SECTION 1.

Produced by Karl Hagen, Juliet Sutherland,

and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.

** Transcriber's Notes **

The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the

spelling and abreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this

version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript

abbreviations have been silently expanded:

- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'

- q; = -que (in the Latin)

- y[e] = the; y[t] = that; w[t] = with

This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes

are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling

conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always

systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's

own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the

sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are

labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in

poetry, where they are moved to the nearest convenient break in the text.

** End Transcriber's Notes **

THE PRINCIPAL

Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries

OF THE ENGLISH NATION.

Collected by

RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER

AND

Edited by

EDMUND GOLDSMIDT, F.R.H.S.

NORTHERN EUROPE

VOL. I.

EDITORS PREFACE

"This elaborate and excellent Collection, which redounds as much to the

glory of the English Nation as any book that ever was published, has

already had sufficient complaints made in its behalf against our suffering

it to become so scarce and obscure, by neglecting to _republish_ it in a

fair impression, with proper illustrations and especially an _Index_. But

there may still be room left for a favourable construction of such neglect,

and the hope that nothing but the casual scarcity of a work so long since

out of print may have prevented its falling into those able hands that

might, by such an edition, have rewarded the eminent _Examples_ preserved

therein, the _Collector_ thereof and _themselves_ according to their

deserts."

Thus wrote Oldys (The British Librarian, No III, March, 1737, page 137),

nearly 150. years ago, and what has been done to remove this, reproach? The

work has become so rare that even a reckless expenditure of money cannot

procure a copy [Footnote: Mr. Quantch, the eminent Bibliopole, is now

asking £42 for a copy of the 1598-1600 edition.]

It has indeed long been felt that a handy edition of the celebrated

"Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels and Discoveries of the English

Nation," published by Richard Hakluyt 1598, 1599, 1600, was one of the

greatest desiderata of all interested in History, Travel, or Adventure. The

labour and cost involved have however hitherto deterred publishers from

attempting to meet the want except in the case of the very limited reprint

of 1809-12. [Footnote: Of this edition 250 copies were printed on royal

paper, and 75 copies on imperial paper.] As regards the labour involved,

the following brief summary of the contents of the Second Edition will give

the reader some idea of its extent. I refer those who desire a complete

analysis to Oldys.

Volume I. (1598) deals with Voyages to the North and North East, and

contains _One hundred and nine_ separate narratives, from Arthur's

Expedition to Norway in 517 to the celebrated Expedition to Cadiz, in the

reign of good Queen Bess. Amongst the chief voyages may be mentioned:

Edgar's voyage round Britain in 973; an account of the Knights of

Jerusalem; Cabot's voyages; Chancellor's voyages to Russia; Elizabeth's

Embassies, to Russia, Persia, &c.; the Destruction of the Armada; &c., &c.

Volume II. (1599) treats of Voyages to the South and South East, beginning

with that of the Empress Helena to Jerusalem in 337. The chief narratives

are those of Edward the Confessor's Embassy to Constantinople; The History

of the English Guard in that City; Richard Coeur de Lion's travels; Anthony

Beck's voyage to Tartary in 1330; The English in Algiers and Tunis (1400);

Solyman's Conquest of Rhodes; Foxe's narrative of his captivity; Voyages to

India, China, Guinea, the Canaries; the account of the Levant Company; and

the travels of Raleigh, Frobisher, Grenville, &c. It contains _One hundred

and sixty-five_ separate pieces.

Volume III. (1600) has _Two hundred and forty-three different narratives_,

commencing with the fabulous Discovery of the West Indies in 1170, by

Madoc, Prince of Wales. It contains the voyages of Columbus; of Cabot and

his Sons; of Davis, Smith, Frobisher, Drake, Hawkins; the Discoveries of

Newfoundland, Virginia, Florida, the Antilles, &c.; Raleigh's voyages to

Guiana; Drake's great Voyage; travels in South America, China, Japan, and

all countries in the West; an account of the Empire of El Dorado, &c.

The three volumes of the Second Edition therefore together contain _Five

hundred and seventeen_ separate narratives. When to this we add those

narratives included in the First Edition, but omitted in the Second, all

the voyages printed by Hakluyt or at his suggestion, such as "Divers

Voyages touching the Discoverie of America," "The Conquest of Terra

Florida," "The Historie of the West Indies," &c., &c., and many of the

publications of the Hakluyt Society, some idea may be formed of the

magnitude of the undertaking. I trust the notes and illustrations I have

appended may prove useful to students and ordinary readers; I can assure

any who may be disposed to cavil at their brevity that many a _line_ has

cost me hours of research. In conclusion, a short account of the previous

editions of Hakluyt's Voyages may be found useful.

