy for it equal to the smell of turf,
grass, or a dish of greens. It is not my province to account
for what is a matter of much doubt and perplexity even to the
most learned, but I could plainly observe that there is a _je
ne sais quoi_ in the frame of the human system, that cannot be
removed without the assistance of certain earthy particles, or,
in plain English, the landsman's proper aliment, and vegetables
and fruits his only physic. For the space of six weeks we
seldom buried less than four or five daily, and at last it
amounted to eight or ten; and I really believe, that, had we
stayed ten days longer at sea, we should have lost the ship for
want of men to navigate her.
"At length we arrived at the island of Juan Fernandez, in the
South Sea, after having had several imminent dangers of
shipwreck on the coast of Chili, off which the nature of our
rendezvous required us to cruise, in hopes of rejoining the
squadron.
"We anchored here on the 16th June 1741, as we subsequently
learned, just ten days after the departure of a Spanish ship of
war, which was sent by the Admiral of these seas to gain
intelligence, himself having cruised with his squadron of four
sail a considerable time, in hopes of meeting with us, well
judging the condition our ships might be in. You will be
surprised to hear that in a sixty gun ship, on our arrival at
this island, we mustered but seventy-two persons, including
officers and boys, capable of appearing on deck; the rest being
all sick, having lost 228 since our leaving England, which
includes nine months.
"We were joined by the Gloucester and Tryal sloop, (vide
Anson's Voyage, p. 114,) the crews of which vessels had
suffered still more, so that had there been an experienced
enemy to have dealt with us, they might have made a very easy
conquest of us all. But, 'whatever is, is right.' They gave us
time to recover our spirits and rally our forces, for which we
visited them afterwards and shut up their ports.
"I shall not attempt a description of this island at present,
but only tell you it is the most romantic and pleasant place
imaginable, abounding with myrtle trees, and covered with
turnips and sorrel. Its bays, teeming with all kinds of fish,
seem calculated for the reception of distressed seamen. We
stayed here three months, employed in refitting our ships, and
restoring the health of the sick, and this without any loss of
time to us, it being the winter season, in which, from April to
September, navigation is judged unsafe by the Spaniards. In the
beginning of this month (September) we were agreeably surprised
by the sight of a sail, to which we immediately gave chase,
slipping our cable; but night intervening, we lost her. We soon
after fell in with another, who was her consort, of 500 tons,
and much richer, having about 18,000_l._ in money on board,
besides a cargo, which would have been valuable (being chiefly
sugar) could we have brought it to a proper market; but in
these parts it is a misfortune that nothing but money is truly
valuable, having no ports whereat to dispose of anything. Here
I commenced captain again, in the Tryal's prize, having twelve
guns, besides swivels, with thirty men, and had a separate
cruise ordered me with Captain Saunders. (Vide Anson's Voyage,
p. 114.) She was a ship he had taken in the sloop, which then
proved so leaky and disabled in her masts by a gale of wind,
that she was sunk, and her prize commissioned in her room. As
nothing appeared on our station, which was to leeward of
Valparaiso, we had no opportunity of exerting ourselves. We
next proceeded along the coast of Peru, and took two prizes,
both very valuable to the Spaniards, the one being loaded with
ship timber, and the other with iron bars, but to us of no
great service; by the latter, (viz. the Nuestra Senora del
Carmin, 250 tons of cargo, value 400,000 dollars,) we had
information of a rich vessel in the road of Paita, bound to
Lousuata on the coast of Mexico, the money being still in town.
This was a chance worth pursuing; and having arrived off the
port in the night, we sent in all the boats manned and armed,
with fifty men, surprised and took the town with scarcely any
resistance or loss, except one killed and one wounded on our
side; the inhabitants abandoning their houses, and retiring to
the neighbouring mountains.
"This event happened on the 15th of November 1741. (Vide
Anson's Voyage, p. 149.) We kept possession of the town two
days and a half without any disturbance from the natives, and,
having plundered it, set it on fire, but spared the two
churches.
"We found here about 30,000_l._ besides jewels; there was much
more, but the inhabitants carried it off. We sunk two galleys
and two snows, and carried away with us the small ship that was
to have carried the money. We departed hence on the 16th, and
some days after joined the Gloucester, which had been ranging
the coast, and intercepted some vessels, though not so valuable
as ours. We then proceeded along shore, burning some of our
prizes, which proved dull sailers, and arrived at the island
of Quibo, 17th December 1741, a delightful uninhabited place,
abounding with wild deer and other refreshments. Having watered
here with all imaginable expedition, we sailed hence on the
19th December, with a design to cruise off Acapulco, on the
coast of Mexico, for a rich ship that was expected from
Manilla, on the island of Luconia, in the East Indies.
"There is a yearly ship whose cargo amounts to an immense sum,
and could we but have had a favourable passage thither, she
must indubitably have been ours; but we were disappointed,
having been seventy-nine days in effecting a passage which has
been performed in twenty, meeting with a long series of calms
and uncertain weather. Hence we arrived five weeks too late,
and therefore hoped to speak her on her return, which generally
is in March; she would then have been laden with money to
purchase another cargo. We cruized off this port and the coast
of Mexico two months, at a distance not to be discovered from
the shore, and having intelligence, by a boat we took, of the
day of her sailing, we made no doubt of her being ours. We were
five sail in all, with our prizes, and lay at three leagues
distance from each other, and ten from the port. During this
time we lived on turtle, which we caught daily in our boats.
Our squadron described a half moon, our boats being at the same
time three leagues from the shore within us to watch the port.
The disposition was so just and regular, it was impossible she
could have escaped. I was so curious as to calculate my share,
which would have amounted to 10,000_l._; but Providence
ordained it otherwise.
"I should have told you that that ship mounted sixty guns.
Having cruised till our water was almost all expended, and
having an enemy's coast whereon to replenish, we were obliged
to depart, but left a boat behind to watch her motions. After
many searches, we found a convenient bay for watering called
Chequetan, where Sir Francis Drake had refitted. We sunk and
burnt all our prizes, in order to cross the great Southern
Ocean, and, with the Gloucester in company, go to the East
Indies. We learned afterwards that this rich ship was detained,
having had information from the coast of Peru of our being on
the coast. We left Acapulco on the 6th of May 1742; and here
begins another series of misfortunes and mortality surpassing
the first. We had a passage of three months and a half to the
Ladrone Islands, which is generally made in two; yet it was a
vulgar opinion amongst our people that we had sailed so far as
to pass by all the land in the world! Length of time and
badness of the weather rendered both our ships leaky; this,
joined to our mortality, the scurvy raging amongst us as much
as ever, obliged us to destroy the Gloucester, which ship was
ready to founder, and receive the men on board, who were all
sick and dying. It is impossible to represent the melancholy
circumstances wherein we were involved previous to our arrival
at these islands. We anchored at one called Tinian,
uninhabited, but abounding with wild cattle, hogs, fowls, and
fruits: we could not have fallen in with a better place. I am
convinced, had we stayed out ten days longer at sea, we should
have been obliged to take to our boats, our leak increasing so
fast, and our people being all infirm and disabled. We
immediately sent all our sick on shore, and began to hope for
better times, feeding plentifully on roast beef, when an
accident fell out, on the 22nd September 1742, which nearly
ruined us all.
"My post as first officer generally confined me on board the
Commodore, whilst most of the officers and men were on shore
for the recovery of their health, when a storm came on and
rose so mountainous a sea as none of us ever saw before. The
ship was in danger of being pooped as we lay at anchor; at last
we parted both our bower-cables and drove out to sea, with the
sheet-anchor hanging in the hawse, a whole cable and three
quarters of another out (excuse these barbarous sea terms), and
narrowly escaped driving on a ledge of rocks, that was near,
and leaving the Commodore and all the rest behind. The ship, by
her labouring in such a troubled sea, made so much water that I
was in doubt whether she would not have foundered; our ports
and the guns were but ill-secured, owing to the suddenness of
the storm, which also upset the long boat. Under these
circumstances we drove to sea with one hundred men and boys on
board, not knowing whether I should not at last be a captain in
spite of my teeth. In this manner I drove seventy leagues, and
was fifteen days before I recovered land, beating up against a
fresh trade and the current. The Commodore, you may imagine,
was overjoyed at my return, as were all the rest. They were
very busy in building a vessel to carry them all to China, as
they preferred venturing to sea in it to remaining in an
uninhabited island, or to be exposed to the cruelty of the
Spaniards who live in the neighbouring islands, the Commodore
concluding that either the ship was lost, or that I should
never be able to beat to windward. At last, after many hazards,
we sailed on the 22nd of October 1742, and met with a tolerably
good passage to the island of Macoa, a Portuguese settlement on
the coast of China, where we arrived on the 11th November,
having buried one hundred and sixty men since our leaving
Acapulco, or four hundred and twenty since we left England,
including Indians and negroes, whom we detained as prisoners."