The _First_ Edition (London: G. Bishop and R. Newberie) 1589, was in one

volume folio. It contains, besides the Dedication to Sir Francis Walsingham

(see page 3), a preface (see page 9), tables and index, 825 pages of

matter. The map referred to in the preface was one which Hakluyt

substituted for the one engraved by Molyneux, which was not ready in time

and which was used for the Second Edition.

The _Second_ Edition (London, G. Bishop, R. Newberie, and R, Barker), 1598,

1599, 1600, folio, 3 vols. in 2, is the basis of our present edition. The

celebrated voyage to Cadiz (pages 607-19 of first volume) is wanting in

many copies. It was suppressed by order of Elizabeth, on the disgrace of

the Earl of Essex. The first volume sometimes bears the date of 1598.

Prefixed is an Epistle Dedicatorie, a preface, complimentary verses, &c.

(twelve leaves). It contains 619 pages. Volume II. has eight leaves of

prefatory matter, 312 pages for _Part I_., and 204 pages for _Part II_. For

Volume III. there are also eight leaves for title, dedication, &c., and 868

pages.

The _Third_ Edition (London, printed by G. Woodfall), 1809-12, royal 410, 5

vols., is an excellent reprint of the two early editions. It is very

scarce, a poor copy fetching £17 to £18. Since this edition, there has been

no reprint of the Collection.

I have taken upon myself to alter the order of the different voyages. I

have grouped together those voyages which relate to the same parts of the

globe, instead of adopting the somewhat haphazard arrangement of the

original edition. This, and the indices I have added to each volume, will,

I hope, greatly assist the student. The maps, with the exception of the

facsimile ones, are modern; on them I have traced the presumed course of

the journey or journeys they refer to. The illustrations I have taken from

a variety of sources, which are always indicated.

EDMUND GOLDSMID.

EDINBURGH, _August 23rd_, 1884.

THE PRINCIPAL

NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOVERIES

OF

THE ENGLISH NATION,

MADE BY SEA OR OUER-LAND TO

THE REMOTE AND FARTHEST DISTANT QUARTERS OF THE EARTH,

AT ANY TIME WITHIN THE COMPASSE OF THESE 1600 YERES:

DIUIDED INTO THREE SEUERALL VOLUMES, ACCORDING TO THE POSITIONS OF THE

REGIONS WHEREUNTO THEY WERE DIRECTED.

THE FIRST VOLUME CONTAINETH

The Worthy Discoueries, &c. of the English toward the North and Northeast

by Sea,

AS OF

LAPLAND, SCRIKFINIA, CORELIA, THE BAIE OF S. NICOLAS, THE ISLES OF

COLGOEVE, VAIGATZ, AND NOUA ZEMBLE, TOWARD THE GREAT RIUER OB, THE MIGHTY

EMPIRE OF RUSSIA, THE CASPIAN SEA, GEORGIA, ARMENIA, MEDIA, PERSIA, BOGHAR

IN BACTRIA, AND DIUERS KINGDOMES OF TARTARIA:

TOGETHER WITH MANY

NOTABLE MONUMENTS AND TESTIMONIES OF THE ANCIENT FORREN TRADES, AND OF THE

WARRELIKE AND OTHER SHIPPING OF THIS REALME OF ENGLAND IN FORMER AGES,

WHEREUNTO IS ANNEXED

A Briefe Commentary of the True State of Island and of the Northern Seas

and Lands Situate that Way:

AS ALSO

The Memorable Defeat of the Spanish Huge Armada, Anno 1588.

THE SECOND VOLUME COMPREHENDETH

The Principall Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of the

English Nation made by Sea or Ouer-land,

TO

THE SOUTH AND SOUTH-EAST PARTS OF THE WORLD, AS WELL WITHIN AS WITHOUT THE

STREIGHT OF GIBRALTAR AT ANY TIME WITHIN THE COMPASSE OF THESE 1600 YERES:

DIVIDED INTO TWO SEUERAL PARTS, &c.

By Richard Hakluyt PREACHER,

AND SOMETIME STUDENT OF CHRIST-CHVRCH IN OXFORD

IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY GEORGE BISHOP, RALPH

NEWBERIE, AND ROBERT BARKER.

ANNO 1599.