Commodore Anson arrived at Macoa, and having careened and repaired the
ship, and been reinforced by some Lascars or Indian sailors, and by some
Dutchmen, he sailed from Macoa on the 1st May, giving out that he was
bound to Batavia, Captain Saunders of the Gloucester having gone to
England in a Swedish ship; but when fairly at sea he made known to his
crew that he was going to cruise off Manilla for the purpose of
intercepting the two galleons expected there, one of which he ultimately
took on the 20th June, just a month after they arrived off the station,
after a severe action, in which the galleon, which was called the Nostra
Signora Cabadonga, commanded by General Don Jeronimo de Montivo, had
sixty-seven killed and eighty-four wounded, while the Centurion had only
two killed, and a lieutenant and sixteen men wounded. Lieut. Saumarez,
who had highly distinguished himself in this action, was now made Post
Captain of the prize, which he safely conducted to Canton. She had on
board 400,000_l._ in specie, besides property estimated at 600,000_l._
which was destroyed; he had now therefore obtained his rank, and a
considerable share of prize money.
On the 7th of December 1743, they sailed from Canton, and arrived in
England, to be welcomed by their families and friends, on the 15th June
1744, after an absence of four years, wherein they had endured hardships
of every description. Captain Saumarez went to Bath for the recovery of
his health. He subsequently served in the Sandwich, York, and Yarmouth:
in the York he encountered a heavy gale, in which his superior
seamanship was severely put to the test. He was subsequently removed to
the Nottingham, of sixty guns, and on the 11th October 1747 fell in with
the Mars, a French sixty-four gun-ship, with five hundred men, commanded
by M. de Colombe, being one of the ships that had separated from
D'Anville's fleet in the storm off Newfoundland. She was returning to
Brest. The Nottingham had sixty guns and four hundred men. After an
engagement of two hours within pistol shot, in which the Mars had
twenty-three killed and nineteen wounded, she struck. On board the
Nottingham only three men were killed and nine wounded, which was
attributed to the superior seamanship of the Captain, who obtained an
advantageous position in the battle.
Captain Saumarez had been often heard to say that his highest ambition
was to fall in with an enemy of equal force, and on this occasion his
honourable feelings were completely gratified. He received
congratulations from all his friends, and particularly from the Lords of
the Admiralty, who expressed their highest approbation of the skill and
courage he displayed on this occasion; but his mild, liberal, and
generous treatment to a vanquished enemy was no less conspicuous in this
instance than his bravery; it was indeed one of the strongest traits in
his character. On this subject he received the following letter from the
Secretary of the Admiralty:--
"The Chevalier de Crenay, late Captain of the Mars, having
taken notice to the Lords of the Admiralty, in a letter their
lordships received from him and his officers and company, I am
commanded to let you know, that your civil treatment of them
after they were taken, has been no less satisfactory to their
lordships than your resolution and success in taking them.
"I am, sir, &c. &c.
"THOS. CORBETT, Sec."
A letter from Chevalier Crenay himself is written in the strongest
terms of gratitude and regard; after enumerating many civilities, he
declares that every article had been restored, even to a box of
porcelain, and that his officers and men all joined in offering their
grateful thanks. It may be added, that Captain Saumarez did all in
his power to obtain Captain Crenay's exchange. The Mars was carried
into Plymouth, and being found worthy of repair, was, from the
representation of Captain Saumarez, taken into his Majesty's service:
she was nearly 300 tons larger than the Nottingham, and found
afterwards to be an excellent ship.
Captain Saumarez' ship was speedily refitted, and on the 3rd May 1747,
he joined Lord Anson's squadron, which obtained a complete victory
over the French fleet, commanded by M. Jonquiere, taking six
men-of-war and three East Indiamen. After the engagement, the
Nottingham, with two more ships, was detached to pursue the convoy,
and had the good fortune to capture four very valuable vessels from
St. Domingo.
Captain Saumarez afterwards cruised under Admiral Warren, and on the
10th of September following he was ordered to join Admiral Hawke: he
remained with that officer until the 14th October, when the Admiral
came up with a French fleet, commanded by Monsieur De l'Etendiere, off
Cape Finisterre, which he defeated, and took six of the enemy's ships;
but the Tonnant, an 80 gun ship, with the Intrepide, 74, having
escaped, Captain Saumarez, with the Yarmouth and Eagle, immediately
gave chase to them. Having come up with the Tonnant, although the
Nottingham was so unequal in size and number of guns, he gallantly
engaged her before the other two English ships joined. After about an
hour's close action, a shot from the enemy put an end to the existence
of this brave officer, who, during his whole life, had served his king
and country with honour and zeal; he died lamented by all those to
whom he was known.
The following is an extract from the Rear-admiral's despatch: "Having
observed that six of the enemy's ships had struck, and it being very
dark, and our own ships dispersed, I thought it best to bring to that
night, and seeing a great firing a long way astern of me, I was in
hopes of seeing more of the enemy's ships taken in the morning; but,
instead of that, I received the melancholy account of Captain Saumarez
being killed, and that the Tonnant had escaped in the night, with the
assistance of the Intrepide, who, by having the wind of our ships, had
received no damage that I could perceive."[18]
[18] Ships taken:--Le Terrible; Le Monarque, 74; Le Neptune,
70; Le Trident; Le Fougueux, 64; Le Severn, 50.
The last will of Captain Philip Saumarez is an interesting document,
inasmuch as it portrays his true character as an officer and a
Christian, impressed with the uncertainty of human life, and almost
anticipating the glorious fate which ultimately befel him; and as it
is also replete with piety, morality, gratitude, and the other virtues
which adorn the life of a hero, we shall conclude this memoir with
some extracts taken from the original, which begins thus:
"I, Philip Saumarez, commander of H.M.S. Nottingham, from a
reflection of the uncertainty of human life in general,
particularly when engaged in a military profession: in order
therefore to face death cheerfully, whenever duty or nature
shall call upon me, I hereby dispose of whatever Providence has
blessed me with, in the following manner:
"To my honoured mother, I bequeath the sum of 1500_l._ to be
paid after my father's death, and until then to remain at
interest; if she dies before him, to be divided equally among
my eldest brother John's children.
"To my sister Anne, 300_l._ To my sister Elizabeth, 300_l._
"To my brother John, 1000_l._ all my silver plate, and a
diamond ring, formerly belonging to Lady Carteret.
"To my niece and godchild, Carteret Saumarez, my brother John's
daughter, I bequeath 1000_l._
"My brother Matthew Saumarez, 1500_l._ and all my books; and to
his daughter, 500_l._
"My brother Thomas Saumarez, 1000_l._ with all my linen,
liquors, furniture, and apparel.
"My brother-in-law, Philip Durell and his wife, I bequeath
50_l._ each, their fortunes being sufficient: his wife to buy
mourning.
"To my aunt Durell, at Westminster, 100_l._
"My aunt Sauvaine, 10_l._ to buy mourning.
"Mr. Solomon Durell, 40_l._
"To my worthy friend James Wallace, commissioner of the
victualling office, 100_l._
"To my steward, 30_l._ besides a suit of mourning; and to my
other servants, 5_l._ each.
"In case I am killed in action, or die whilst I command the
Nottingham, to the three lieutenants a suit of mourning each,
which I beg they will accept; and to Mr. Surroude, my chaplain,
I bequeath the sum of 100_l._ in regard to his large family;
and to Mr. Redley, my clerk, the sum of 30_l._ for the trouble
of making up my accounts.
"To Admiral Anson and Sir Peter Warren, I desire they will
accept a mourning ring each, my executors to lay out 30_l._ in
each ring; and to the former I recommend my brother Tom.