DEDICATION TO THE FIRST EDITION

TO THE

RIGHT HONORABLE

SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM KNIGHT, [Footnote: Born at Chislehurst, Kent, in

1536 He was educated at King's College Cambridge, where he specialty

devoted himself to the study of languages in which he became proficient.

Appointed Ambassador to Paris in 1570, he distinguished himself by the

extensive system of "secret police," or spies which he established. He was

present at the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, which did not excite in his

cold diplomatic mind the horror it created in England. On his return in

1573 he became Secretary of State. Ten years later he was Ambassador to

James VI of Scotland and in 1586 he sat as one of the commissioners on the

trial of Mary, Queen of Scots. In the matter of the Rabbington Conspiracy,

he is said to have "outdone the Jesuits in their own Low, and overreached

them in their equivocation." He died in 1590, in comparative disgrace with

his mistress.]

PRINCIPALL SECRETARIE TO HER MAIESTIE, CHANCELLOR OF THE DUCHIE OF

LANCASTER, AND ONE OF HER MAIESTIES MOST HONOURABLE PRIUIE COUNCELL.

Right Honorable, I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Maiesties

scholars at Westminster [Footnote: We know little of Richard Hakluyt beyond

what we can gather from his writings. He was born at Eyton, in

Herefordshire in 1553; was educated, as we here learn, at Westminster

School and afterward, at Christ Church, Oxford, where geography was his

favourite study; In 1584 he went to Paris as Chaplain to the English

Embassy and, during his absence, was made Prebendary of Bristol. On his

return he published several works, Leo's "Geographical History of Africa,"

translated from the Spanish, and Peter Martyr's "History of the West

Indies" In 1605 he became Prebendary of Westminster, and Rector of

Wetherogset in Suffolk. He died in 1616. In compiling the present work,

Hakluyt had the assistance of Sir Walter Raleigh.] that fruitfull nurserie,

it was my happe to visit the chamber of M. Richard Hakluyt, my cosin, a

Gentleman of the Middle Temple, well knowen vnto you, at a time when I

found lying open vpon his boord certeine bookes of Cosmographie, with an

vniuersall Mappe: he seeing me somewhat curious in the view therof, began

to instruct my ignorance, by shewing me the diuision of the earth into

three parts after the olde account, and then according to the latter, &

better distribution, into more: he pointed with his wand to all the knowen

Seas, Gulfs, Bayes, Straights, Capes, Riuers, Empires, Kingdomes,

Dukedomes, and Territories of ech part, with declaration also of their

speciall commodities, & particular wants, which by the benefit of traffike,

& entercourse of merchants, are plentifully supplied. From the Mappe he

brought me to the Bible, and turning to the 107. Psalme, directed mee to

the 23 & 24 verses, where I read, that they which go downe to the sea in

ships, and occupy by the great waters, they see the works of the Lord, and

his woonders in the deepe, &c. Which words of the Prophet together with my

cousins discourse (things of high and rare delight to my yong nature) tooke

in me so deepe an impression, that I constantly resolued, if euer I were

preferred to the Vniuersity, where better time, and more conuenient place

might be ministred for these studies, I would by Gods assistance prosecute

that knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after a sort)

were so happily opened before me.

According to which my resolution, when, not long after, I was remoued to

Christ-church in Oxford, my exercises of duety first performed, I fell to

my intended course, and by degrees read ouer whatsoeuer printed or written

discoueries and voyages I found extant either in the Greeke, Latine,

Italian, Spanish, Portugall, French, or English languages, and, in my

publike lectures was the first, that produced and shewed both the olde

imperfectly composed, and the new lately reformed Mappes, Globes, Spheares,

[Footnote: "Ortelius, in his 'Theatrum Orbis Terrarum,' the first edition

of which was in 1570, gives a list of about 150 geographical

treatises."--Hallam's "Literature of Europe," c. xvii. § 53.] and other

instruments of this Art for demonstration in the common schooles, to the

singular pleasure, and generall contentment of my auditory. In continuance

of time, and by reason principally of my insight in this study, I grew

familiarly acquainted with the chiefest Captaines at sea, the greatest

Merchants, and the best Manners of our nation: by which meanes hauing

gotten somewhat more then common knowledge, I passed at length the narrow

seas into France with sir Edward Stafford, her Maiesties carefull and

discreet Ligier, where during my fiue yeeres abroad with him in his

dangerous and chargeable residencie in her Highnes seruice, I both heard in

speech, and read in books other nations miraculously extolled for their

discoueries and notable enterprises by sea, but the English of all others

for their sluggish security, and continuall neglect of the like attempts

especially in so long and happy a time of peace, either ignominiously

reported, or exceedingly condemned: which singular opportunity, if some

other people our neighbors had beene blessed with, their protestations are

often and vehement, they would farre otherwise haue vsed. And that the

trueth and euidence heerof may better appeare, these are the very words of

Popiliniere in his booke called L'Admiral de France, and printed at Paris.