"I likewise desire that 300_l._ may be laid out to purchase a
handsome monument, made in London, to the memory of my late
aunt, the Lady Carteret, to be erected in the church where she
is interred, and a due epitaph, enumerating her exemplary
virtues and life, to be inscribed on it in French and English,
and recorded to posterity; and this I desire my brother John
will see duly performed, as well as my other executors, with
expedition; this piece of gratitude to her memory having been
neglected by all her relations.
"In case it should not be attended with any inconvenience, the
surgeon to preserve and embalm my corpse, to be interred in a
military manner on shore, in whatever port the ship may put in;
and the surgeon to be presented with 30_l._ for his trouble. I
bequeath to my brother officers, Captains Thomas Coates,
Martyn, Keppel, Rodney, and Timothy Brett, a mourning ring of
10_l._ value each; the same to Mr. Logie, first lieutenant of
the Nottingham.
"To the poor of the parish in the island of Guernsey, where I
was born, 100_l._ to be distributed: the remainder of what
fortune I may have to bequeath, to my honoured father. And I do
hereby constitute and appoint my worthy friend Pussey Brook,
Esq., James Wallace, Esq., and my eldest brother John Saumarez,
Esq., executors of this my last will and testament, revoking
all former wills by me heretofore made. In witness whereof I
have hereunto set my hand and seal, at sea, this 30th day of
June, and in the twenty-first year of the reign of our
sovereign Lord George the Second over Great Britain, France,
and Ireland, &c., and in the year of our Lord 1747.
"PHILIP SAUMAREZ." (L.S.)
"Signed in the presence of,
Robert Richards, Master.
Alexander Gray, Gunner."
The wishes expressed in the will of this brave officer were implicitly
complied with; his body was embalmed and sent to Plymouth by the
admiral, in the Gloucester, commanded by Captain Durell, (afterwards
Admiral Durell,) his brother-in-law, and was buried in the church at
Plymouth with military honours. A neat tablet is erected in the said
church, with the following inscription: "Near this place lies the
body of Philip Saumarez, Esq. commander of H.M.S. Nottingham. He was
the son of Matthew de Saumarez, of the Island of Guernsey, by Anne
Durell, of the island of Jersey, his wife, families of antiquity and
respectability in those parts. He was born 17th November 1710, and
gloriously but unfortunately fell by a cannon-ball, 14th October 1747,
pursuing the ships of the enemy that were making their escape, when
the French were routed by Admiral Hawke."
Out of respect to his memory, his brothers and sisters caused a plain
monument to be erected to him in Westminster Abbey, with the following
inscription:
"ORBE CIRCUMCINTO,
"Sacred to the memory of Philip De Saumarez, Esq., one of the
few whose lives ought rather to be measured by their actions
than their days. From sixteen to thirty-seven years of age, he
served in the navy, and was often surrounded with dangers and
difficulties unparalleled: always approving himself an able,
active, and gallant officer. He went out a lieutenant on board
His Majesty's ship Centurion, under the auspicious conduct of
Commodore Anson, in his expedition to the South Seas: he was
commanding officer of the said ship when she was driven from
her moorings at the island of Tinian.
"In the year 1747, being captain of the Nottingham, a sixty gun
ship, he (then alone) attacked and took the Mars, a French ship
of sixty-four guns.
"In the first engagement in the following year, when Admiral
Anson defeated and took a squadron of French men-of-war and
Indiamen, he had an honourable share; and in the second, under
Admiral Hawke, when the enemy, after an obstinate resistance,
was again routed, in pursuing two ships that were making their
escape, he gloriously but unfortunately fell.
"He was the son of Matthew De Saumarez, of the island of
Guernsey, Esq. by Anne Durell, of the island of Jersey, his
wife.
"He was born November 17th, 1710;
killed October 14th, 1747;
buried in the old Church at Plymouth,
with all honours due to his distinguished merits;
and this monument is erected, out of
gratitude and affection,
by his Brothers and Sisters."
APPENDIX A.
The first of the De Sausmarez (Saumarez) family found on the public
records of the metropolis, is Nicholas, the son of Matthew de Sausmarez,
who in 1331 made application for a confirmation of his rights and
prerogatives as formerly enjoyed by his ancestors, and whose son Thomas
was Lord of the _Seigneurie_ of Sausmarez in the year 1481. Thomas
married Colishe, daughter of Nicholas Fonachin, bailiff of the island of
Guernsey, and had two sons and two daughters; one of whom, Michael,
inherited the estate, and was succeeded by his eldest son John, who in
1543 was jurat of the island of Guernsey, and married Margaret, daughter
of James Guille, then bailiff. John was succeeded by his son Thomas,
also a jurat of the Royal Court, who married Rebecca Hancock; and the
property descended to his son, likewise a jurat of the Royal Court, who
married Bertrand, daughter of Cardin Fautrart: he was succeeded by his
son Thomas, who married Martha Nicholi, and does not appear to have been
of any profession. His only son, Michael, who was married to Charlotte,
daughter of James le Marchant, jurat of the Royal Court in 1681, became
the next heir, and was succeeded by Matthew de Sausmarez, his only son,
who was the eleventh in the direct line since the year 1331. This
Matthew was born at Guernsey on the 4th June 1685, was colonel of
militia of the island, and married Anne, daughter of John Durell, Esq.
lieutenant-bailiff of the island of Jersey, on the 1st of January 1705.
By this, his first wife, he had--first, John de Sausmarez, who was born
on the 12th January 1706, and died 4th April 1774. He was Attorney
General in the island of Guernsey; and married first, Martha, daughter
of Daniel Delisle, Esq. of Guernsey, and the lady who repossessed the
estate, which had become the property of John Andros, in right of his
wife, Judith de Sausmarez. The second son died an infant. The third son
was Philip de Sausmarez,[19] born on the 17th November 1710. He was
first lieutenant with Commodore Anson, and commanded the Nottingham 64,
when that ship captured the Mars, French 74. Anne married Captain Philip
Dumaresq; Elizabeth, Margaret, and Magdalen, died unmarried. Matthew
Saumarez was the fourth son; he was born on the 10th October 1718; and
was the father of the late Lord de Saumarez. He was drowned on his
passage to England in March 1778. Thomas, the fifth son, born 20th April
1720, is particularly mentioned in the commencement of this work.
William, the sixth son, was born 29th April 1722, and died in the East
Indies; and Michael, the seventh and last son, was born on the 8th
October 1725, and died an infant.
[19] See a biographical notice of this distinguished officer,
page 348.
We now come to the brothers and sisters of the first Lord de Saumarez,
children of Matthew, the fourth son, already mentioned as remarkable for
his urbanity of manners and hospitality, particularly to strangers.
By his first wife, daughter of Thomas Dumaresq, Esq. of Jersey, Matthew
Saumarez had issue Susannah, an only child, who married Henry Brock,
Esq. of Guernsey: by his second wife, Carteret, daughter of James le
Marchant, Esq. he had a numerous family. First,--Anne, the eldest
daughter, was married to Isaac Dobree, Esq., and is now living a widow:
she has four daughters, all married. Charlotte, second daughter, married
Nicholas Peter Dobree, rector of St. Mary. Mary, the third daughter, is
unmarried. Carteret, fourth daughter, married Peter Lihou, Esq. colonel
of militia. Philip, the eldest son, was a lieutenant in the Royal Navy,
and died at Gibraltar, 1774. John, the second son, surgeon-general to
His Majesty's forces on the island, became heir to his father; he
married Judith, daughter of William Brock, Esq. sister of Harriet, wife
of Sir Thomas. James, was the third son, and first Lord de Saumarez. Sir
Thomas, the fourth son, was born at Guernsey, 1st July 1760, and entered
the army at the age of 15.[20] He married Harriet, daughter of William
Brock, Esq. of Guernsey.
[20] See a separate notice of this distinguished officer in page 332.
APPENDIX B.
THE ACTION OFF DOGGER BANK.
"Fortitude, at Sea, 6th August 1781.
"SIR,
"Yesterday we fell in with the Dutch squadron, with a large convoy, on
the Dogger bank: I was happy to find I had the wind of them, as the
great number of their large frigates might otherwise have endangered
my convoy. Having separated the men of war from the merchant ships,
and made the signal to the last to keep their wind, I bore away with
the general signal to chase. The enemy formed their line, consisting
of eight two-decked ships; ours, including the Dolphin, consisting of
seven. Not a gun was fired on either side until within the distance of
half-musket shot; the Fortitude being then abreast of the Dutch
Admiral, the action began and continued with unceasing fire for three
hours and forty minutes: by this time our ships were unmanageable. I
made an effort to form the line, in order to renew the action, but
found it impracticable; the Bienfaisant had lost her fore-topmast, and
the Buffalo her fore-yard; the rest of the ships were not less
shattered in their masts, rigging, and sails. The enemy appeared to be
in as bad a condition; both squadrons lay a considerable time near
each other, when the Dutch with their convoy bore away for the Texel.
We were not in a condition to follow them.
"His Majesty's officers and men behaved with great bravery, nor did
the enemy show less gallantry. The Fortitude was extremely well
seconded by Captain Macartney in the Princess Amelia, but he was
unfortunately killed early in the action; Lieutenant Hill has great
merit in so well supporting the conduct of his brave Captain.
"As there was great probability of our coming into action again,
Captain Macbride very readily obliged me by taking command of that
ship, and I have appointed Mr. Waghorne, my first lieutenant, to the
command of the Artois. This gentleman, although much hurt in the
action, refused to leave my side while it lasted. Captain Graeme, of
the Preston, has lost an arm.
"Inclosed, I transmit a list of the killed and wounded, and an account
of the damage sustained by the ships.
"The enemy's force was, I believe, much superior to what their
Lordships apprehended; and I flatter myself they will be satisfied
that we have done all that was possible with ours.
"I am, Sir,
"Your most obedient and most humble servant,
"H. PARKER.
"P.S. The frigates this morning discovered one of the Dutch men-of-war
sunk in twenty-two fathoms water; her top-gallant masts were above the
surface, which Captain Patton has struck and brought to me on board: I
believe she was the second ship of the line of 74 guns."
* * * * *
Return of killed and wounded on the action of the 5th
of August 1781.
_English Fleet._
Ships' Names. Guns. Men. Killed. Wounded. Total.
Fortitude 74 620 20 67 87
Bienfaisant 64 500 6 21 27
Berwick 74 600 18 58 76
Princess Amelia 74 620 19 56 75
Preston 50 300 10 40 50
Buffalo 50 450 20 64 84
-- --- ---
93 306 399
_Dutch Fleet._
Ships' Names. Guns. Commanders. Killed. Wounded.
Admiral Generaal 74 Com. J.S. Kinsbergen 7 41
Admiral de Ruyter 68 Rear-admiral Zoutman 48 90
Hollandia 64 Capt. Dedel 25 45
Erfprins 54 " J.S. van Braak 23 42
Batavier 54 " J.W. Bentinck 18 49
Admiral Piet Hein 54 " W. van Braam 9 58
Argo 54 " E.C. Staringh 11 87
Medenblik 54 " D.G. Rynveld No returns.
--- ---
141 412
141
---
553
---
From the most authentic accounts, however, the Dutch were known to have
lost 1,100 men, although their published report was for only half that
number.
APPENDIX C.
DUTCH ACCOUNT OF THE ACTION OFF DOGGER BANK.
"Sunday, August 5th, 1781, at break of day, between the hours of three
and four in the morning, we saw a great number of strange ships to the
N.N.W. of us; we got everything ready for an engagement: the wind was
N.E. and our course was N.W. We made the signal to form the line of
battle at a cable's length distance from each other as we advanced.
The Ajax cutter, Captain Count Wilderen, came up in the mean time to
make a report that the fleet he saw was a convoy of the enemy, which
had sailed on the 26th through the Sound, escorted by eleven English
men-of-war and four cutters. At seven o'clock the ships-of-war hoisted
their English colours, among which was a Vice-admiral's flag, and bore
down upon us, their convoy remaining to windward. I made the signal to
tack, and we came up thus in order of battle, and took our station to
the E.S.E., and ordered our merchantmen to the westward. We saw that
the eight English men-of-war that bore down upon us in a line, were
sixty, seventy-four, ninety, and one of forty guns. At eight the
English Vice-admiral being abreast to windward of me, they turned with
us, and the action began. At that instant the fire was very brisk on
both sides, and the whole line was engaged. I was constantly and very
briskly cannonaded by two large ships. The engagement lasted till
half-past eleven, and was very bloody. Our ships, mine included, were
greatly disabled, and received so much damage that they could not be
worked any longer. The English Admiral must have equally suffered, for
he wore to the eastward. At noon we took down the signal to engage,
and bore away to the westward to repair our ships as much as possible,
all being extremely crippled by the constant fire of so long an
engagement. We perceived also that the English Vice-admiral tacked
about half-past twelve with his ships, and stood to the N.W., where he
remained floating to repair also their damage. Among their ships we
saw also a three-decker, whose main topmast fell by the board.
"We found ourselves at noon in fifty-five degrees, fifty-six minutes
N. and consequently the point of Ternaus in Norway, N.N.E. 1/3 N.
thirty leagues from us. All the ships-of-war were become
unserviceable: we made the signal for the convoy to run it, with the
frigates the Medenblik and Venus, and put themselves according to
circumstances out of danger, to avoid being taken, or falling into the
hands of the enemy.
"In bearing away the Batavier, whose mizen-yard was turned upside down,
and who had lost her mizen topmasts, she almost fell on her side: one
of her officers cried out to us her captain was wounded, and the ship
so disabled she was no longer manageable. I sent two frigates to
assist and take her in tow; but before they could come up with the
Batave, she drove before the wind, and came up to us.
"Captain Kinsbergen sent a boat with Captain Abreson and Captain
Staring to report their situation, and that they were much crippled.
I told them that as soon as we should be a little refitted and able to
manage the ships, I would make the signal to return to port. Captain
Dedel made the signal of being greatly damaged; Captain Van Braam that
he was much embarrassed. I made the signal for the Zephyr frigate to
come alongside. She reported having spoken to Captain Van Braam, and
that his ship had some shots under water; I sent her off immediately
to give all possible assistance to Captains Van Braam and Dedel.
"In the mean time Captain Dedel fired guns of distress, and steered
his course southward towards the coast of Holland. I made the signal
for Captain Van Weenzel to come to speak to me, and I despatched him to
assist Captain Dedel, with orders to stay with him and to seek a port.
Between four and five P.M. I made signal to sail, upon which all the
ships near us repeated the signal to Captain Kinsbergen, and bore
away as well as they could with what they could make use of. I came
near to Captain Van Braam, who cried out to me that he had several shots
under water; that his ship made much water, but was now much
diminished by the help of the pumps. In the evening we saw all the
ships under sail with us.
"The Admiral de Ruyter has many killed and wounded, and is, as well as
the ships in general, damaged in their hull, masts, and rigging; but I
hope, with the help of God, we shall be able to gain a port of the
republic.
"I send this despatch by Count de Welderen, who can in person make a
more ample report to your Serene Highness.
"I have the honour to commend myself to the gracious protection of
your Serene Highness; and to subscribe myself with respect,
"Your Serene Highness's
"Most humble and obedient servant,
"J.A. ZOUTMAN."
"Dated on board the Admiral de Ruyter, 7th August 1781,
Kykduyn, bearing south eighteen miles from us.
"N.B. All the officers and men on board the ships displayed a constant
courage, fought like lions, as well as my own people, all of whom, I
am extremely well satisfied with, from all the information I have
received at present."
APPENDIX D.
LETTER WRITTEN BY H.S.H. THE STADTHOLDER, ADDRESSED AS FOLLOWS.
"Noble, respectable, virtuous, well-beloved, and trusty subjects!--We
have learnt with the highest satisfaction that the squadron of the
State under Rear-admiral Zoutman, although much inferior in ships,
guns, and men, to the English squadron of Vice-admiral Parker, did, on
the 5th instant, so valiantly resist its attack, that the English
fleet, after an obstinate engagement, which lasted from eight in the
morning till half an hour past eleven, was obliged to cease firing and
retire. The heroic courage with which Rear-admiral Zoutman, the
captains, officers, and subalterns, common sailors, and soldiers,
concerned in the action, and who, through the blessing of Almighty
God, so well discharged their duty during the engagement, merits our
particular approbation and praise; therefore we have thought proper,
by this present, to write, to thank publicly, in our name, the said
rear-admiral, captains, officers, subalterns, sailors, and soldiers,
by causing it to be read on board every ship which partook in the
action, and whose captains and crews fought with such valour; and that
an authentic copy of it be delivered by the secretary of the fleet to
the State, as well as to the said Rear-admiral Zoutman, as the
commander of the ships under his orders with whose conduct the said
admiral has reason to be satisfied; further testifying that we doubt
not that they, and all the officers of the state, sailors and
soldiers, will, on every occasion that may offer, give proofs that the
State wants not defenders of their dear country and its liberty; and
that the ancient heroic valour of the Batavians still exists, and will
never be extinct.