Fol. 73. pag 1, 2. The occasion of his speech is the commendation of the

Rhodnais, who being (as we are) Islanders, were excellent in nauigation,

whereupon he woondereth much that the English should not surpasse in that

qualitie, in this sort: Ce qui m'a fait autresfois rechercher les

occasions, qui empeschent, que les Anglois, qui ont d'esprit, de moyens &

valeur assez, pour s'aquerir vn grand honeur parmi tous les Chrestiens, ne

se font plus valoir sur l'element qui leur est, & doit estre plus naturel

qu' à autres peuples: qui leur doiuent ceder en la structure, accommodement

& police de nauires: comme i' ay veu en plusieurs endroits parmi eux.

[Footnote: _Translation_ "This made me inquire into the reasons which

prevent the English, who have sufficient intelligence, means, and courage

to acquire great honour amongst all Christians, from shining more on the

element which is and ought to be more natural to them than to other

nations, who must needs yield to them in the building, fitting out, and

management of ships, as I have my self often witnessed when amongst them."]

Thus both hearing, and reading the obloquie of our nation, and finding few

or none of our owne men able to replie heerin: and further, not seeing any

man to haue care to recommend to the world, the industrious labors, and

painefull trauels of our countrey men: for stopping the mouthes of the

reprochers, my selfe being the last winter returned from France with the

honorable the Lady Sheffield, for her passing good behauior highly esteemed

in all the French court, determined notwithstanding all difficulties, to

vndertake the burden of that worke wherin all others pretended either

ignorance, or lacke of leasure, or want of sufficient argument, whereas (to

speake truely) the huge toile, and the small profit to insue, were the

chiefe causes of the refusall. I call the worke a burden, in consideration

that these voyages lay so dispersed, scattered, and hidden in seuerall

hucksters hands, that I now woonder at my selfe, to see how I was able to

endure the delayes, curiosity, and backwardnesse of many from whom I was to

receiue my originals: so that I haue iust cause to make that complaint of

the maliciousnes of diuers in our time, which Plinie [Footnote: Plinius.

lib. 25. cap. 1. Naturalis historiæ.] made of the men of his age: At nos

elaborata ijs abscondere átque supprimere cupimus, & fraudare vitam etiam

alienis bonis, &c.

To harpe no longer vpon this string, & to speake a word of that iust

commendation which our nation doe indeed deserue: it can not be denied, but

as in all former ages, they haue bene men full of actiuity, stirrers

abroad, and searchers of the remote parts of the world, so in this most

famous and peerlesse gouernement of her most excellent Maiesty, her

subiects through the speciall assistance, and blessing of God, in searching

the most opposite corners and quarters of the world, and to speake plainly,

in compassing the vaste globe of the earth more then once, haue excelled

all the nations and people of the earth. For, which of the kings of this

land before her Maiesty, had theyr banners euer beene in the Caspian sea?

which of them hath euer dealt with the Emperor of Persia, as her Maiesty

hath done, and obteined for her merchants large & louing; priuileges? who

euer saw before this regiment, an English Ligier in the stately porch of

the Grand Signor at Constantinople? who euer found English Consuls & Agents

at Tripolis in Syria, at Aleppo, at Babylon, at Balsara, and which is more,

who euer heard of Englishman at Goa before now? what English shippes did

heeretofore euer anker in the mighty riuer of Plate? passe and repasse the

vnpassable (in former opinion) straight of Magellan, range along the coast

of Chili, Peru, and all the backside of Noua Hispania, further then any

Christian euer passed, trauers the mighty bredth of the South sea, land

vpon the Luzones in despight of the enemy, enter into alliance, amity, and

traffike with the princes of the Moluccaes, & the Isle of Iaua, double the

famous Cape of Bona Speranza, ariue at the Isle of Santa Helena, & last of

al ruturne home most richly laden with the commodities of China, as the

subiects of this now florishing monarchy haue done?