"Wherefore, noble, respectable, virtuous, and well-beloved
subjects, we recommend you to the Divine protection.
"Your affectionate friend,
"G. PR. D'ORANGE."
APPENDIX E.
BY RICHD. KEMPENFELT, REAR-ADMIRAL OF THE BLUE.
"You are with the utmost despatch to proceed with his Majesty's ship
under your command to Barbadoes, and if any ships-of-war are there,
you are to deliver to the senior officer one of those letters
addressed to the commander of any of his Majesty's ships, acquainting
him that you have one to the same purpose to the commander-in-chief,
following such directions as he may think proper to give you.
"If none of his Majesty's ships should be at Barbadoes, you are then
to inform yourself where the commander-in-chief is, and proceed with
all diligence in quest of him.
"You are carefully to avoid coming near any vessel you may see on your
passage.
"You are to communicate to all King's ships you meet with, or others
of our nation, as also to all governors of islands you may touch at,
the intelligence you are charged with, in order to its being as
speedily and generally dispersed as possible.
"RICHD. KEMPENFELT.
"Dated on board his Majesty's ship Victory,
"at sea, 15th December 1781.
"To Capt. Saumarez, H.M.S. Tisiphone."
(CIRCULAR LETTER.)
"SIR,--Having fallen in on the 12th instant (Ashurst bearing N.
sixty-one degrees E. distance fifty-three leagues) with a squadron of
the enemy's ships-of-war with about two hundred transports, having on
board 12,000 troops, 10,000 of which, the prisoners I have taken
inform me are designed for the West Indies, with such ships of the
line as are marked in the enclosed list, I have therefore thought it
expedient to despatch this intelligence to you. I am, sir, your
obedient servant,
"R. Kempenfelt."
"To the senior Officer," &c.
List of ships of the line with the French convoy (agreeing with
Admiralty intelligence).
Guns.
La Bretagne 110 Capt. Mons. Le Comte de Guichen.
L'Invincible 110.
Le Majestueux 110 " Mons. Le Comte de Rochoin.
Le Royal Louis 112 " Mons. de Bausset.
Le Terrible 110.
La Couronne 84 " Mons. de la Mothe Piquet.
Go as far as Madeira, then to Cadiz.
Le Triomphant 84 Capt. Le Marquis de Vaudreuil.
Le Pegase 74.
Le Magnifique 74.
L'Actif 74.
Le Dauphin Royal 70.
Le Bien-Aime 74.
Le Zodiaque 74.
Le Brave 64.
Le Robuste 74.
To separate off Madeira with convoy for the West Indies.
Le Fendant 74.
L'Argonaute 64.
Le Hardi } Jamaica fleet.
L'Alexandre }
Bound to the East Indies with 3,000 troops.
Le Lion 64.
L'Indien 64.
To go to Cadiz with de Guichen.
APPENDIX F.
ADMIRAL RODNEY'S LETTER.
"On the 5th of April I received intelligence that the enemy were
embarking their troops on board the ships-of-war, and concluded that
they intended to sail in a few days. Captain Byron of the Andromache,
an active and diligent officer, watched their motions with such
attention, that on the 8th inst. at day-light he made out the enemy's
signal of coming out and standing to N.W. I instantly made the signal
to weigh, and having looked into the Bays of Fort Royal and St.
Pierre, I made signal for a general chase, and before day-light came
up with the enemy under Dominique, where both fleets were becalmed,
and continued so for some time. The enemy first got the wind, and
stood towards Guadaloupe.
"My van division, under that gallant officer Sir Samuel Hood, received
it next, and stood after them. At nine the enemy began to cannonade my
van, which was returned with the greatest briskness. The baffling
winds did not permit part of the centre division to get into action
with the enemy's rear till half-past eleven; and then only the ship
next me in line of battle, &c. The enemy's cannonade ceased upon my
rear's approach, but not before they had done considerable damage to
the ships in the van, and disabled the Royal Oak and Montague, &c.
"The night of the 9th inst. the fleet lay-to to repair their damages.
The 10th they continued to turn to windward under a very easy sail,
the enemy continuing to do the same; and always had it in their power
to come into action, which they cautiously avoided, and rendered it
impossible for me to force them in the situation they were in, between
the Saints and the island of Dominique.
"On the 11th, the enemy having gained considerably to the windward,
and the wind blowing a fresh steady gale, I made the signal for a
general chase to windward, which continued the whole day; and towards
sunset one of the enemy's ships, damaged in the late action, falling
to leeward, the Count de Grasse bore down with his whole fleet to her
protection, which brought him so near that I flattered myself he would
give me an opportunity of engaging him next day. With that view I
threw out the signal for the form of sailing, and stood with the whole
fleet to the southward till two in the morning, then tacked, and had
the happiness, at day-light, to find my most sanguine desire was near
being accomplished, by my having it in my power to force the enemy to
battle."
Note from Lord Rodney's narrative contained in a private letter.
"The 10th of April and the 11th were employed in endeavouring to bring
the enemy to battle, and on the 11th, late in the afternoon, the enemy
bore down to protect two of their own ships, who were in danger of
being cut off. This brought them to the position the Admiral wished;
he instantly issued orders to sail during the night in the order of
sailing; to put out all lights; to stand to the southward till two in
the morning, and then the whole fleet to tack without signal. This
deceived the enemy, who had no conception that the British fleet
should be so near them at day-light: we instantly formed the line of
battle on our starboard tack, the enemy formed theirs on the larboard
tack, and had made the signal to wear; but the nearness of the British
squadron prevented its being put into execution; and the British fleet
taking the lee gage, the Admiral made the signal to engage and close."
List of the French fleet commanded by the Comte de Grasse in order of
battle 9th and 12th April, 1782.
WHITE AND BLUE SQUADRON.
_First Division Flag, half White half Blue at the Fore._
Ships. Guns.
Le Souverain 74 Le Commandeur de Glandive.
L'Hercule 74 " La Clochetterie.
L'Auguste 80 " Bougainville.
Le Northumberland 74 " De Saint Cezaire.
_Second Division, half White half Blue at the Main._
Le Zele[21] 74 Chev. Gras. Preville.
Le Duc de Bourgogne 80 Commandeur Espinose.
Le Conquerant 74 " De la Grandiere.
Le Marseillois 74 " Lombard.
[21] Disabled on the night of the 11th, and returned to
Guadaloupe.
_Third Division, half White half Blue at the Mizen._
L'Hector[22] 74 Com. La Vicomte.
Le Cesar[22] 74 " Marigny.
Le Magnanime 74 " Comte le Besgue.
Le Diademe 74.
WHITE SQUADRON.
_Fourth Division, White at the Fore._
Le Glorieux[22] 74 Com. Comte d'Escar.
L'Eveille[22] 64 " Rilly.
Le Sceptre 74 " Comte de Vaudreuil.
[22] Taken on the 12th of April.
_Fifth Division, White at the Main._
Le Languedoc 80 Com. d'Arros.
La Ville de Paris 100 {Le Comte de Grasse
{Com. La Villeon.
La Couronne[23] 80 " Comte de Mithon.
[23] Joined at St. Kitt's.
_Sixth Division, White at the Mizen._
Le Reflechi 64 Com. Chev. de Boades.
Le S. Esprit 80 " Marquis de Chabert.
Le Scipion 74 " Grimouard.
Le Palmier 74 " Martelli.
BLUE SQUADRON.
_Seventh Division, Blue at the Fore._
Le Jason[24] 64 Com. Chev. de Villages.
Le Destin 74 " Goimpy.
Le Citoyen 74 " Comte d'Ethy.
Le Dauphin Royal[23] 74 " Montperoux.
[24] Not in the Fleet on the 12th.
_Eighth Division, Blue at the Main._
L'Ardent[22] 64 Com. Gourillon.
Le Triomphant[23] 80 " Marquis de Vaudreuil.
Le Neptune 74 " De Touches.
Le Bien-Aime[23] 74.
_Ninth Division, Blue at the Mizen._
Le Caton[23] 64 Com. Comte de Fremond.
Le Brave[23] 74 " Marquis d'Amblimont.
La Bourgogne 74 " Champmartin.
Le Pluton 74 " D'Albert de Rions.
_Frigates attached to each Squadron._
WHITE AND BLUE SQUADRON.
L'Experiment 50 Com. De Langle.
La Sagittaire 50 " La Villebrune.
La Resolue 32 " La Perouse.
La Hypocrite 32.
Le Cornwallis 20.
La Concorde 36 " Launay Tromlin.
L'Engageante 36 " La Taille.
WHITE SQUADRON.
Le Richmond 32.
La Medee 36 Com. Marquis de Kerquiron.
L'Iris 32.
Le Clairvoyant 20 " Le Grass Simeront.
La Galathee 36.
BLUE SQUADRON.
La Friponne 36
L'Astree[24] 36
La Ceres[24] 16
L'Amazone 36
Le Fier and Le Minotaure arme en flute.
[24] Not in the fleet on the 12th.
Total, thirty-four sail of the line, two of fifty guns,
thirteen frigates, seven armed brigs, two fire-ships, and one
cutter.
The Ville de Paris had 1,300 men on board at the commencement
of the action on the 9th.
List of Swedish Officers on board the French Fleet on the 12th
April 1782.
Le Conquerant Lieutenant Blessing.
Le Magnifique Montell.
Le Destin Toll.
Le Glorieux Baron Rebinder.
Le Sceptre Baron Cederstroem.
La Couronne Baron Palmquist.
La Ville de Paris Rosenstein.
Le Languedoc Wergus.
L'Auguste Hohenhausen.
Le Northumberland {Nauckhoff.
{Tornquist.
Le Palmier Lieutenant Brunmark.
Le Souverain Baron Rayalin.
Le Hercules Zachan.
L'Astree (frigate) Schults and Deborabur.
_Memorandum of the author made at Carlscrona in 1808._
Captain Tornquist said, that after the Russell gave the Northumberland
her first broadside, the helm was put up, and a great number of the crew
ran from their quarters; the Couronne bore up also at the same time, and
left the Ville de Paris, which had exchanged broadsides with several
ships, but was never closely engaged but by the Russell. He says that
the Barfleur did not fire a shot at the Ville de Paris.
Squadron sent under command of Rear-admiral Kempenfelt, to intercept
the French West India convoy, which had sailed from Brest, under M. de
Guichen, December 1781.
Names. Guns. Commanders.
Victory 100 {Kempenfelt, R.A. of the Red,
{Captain Cromwell.
Britannia 100 Capt. James Bradby.
Queen 98 " Hon. F. Maitland.
Duke 98 " Sir Walter Stirling.
Ocean 90 " George Ourry.
Namur 90 " John Dalrymple.
Edgar 74 {John Elliot, commodore.
{Captain Thomas Boston.
Alexander 74 Capt. Lord Longford.
Couragueux 74 " Honourable Charles Phipps.
Valiant 74 " Samuel C. Goodall.
Agamemnon 64 " Benjamin Caldwell.
Medway 60 " Henry Harmood.
Renown 50 " John Henry.
Arethusa 38 " Sir Richard Pearson.
Monsieur 36 " Honourable W.C. Finch.
La Prudente 36 " Honourable Wm. Waldegrave.
Tartar 28 " Robert M. Sutton.
Tisiphone fire-ship James Saumarez.
French fleet under M. de Guichen, when it fell in with Admiral
Kempenfelt, on the 12th of December 1781.
Names. Guns. Commanders.
La Bretagne 110 Com. Le Comte de Guichen.
Le Majestueux 110 " Le Comte de Rocheaut.
Le Royal Louis 110 " M. de Beausset.
L'Invincible 110
Le Terrible 110
La Couronne 84 " Mons de la Motte Piquet.
Le Triomphant[22] 84 " Mons. de Vaudreuil.
Le Pegase 74
Le Magnifique 74
L'Actif 74
Le Dauphin Royal 74
Le Bien-Aime 74
Le Zodiaque 74
Le Robuste 74
Le Fendent 74
Le Brave[22] 74
L'Argonaute 64
Le Lion 64
L'Indien 64
L'Alexandre armee en flute.
Le Hardi do. do.
[22] Taken on the 12th of April.
A List of the British Fleet in the action of the 9th and 12th April
1782, commanded by Sir George Bridges Rodney, Bart. K.B.
_Red Division._
Ships. Guns. Men. Commanders. Killed. Wound.
Royal Oak[25] 74 600 Capt. T. Burnet 8 30
Alfred 74 600 " W. Bayne 12 40
Montague 74 600 " G. Bowen 12 31
Yarmouth[25] 64 500 " A. Parry 14 33
Valiant[26] 74 650 " S.C. Goodall 10 28
{Sir S. Hood, Rear-adm.}
Barfleur 98 767 {of the Blue } 10 37
{Capt. John Knight }
Monarch 74 600 " F. Reynolds 16 33
Warrior[22] 74 600 " Sir J. Wallace 5 21
Bellequeux 64 500 " A. Sutherland 4 10
Centaur 74 600 " I.H. Inglefield
Magnificent[25] 74 600 " Robert Linzee 6 11
Prince William 64 500 " A. Wilkinson 0 0
{E. Affleck, Esq. Com.}
Bedford 74 617 {Capt. Thomas Graves } 0 16
Ajax 74 550 " N. Charrington 9 40
Repulse[25] 64 500 " T. Dumaresq 3 11
[25] Came from England with Sir G.B. Rodney.
[26] Joined the fleet off Antigua.
_White Division._
Ships. Guns. Men. Commanders. Killed. Wound.
Canada 74 600 Capt. Hon. W. Cornwallis 12 23
St. Albans 64 500 " C. Inglis 0 6
Namur 90 750 " R. Fanshawe 6 25
{Sir G.B. Rodney, Bart. }
{ Admiral of the White. }
Formidable[25] 98 780 {1 Capt. Sir Charles Douglas,} 15 39
{ Bart. }
{2 Capt. J. Symonds. }
{Lord Cranstoun, Volun. }
Duke 98 750 Capt. A. Gardner 13 60
Agamemnon 64 500 " B. Caldwell 14 24
Resolution 74 600 " Lord R. Manners 4 35
Prothee[25] 64 500 " C. Buckner 5 25
Hercules[25] 74 600 " H. Savage 7 19
America 64 500 " S. Thompson 1 1
_Blue Division._
Russell 74 600 Capt. James Saumarez 10 29
Prudent 64 500 " A. Barclay (not in action.)
Fame[26] 74 600 " R. Barber 3 12
Anson[26] 64 500 " W. Blair 3 13
Torbay 74 600 " Lewis Gideon 10 25
Prince George 98 750 " W. Williams 9 24
{F.S. Francis Drake, Esq.}
Princessa 70 577 { Rear-adm. of the Blue } 3 22
{Capt. C. Knatchbull. }
Conqueror[26] 74 600 " G. Balfour 7 23
Nonsuch 64 500 " W. Truscott 3 3
Alcade 74 600 " C. Thompson
Arrogant[26] 74 600 " S. Cornish 0 0
Marlborough[26] 74 600 " Tay. Penny 3 16
[26] Joined the fleet off Antigua.
FRIGATES ATTACHED TO EACH DIVISION.
_Red Division._
Ships. Guns. Commanders.
Lizard[27] 28
Le Nymphe[27] 36 Capt. J. Ford.
Champion (repeat signals) 24 " A. Hood.
Alecto, fire-ship " W. Fisher.
_White Division._
Convert 32 Capt. H. Hervey.
Endymion 44 " E.T. Smith.
Alarm 32 " C. Cotton.
Andromache 32 " J.A. Byron.
Flora (to repeat signals) 36 " S. Marshall.
Alert, brig 14
Sibyl 28 " Rodney.
Pegasus[27] 28 " S. Stanhope.
Salamander, F.S.[27]
Fortune[27] 38 " H.C. Christian.
Zebra[27] 14 " J. Boucher.