Lucius Florus in the very end of his historie de gestis Romanorum recordeth

as a wonderfull miracle, that the Seres, (which I take to be the people of

Cathay, or China) sent ambassadors to Rome, to intreate friedship, as moued

with the fame of the maiesty of the Romane Empire. And haue not we as good

cause to admire, that the Kings of the Moluccæs and Iaua maior, haue

desired the fauour of her maiestie, and the commerce & traffike of her

people? Is it not as strange that the borne naturalles of Iapan, and the

Philippinæs are here to be seene, agreeing with our climate, speaking our

language, and informing vs of the state of their Easterne habitations? For

mine owne part, I take it as a pledge of Gods further fauour both vnto vs

and them: to them especially, vnto whose doors I doubt not in time shall be

by vs caried the incomparable treasure of the truth of Christianity, and of

the Gospell, while we vse and exercise common trade with their marchants. I

must confesse to haue read in the excellent history intituled Origines of

Ioannes Goropius, a testimonie of king Henrie the viij, a prince of noble

memory, whose intention was once, if death had not preuented him, to haue

done some singular thing in this case: whose words speaking of his dealing

to that end with himselfe, he being a stranger, & his history rare, I

thought good in this place verbatim to record: Ante viginti & plus eo annos

ab Henrico Kneuetto Equite Anglo nomine Regis Henrici arram accepi, qua

conuenerat, Regio sumptu me totam Asiam, quoad Turcorum & Persarum Regum

commendationes, & legationes admitterentur, peragraturum. Ab his enim

duobus Asiæ principibus facile se impetraturum sperabat, vt non solùm tutò

mihi per ipsorum fines liceret ire, sed vt commendatione etiam ipsorum ad

confinia quoque daretur penetrare. Sumptus quidem non exiguus erat futurus,

sed tanta erat principi cognoscendi auiditas, vt nullis pecunijs ad hoc

iter necessarijs se diceret parsurum. O Dignum Regia Maiestate animum, O me

foelicem, si Deus non antè & Kneuettum & Regem abstulisset, quàm reuersus

ab hac peregrinatione fuissem, &c. [Footnote: Ioannis Goropij Becari

originum lib. 5 pag 494. _Translation_: "More than twenty years before I

received from Henry Knevett, an English knight, in the name of King Henry,

a retaining fee, it being agreed that I should travel at the king's expense

throughout Asia, so far as the letters of introduction or embassies of the

Turkish and Persian monarchs would enable me. For he (the king) hoped

easily to obtain from these two Asiatic monarchs not only permission for me

to travel through their territories, but also, by their influence, through

the frontier states of their kingdoms. The cost was not to be light, but

such was that prince's eagerness, after knowledge that he declared he would

spare no expense for this journey. O mind worthy of regal dignity! O happy

me if God had not called away both Knevett and the king before I had

returned from that journey!"] But as the purpose of Dauid the king to

builde a house and temple to God was accepted, although Salomon performed

it: so I make no question, but that the zeale in this matter of the

aforesaid most renowmed prince may seeme no lesse worthy (in his kinde) of

acceptation, although reserued for the person of our Salomon her gratious

Maiesty, whome I feare not to pronounce to haue receiued the same Heroicall

spirit, and most honorable disposition, as an inheritance from her famous

father.

Now wheras I haue alwayes noted your wisdome to haue had a speciall care of

the honor of her Maiesty, the good reputation of our country, & the

aduancing of nauigation, the very walles of this our Island, as the oracle

is reported to haue spoken of the sea forces of Athens: [Footnote: Plutarch

in the life of Themistocles.] and whereas I acknowledge in all dutifull

sort how honorably both by your letter and speech I haue bene animated in

this and other my trauels, I see my selfe bound to make presentment of this

worke to your selfe, as the fruits of your owne incouragements, & the

manifestation both of my vnfained seruice to my prince and country, and of

my particular duty to your honour: which I haue done with the lesse

suspition either of not satisfying the world, or of not answering your owne

expectation, in that according to your order, it hath passed the sight, and

partly also the censure of the learned phisitian M. Doctor Iames, a man

many wayes very notably qualified.

And thus beseeching God, the giuer of all true honor & wisdome to increase

both these blessings in you, with continuance of health, strength,

happinesse, and whatsoeuer good thing els your selfe can wish, I humbly

take my leaue.

London the 17. of Nouember.

Your honors most humble alwayes to be commanded

RICHARD HAKLUYT.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

RICHARD HAKLUYT TO THE FAVOURABLE READER

I haue thought it very requisite for thy further instruction and direction

in this historie (Good Reader) to acquaint thee brieflie with the Methode

and order which I haue vsed in the whole course thereof: and by the way

also to let thee vnderstand by whose friendly aide in this my trauell I

haue bene furthered: acknowledging that ancient speach to be no lesse true

then inenious, that the offence is great, Non agnoscere per quos

profeceris, not to speake of them by whom a man in his indeuours is

assisted.

Concerning my proceeding therefore in this present worke, it hath bene

this. Whatsoeuer testimonie I haue found in any author of authoritie

appertaining to my argument, either stranger or naturall, I haue recorded

the same word for word, with his particular name and page of booke where it

is extant. If the same were not reduced into our common language, I haue

first expressed it in the same termes wherein it is originally written

whether it were a Latine, Italian, Spanish or Portugall discourse, or

whatsoeuer els, and thereunto in the next roome haue annexed the

signification and translation of the wordes in English. And to the ende

that those men which were the paynefull and personall trauellers might

reape that good opinion, and iust commendation which they haue deserued,

and further that euery man might answere for himselfe, iustifie his

reports, and stand accountable for his owne doings, I haue referred euery

voyage to his Author, which both in person hath performed, and in writing

hath left the same: for I am not ignorant of Ptolomies assertion, that

Peregrinationis historia, and not those wearie volumes bearing the titles

of vniuersall Cosmographie which some men that I could name haue published

as their owne, beyng in deed most vntruly and vnprofitablie ramassed and

hurled together, is that which must bring vs to the certayne and full

discouerie of the world.

Moreouer, I meddle in this worke with the Nauigations onely of our owne

nation: And albeit I alleage in a few places (as the matter and occasion

required) some strangers as witnesses of the things done yet are they none

but such as either faithfully remember, or sufficiently confirme the

trauels of our owne people: of whom (to speake trueth) I haue receiued more

light in some respects then all our owne Historians could affoord me in

this case, Bale, Foxe, and Eden onely excepted.

And it is a thing withall principally to be considered that I stand not

vpon any action perfourmed neere home, nor in any part of Europe commonly

frequented by our shipping, as for example: Not vpon that victorious

exploit not long since atchieued in our narow Seas agaynst that monstrous

Spanish army vnder the valiant and prouident conduct of the right

honourable the lord Charles Howard high Admirall of England: Not vpon the

good seruices of our two woorthie Generals in their late Portugall

expedition: Not vpon the two most fortunate attempts of our famous

Chieftaine Sir Frauncis Drake, the one in the Baie of Cales vpon a great

part of the enimies chiefest shippes the other neere the Islands vpon the

great Carrack of the East India, the first (though peraduenture not the

last) of that employment, that euer discharged Molucca spices in English

portes: these (albeit singular and happy voyages of our renowmed

countrymen) I omit, as things distinct and without the compasse of my

prescribed limites, beyng neither of remote length and spaciousnesse,

neither of search and discouerie of strange coasts, the chiefe subiect of

this my labour. [Footnote: Halkuyt afterwards, in his second edition, did

not omit these remarkable adventures.]

Thus much in breuitie shall serue thee for the generall order. Particularhe

I haue disposed and digested the whole worke into 3. partes, or as it were

Classes, not without my reasons. In the first I haue martialled all our

voyages of any moment that haue bene performed to the South and Southeast

parts of the world, by which I chiefly meane that part of Asia which is

neerest, and of the rest hithermost towards vs: For I find that the oldest

trauels as well of the ancient Britains, as of the English, were ordinarie

to Iudea which is in Asia, termed by them the Holy land, principally for

deuotions sake according to the time, although I read in Ioseph Bengorion a

very authenticall Hebrew author, a testimonie of the passing of 20000.

Britains valiant souldiours, to the siege and fearefull sacking of

Ierusalem vnder the conduct of Vespasian and Titus the Romane Emperour, a

thing in deed of all the rest most ancient. But of latter dayes I see our

men haue pierced further into the East, haue passed downe the mightie riuer

Euphrates, haue sayled from Balsara through the Persian gulfe to the Citie

of Ormuz, and from thence to Chaul and Goa in the East India, which

passages written by the parties themselues are herein to be read. To these

I haue added the Nauigations of the English made for the parts of Africa,

and either within or without the streights of Gibraltar: within to

Constantinople in Romania, to Alexandria, and Cayro in Egypt, to Tunez, to

Goletta, to Malta, to Algier, and to Tripolis in Barbary: without, to Santa

Cruz, to Asafi, to the Citie of Marocco, to the riuer of Senega, to the

Isles of Cape Verde, to Guynea, to Benyn, and round about the dreadfull

Cape of Bona Speranza, as farre as Goa.