_Blue Division._
Germain[27] 14
Blast, F.S.[27]
Eurydice (to repeat) 24 " G. Wilson.
Santa Maria[27] 32 " J. Linzee.
[27] Not with the fleet in the action.
List of officers killed and wounded on the 9th and 12th April 1782.
Royal Oak Mr. Gwatkin, 1st lieutenant, killed; Captain of
the marines wounded.
Alfred Captain Bayne killed on the 9th.
Montague Mr. William Code, master, killed; Lieutenants
Briedan and Buchan, R.M., wounded.
Valiant Mr. R. Wimbleton, 2nd lieutenant, killed; Mr.
W. Brown, 5th lieutenant, Mr. Backhouse,
master, wounded.
Warrior Mr. Stone, master, wounded.
Magnificent Captain Bagg, of marines, wounded.
Ajax Mr. John Elliot, 1st lieutenant, and Mr. Thomas
Rositer, pilot, wounded.
Repulse Captain of marines and master wounded.
Formidable Lieutenant Hall killed; Captain Bell and Lieutenant
Harris of marines wounded.
Duke Lieutenant Cornish, Mr. Cooper, master, Mr.
Scott, boatswain, wounded.
Agamemnon Lieutenants Incledon and Brice wounded, the
latter since dead.
Prothee Thomas Love, master, wounded.
Hercules Lieutenant Hobart killed; Captain Savage wounded.
America Lieutenant Colbonhill killed; Lieutenant Trelawney
wounded.
Anson Captain Blair killed.
Torbay Lieutenant Monier, of marines, killed.
Princessa Lieutenants Dundas, McDonald, and Laban, of
marines, wounded.
Centaur No return.
Alcide No return.
EXTRACT FROM THE LOG OF THE RUSSELL.
Wind, East by North.
Russell, 12th April 1782, off Dominica, E.S.E. 4 or 5 leagues.
Friday 12th, fresh breezes and fine weather. At five P.M. the Admiral
made the signal to close in the order of sailing. At six, the America's
signal to go ahead and carry a light during the night. At half-past
seven saw the flashes and heard the report of several guns to windward,
supposed to be from the French fleet. At half-past one A.M. the Admiral
made the signal to tack. At sunrise saw the French fleet to the
northward about three leagues. At half-past five the Admiral made the
signal to form a line ahead, and for the blue division to lead. At six,
the Conqueror's signal was made to chase to the N.W. At half-past six
the Admiral made the signal for the line to form N.N.E. and S.S.W, two
cables' length asunder, and for the third in command to lead; the French
fleet to windward forming the line ahead, standing to the southward. At
seven the Admiral made the signal for all cruisers to come in and to
close the line one cable's length asunder. At thirty-eight minutes past
seven the Admiral made our signal for being out of our station; forty
minutes past, the signal for the fleet to close in a line of battle;
forty-three minutes past, repeated it; our fleet in a line ahead
standing to the southward. At three quarters past seven the enemy began
firing on our van. The Admiral made the signal for action--our van began
to engage the enemy's van. Fifty minutes past seven we backed the main
topsail, and began to engage. Fifty minutes past eight, engaging the
enemy very close, backed and filled occasionally; at nine luffed up and
backed the main topsail, and raked the enemy's sternmost ships. Having
passed all their line, ceased firing, the centre and rear still engaging
as they passed the enemy. Our masts, yards, sails, and rigging, very
much damaged; the mizen-mast, dangerously wounded, struck the mizen
yard, and sent topgallant-masts and yards down upon deck, unbent the
mizen topsail, a spritsail, topsail, and a jib for a mizen. At
twenty-five minutes past nine saw the Prince George to leeward without
a fore-mast. Employed fishing the fore and mizen topsail yards, and
fitting the rigging, and shifting powder from forward to aft, and
cleared the decks up ready for action. At half-past nine wore to stand
for the enemy. At ten the Admiral made the signal for the commander of
the third post to tack and gain the wind of the enemy; the signal for
engaging flying, and the signal for the line, hauled down. At three
minutes past eleven the Admiral made the signal for the van to tack: saw
one of the enemy's ships with all her masts and bowsprit shot away; Sir
Samuel Hood's division and part of the centre still engaging the enemy's
fleet: the rear, having been broke through, bore away.
13th P.M. Body of Dominica E.S.E. 9 or 10 leagues, Wind, Noon, E.S.E.
The van and centre, engaging at forty minutes past seven, wore to the
southward. The topsail-yard being fished, set the fore topsail
standing for the enemy's fleet; people employed repairing the rigging.
At half-past one the Admiral made the Alert's signal to come within
hail. At twenty minutes past two he made the Royal Oak's signal to
take the French ship in tow that was dismasted, part of the fleet
still engaging. The Admiral made the Bedford's signal to get into her
station. One of the French ships struck to the van. Coming up with the
enemy's fleet, beat to quarters. Forty minutes past three we began to
engage some of the enemy's ships to leeward on contrary tacks. At ten
minutes past four, having passed them, ceased firing and hauled up the
courses; wore ship ahead of the Formidable two of the enemy's ships
struck their colours. At half-past four the Admiral made the
Conqueror's signal to make more sail. At a quarter past five he made
the signal to close in line of battle; set the foresail. At six bore
down, and ran under the Ville de Paris' stern, raked her, then hauled
up after her; at twenty minutes past six saw her strike her colours.
At seven P.M. the Admiral made the night-signal for the fleet to
bring-to on the starboard tack; shortened sail, hauled our wind, and
backed the main topsail, some of the fleet engaging to leeward.
During the action we had ten men killed and twenty-nine wounded; the
French fleet going away with all sail set to the N.W. At half-past
eleven, saw a ship on fire blow up.
On the 4th of March, at half-past three, the Russell struck on a rock
and damaged her rudder and stern frame; at eight weighed and run
further out. On the 5th, at four, made the signal for assistance, and
went to the Carenage. On the 6th, warped in and unhung her rudder,
sent it on shore, and found that all the lower pentles were broken
off. 11th, came out of the Carenage; fifteen men deserted; in coming
out, she again struck on a rock. Before the action, she received
twenty-three men from the Shrewsbury.
Signed on the 23rd September 1782, by
JAMES SAUMAREZ.
_Lord Rodney's Victory.--Canada's Log, 12th April 1782._
April 12th, at daylight, six, moderate and cloudy. Quarter past seven
the Admiral made the signal to call in all cruisers. At twenty-five
past seven he made the signal for the line of battle ahead a cable's
length asunder. The enemy formed a line of battle ahead on the
larboard tack, standing to the south, and we formed the line of battle
ahead on the starboard tack, and stood to the northward. At eight the
Admiral made the Russell's signal to get into her station; at five
past eight, he made the signal to close. At fifty past seven, the van
of our fleet began to engage, as did all the other ships as they came
abreast of enemy. There was a great interval in the enemy's line; our
fleet cut through to windward about twelve ships of them. At twenty
past eight the enemy's ships, as they passed, began firing at us; at
twenty-five past eight we began to engage. At twenty past nine one of
the enemy's ship's main and mizen-masts went over the stern just as
she got abreast of our quarter, and soon after our fore-mast and
bowsprit went also. At twenty-five past nine, having passed the
enemy's fleet, some of whom went to leeward of us, the Admiral made
the signal to tack. At thirty-eight past ten he hoisted signal for the
commander of the third post to make more sail; observed the Duke's
main topmast go over the side. At fifty past ten, observed the Prince
George with her fore topmast gone. We ceased firing, as did most of
the ships on both sides, except Sir S. Hood and some of the squadron
who were to windward, who exchanged a good many shots with the enemy,
as he bore down. At eleven, observed that the Admiral had hauled down
the signal for the line; at five past eleven the Admiral made the
signal to tack; wore at three quarters past eleven. We fired several
shots at the enemy, to try the distance, but finding they did not
reach, ceased firing. At fifty past eleven the Admiral made the
Conqueror's signal to tack, and made and shortened sail occasionally.