The north, and Northeasterne voyages of our nation I haue produced in the

second place, because our accesse to those quarters of the world is later

and not so auncient as the former: and yet some of our trauailes that way

be of more antiquitie by many hundred yeeres, then those that haue bene

made to the westerne coastes of America. Vnder this title thou shalt first

finde the old northerne Nauigations of our Brittish Kings as of Arthur, of

Malgo, of Edgar Pacificus the Saxon Monarch, with that also of Nicholaus de

Linna vnder the North pole: next to them in consequence, the discoueries of

the bay of Saint Nicholas, of Colgoieue, of Pechora, of the Isles of

Vaigats, of Noua Zembla, and of the Sea eastwards towardes the riuer of Ob:

after this, the opening by sea of the great Dukedome and Empire of Russia,

with the notable and strange iourney of Master Ienkinson to Boghar in

Bactria. Whereunto thou maist adde sixe of our voyages eleuen hundred

verstes vp against the streame of Dwina to the towne of Vologhda thence one

hundred and fourescore verstes by land to Yeraslaue standing vpon the

mighty riuer of Volga: there hence aboue two thousand and fiue hundred

versts downe the streame to the ancient marte Towne of Astracan, and so to

the manifolde mouthes of Volga, and from thence also by ship ouer the

Caspian sea into Media, and further then that also with Camels vnto

Georgia, Armenia, Hyrcania, Gillan, and the cheefest Cities of the Empire

of Persia: wherein the Companie of Moscouie Marchants to the perpetual

honor of their Citie, and societie, haue performed more then any one, yea

then all the nations of Europe besides: which thing is also acknowledged by

the most learned Cosmographers and Historiographers of Christendome, with

whose honorable testimonies of the action not many for number, but

sufficient for authoritie I haue concluded this second part.

Touching the westerne Nauigations, and trauailes of ours, they succeede

naturallie in the third and last roome, for asmuch as in order and course

those coastes, and quarters came last of all to our knowledge and

experience. Herein thou shall reade the attempt by Sea of the sonne of one

of the Princes of Northwales in saylng and searching towards the west more

then 400. yeeres since: the offer made by Christopher Columbus that

renowned Genouoys to the most sage Prince of noble memoire King Henrie the

7. with his prompt and cheerefull acceptation thereof, and the occasion

whereupon it became fruitlesse, and at that time of no great effect to this

kingdome: then followe the letters Patentes of the foresaid noble Prince

giuen to Iohn Cabot a Venetian and his 3. sonnes, to discouer & conquer in

his name, and vnder his Banners vnknowen Regions who with that royall

incouragement & contribution of the king himselfe, and some assistance in

charges of English Marchants departed [Footnote: Robert Fabian] with 5.

sailes from the Port of Bristoll accompanied with 300. Englishmen, and

first of any Christians found out that mightie and large tract of lande and

Sea, from the circle Arcticke as farre as Florida, as appeareth in the

discourse thereof. The triumphant reigne of King Henry the 8. yelded some

prosecution of this discouerie for the 3. voyages performed, and the 4.

intended for all Asia by his Maiesties selfe, do approoue and confirme the

same. Then in processe of yeeres ariseth the first English trade to

Brasill, the first passing of some of our nation in the ordinarie Spanish

fleetes to the west Indies, and the huge Citie of Mexico in Noua Hispania.