Wind, E. P.M. E.S.E. 13th (at noon) P.M., moderate and clear,
inclinable to calm. At five P.M. the Admiral made the Endymion's
signal to stay by a disabled ship in the N.W. At ten P.M. one of our
ships ahead fired a good many shots at a frigate, which had a disabled
ship of the enemy in tow; and soon after the frigate cast her off. We
fired several shots, at times, to try the distance. At twenty-three,
P.M. the Admiral made the signal that the van were at too great a
distance from the centre; the ships astern exchanged a good many shots
with the enemy as they came up with them. At fifty P.M. the Admiral
made the Alcides and Marlborough signal to make more sail; at
fifty-three, P.M. to engage close; fired several shots, at times, to
try the distance. At a quarter past one, two of our ships to windward
exchanged a good many shots with the enemy. At half-past one the
Admiral made our signal to close; twenty-five past one, we began to
engage; at fifty past one the Admiral made the signal to the Monarch
to get into her station. At twelve past two he made the Alert signal
to come within hail; half-past two he made the Royal Oak's signal to
take the ship in tow that had struck her colours. At twenty-two past
two the Admiral made the Resolution signal to tack, and we
discontinued engaging. At twenty-three past two some of our ships
upon our larboard beam began firing, as did the rest of the ships as
they came up with the enemy. At three quarters past three the Admiral
made the Repulse and Alcides signal to bear down. At four the Admiral
made the signal to veer; at seven past four the Admiral made the
Torbay signal to veer; at twenty past four a French line-of-battle
ship struck to us after engaging her eighteen minutes. At a quarter
past four the Admiral made the Repulse and Resolution signals to make
more sail; at three quarters past, Sir S. Hood steering after some
enemy's ships to the N.W. About this time the firing ceased on both
sides. At fifty past four the Admiral made the signal for the first
ships to bear down. At five we began to engage; at a quarter past five
our ships engaging as they came up; at fifty-five past five observed
another French line-of-battle ship had struck her colours. At five
past six the Admiral made the signal to the Princess and Bedford to
get into their stations. At thirty-five past six observed that the
Ville de Paris had struck her colours. At forty past six discontinued
the engagement. At seven beat the retreat. At nine, saw a ship on
fire, and another soon after blow up, all without the main topsail.
Wind, E.S.E.
(A true copy.) J. Ross.
Although in the above logs, and in several others which we have
examined at the depot, by permission from the Lords of the Admiralty,
it does appear that the Canada was engaged with the Ville de Paris,
yet we have no doubt of the fact, having the testimonies of Sir L.
Halsted and Admiral Giffard, who were in the Canada on the 12th of
April, extracts of whose letters we subjoin, which also prove that the
Canada was not the ship that was engaging the Ville de Paris when the
Barfleur came up, and when the French Admiral struck his colours. Sir
Lawrence Halsted, in his letter to us, after giving a brief account of
the capture of the Hector, and of the Canada's previous and subsequent
attack on the Ville de Paris, relates, that the Canada, on seeing some
ships bearing down on the Ville de Paris, of which, he believes, one
was the Russell, "bore up in pursuit of a French Rear-admiral in the
Triomphant 84;" and he concludes, "I trust that that part in Lord de
Saumarez' letter is satisfactorily answered, as it is quite clear that
the Canada was not near the Ville de Paris at the time she
surrendered." Admiral Giffard, in answer to our application, says,
"I am of opinion the Canada was engaged with the Ville de Paris
earlier in the day than the Russell."
Extract of a letter from Capt. G.W.H. Knight, R.N., son of the late
Admiral Sir John Knight, K.C.B., who was captain of the Barfleur on the
12th April, 1782.
"I have never been able to lay my hand on my father's letter, wherein
he gave me some account of the 12th of April 1782, but this I
recollect quite well, that he said, 'he accompanied Sir Samuel
(afterwards Lord Hood) on board Lord Rodney's ship the day before the
battle of the 9th of April, (my father being captain of the Barfleur,
Sir Samuel's flag ship,) and on that occasion not one word was said,
or order given, for any attempt to break through the enemy's line in
the expected engagement, nor was any order afterwards given previous
to the 12th of April. That on the 9th, the van squadron, commanded by
Sir S. Hood, which was most engaged, made no attempt to break the
line, nor did the van or centre (the line being inverted) on the 12th
make any such attempt; and my father attributed the Formidable, and
those that followed her, getting through, to the circumstance of a
change of wind, which brought those ships up with the rest of the rear
of the British fleet, while it broke off the ships in the French line,
and consequently left openings.' He further said, 'that from the
density of the smoke they could see nothing, and that the first
intimation they had (the Barfleur) of passing through the enemy's line
was, from receiving fire on both sides.' He gave another reason for
supposing it was altogether accidental, which was, that no attempt
was made or order given by signal to double on the enemy, and that the
advantage gained by passing through the line was never made use of
when my father took possession of the Ville de Paris, and received
Count de Grasse's sword, and afterward conveyed him to his Admiral; no
remark was made upon any circumstance having taken place different
from the usual practice. These are the heads of what I recollect."
APPENDIX G.
_List of the English squadron, commanded by Vice-admiral Sir J.
Saumarez, off Port Baltic, 1st September 1803._
Capt. B. Martin, 1 Capt.
Ships. Guns. Captains.
Victory 100 {Dumaresq.
{Sir S. Hood.
Centaur 74 Webley.
Implacable 74 Pipon.
Goliath 74 Puget.
Mars 74 Lukin.
Africa 64 Barrett.
Salsette 32 Bathurst.
Ariel 18 T. White.
Rose 18 T. Mansell.
Cruiser 18 McKenzie.
Erebus 18.
Baltic 10.
Thunder Bomb.
_List of the Swedish fleet, commanded by Rear-admiral Nauckhoff._
Ships. Guns.
Gustaf IV. Adolf 78
Adolf Frederick 74
Manligheten 74
Dristigheten 74
Tapperheten 74
Forsigtigheten 74
Gustaf den Tredje 74
Faederneslandet 74
Uladesloff 74
Frederick Adolf 64
Bellona 40
Camilla 40
Euridice 40
Yarramus 32
Waenta Litet 18
Komma Straxt 18
_Russian Fleet._
Ships. Guns. Commanders.
Blagadod. 110 Admiral Henikoff.
Angel Gabriel 100 Rear-admiral Mueller.
Ships. Guns.
Amgallen 74
Boreas 74
Eagle 74
Michael 74
North Star 74
Sewolod (taken) 74
Argus, Hero, and Rapid 50
APPENDIX H.
_List of the French Fleet opposed to the English, 23rd June 1795._
Ships. Guns.
Le Peuple 120
Le Nestor 80
Le Redoubtable 80
Le Mucius 80
Le Tigre (taken) 80
Le Fougueux 80
Le Zele 74
Le Formidable (taken) 74
Le Jean Bart 74
Les droits de l'homme 74
L'Alexandre (taken) 74
Name unknown 74
Le Brave, rase 56
Le Scaevola, rase 56
_Frigates._
La Virgine 44
La Fidelle 44
L'Insurgente 44
La Fortitude 44
La Regenere 44
La Naute 44
La Fraternite 44
La Proserpine 36
La Cocade 36
La Dryade 36
Le Renard 36
_Corvettes._
La Constance 22
La Talente 18
La Senseure 22
La Papillion 18
_List of the Fleet under the command of Admiral Lord Bridport, June 23rd
1795, with the number of killed and wounded._
Ships. Guns. Killed. Wound.
{Lord Bridport, Admiral}
Royal George 110 {of the White. } -- 7
{Captain Domett. }
Queen Charlotte 110 Capt. Sir A.S. Douglas 4 32
London. 98 " E. Griffiths -- 3
Queen. 98 {Sir A Gardner, Bt. Vice Admiral of
{the White: Captain Wm. Bedford
Prince of Wales. 98 Capt. J. Bazely.
Prince George. 98 " W. Edge.
Barfleur 98 " J. Richard Dawes.
Prince 98 " C.P. Hamilton
{Lord Hugh Seymour, }
Sans Pareil 80 { Rear Adm. of the Blue. }
{ Capt. H. Browell } 10
Orion 74 Capt. Sir James Saumarez. 6 18
Valiant. 74 " Jos. Larcom (acting).
Killed. Wounded.
Orion 6 18
Irresistible 3 11
Queen Charlotte 4 32
Sans Pareil 10 2
Colossus 6 30
Russell 3 10
London 0 3
Royal George 0 7
-- ---
Total 31 113
The above statement shows the total numerical loss sustained by each
of the ships that were so fortunate as to get into action.
APPENDIX I.
Orion, St Helen's Roads, 30th December 1796.
MY LORD,