Then immediately ensue 3. voyages made by M. Iohn Hawkins now Knight, then

Esquire, to Hispaniola, and the gulfe of Mexico: vpon which depende sixe

verie excellent discourses of our men, whereof some for 15. or 16. whole

yeeres inhabited in New Spaine, and ranged the whole Countrie, wherein are

disclosed the cheefest secretes of the west India, which may in time turne

to our no smal aduantage. The next leaues thou turnest, do yeelde thee the

first valiant enterprise of Sir Francis Drake vpon Nombre de Dios, the

mules laden with treasure which he surprised, and the house called the

Cruzes, which his fire consumed: and therewith is ioyned an action more

venterous then happie of Iohn Oxnam of Plimmouth written, and confessed by

a Spaniard, which with his companie passed ouer the streight Istme of

Darien, and building certaine pinnesses on the west shoare, was the first

Englishman that entered the South sea. To passe ouer Master Frobisher, and

his actions which I haue also newly though briefely printed, and as it were

reuiued, whatsoeuer Master Iohn Dauis hath performed in continuing that

discouery, which Master Frobisher began for the northwest passage, I haue

faithfully at large communicated it with thee, that so the great good hope,

& singular probabilities & almost certaintie therof, which by his industry

haue risen, may be knowen generally of all men, that some may yet still

proscute so noble an action. Sir Humfrey Gilbert, that couragious Knight,

and very expert in the mysteries of Nauigation amongst the rest is not

forgotten: his learned reasons & arguments for the proofe of the passage

before named, together with his last more commendable resolution then

fortunate successe, are here both to be read. The continuance of the

historie, produceth the beginnings, and proceedings of the two English

Colonies planted in Virginia at the charges of sir Walter Raleigh, whose

entrance vpon those newe inhabitations had bene happie, if it had ben as

seruiously followed, as it was cheerefuly vndertaken. I could not omit in

this parte the two voyages made not long since to the Southwest, whereof I

thinke the Spanyard hath had some knowledge, and felt some blowes: the one

of Master Edward Fenton, and his consort Master Luke Warde: the other of

Master Robert Withrington, and his hardie consort Master Christopher Lister

as farre as 44. degrees of southerly latitude, set out at the direction and

charge of the right honorable the Earle of Cumberland, both which in diuers

respectes may yelde both profite and pleasure to the reader, being

carefully perused.

For the conclusion of all, the memorable voyage of Master Thomas Candish

into the South sea, and from thence about the globe of the earth doth

satisfie mee, and I doubt not but will fully content thee: which as in time

it is later then that of Sir Franncis Drake, so in relation of the

Philippinæs, Iapan, China and the Isle of S. Helena it is more particular,

and exact: and therfore the want of the first made by Sir Frauncis Drake

will be the lesse: wherein I must confesse to haue taken more then

ordinarie paines, meaning to haue inserted it in this worke but being of

late (contrary to my expectation) seriously delt withall, not to anticipate

or preuent another mans paines and charge in drawing all the seruices of

that worthie Knight into one volume, I haue yeelded vnto those my freindes

which pressed me in the matter, referring the further knowledge of his

proceedings to those intended discourses. [Footnote: This, however, he

printed privately.]

Now for the other part of my promise, I must craue thy further patience

friendly reader, and some longer suspence from the worke it selfe, in

acquainting thee with those vertuous gentlemen and others which partly for

their priuate affection to my selfe, but chiefely for their deuotion to the

furtherance of this my trauaile, haue yelded me their seuerall good

assistances: for I accompt him vnworthy of future fauours, that is not

thankefull for former benefites. In respect of a generall incouragement in

this laborious trauaile, it were grosse ingratitude in me to forget and

wilfull maliciousnes not to confesse that man, whose onely name doth carrie

with it sufficient estimation and loue, and that is Master Edward Dier, of

whom I will speake thus much in few wordes, that both my selfe and my

intentions herein by his friendly meanes haue bene made knowne to those,

who in sundrie particulars haue much steeded me. More specially in my first

part, Master Richard Staper Marchant of London, hath furnished me with

diuers thinges touching the trade of Turkie, and other places in the East.

Master William Burrowgh, Clarke of her Maiesties nauie and Master Anthonie

Ienkinson, both gentlemen of great experience, and obseruations in the

north Regions, haue much pleasured me in the second part. In the third and

last besides myne owne extreeme trauaile in the histories of the Spanyards,

my cheefest light hath bene receiued from Sir Iohn Hawkins, Sir Walter

Raleigh, and my kinseman Master Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple.

And whereas in the course of this history often mention is made of many

beastes, birds, fishes, serpents, plants, fruits, hearbes, rootes,

apparell, armour, boates, and such other rare and strange curiosities,

which wise men take great pleasure to reade of, but much more contentment

to see: herein I my selfe to my singular delight haue bene as it were

rauished in beholding all the premisses gathered together with no small

cost, and preserued with no litle diligence, in the excellent Cabinets of

my very worshipfull and learned friends M. Richard Garthe, one of the

Clearkes of the pettie Bags, and M. William Cope Gentleman Vssier to the

right Honourable and most prudent Counseller (the Seneca of our common

wealth,) the Lord Burleigh, high Treasourer of England.

Nowe, because peraduenture it would bee expected as necessarie, that the

descriptions of so many parts of the world would farre more easily be

conceiued of the Readers, by adding Geographicall, and Hydrographicall

tables thereuuto, thou art by the way to be admonished that I haue

contented my selfe with inserting into the worke one of the best generall

mappes of the world onely, vntill the comming out of a very large and most

exact terrestriall Globe, collected and reformed according to the newest,

secretest, and latest discoueries, both Spanish Portugall, and English,

composed by M. Emmerie Mollineux of Lambeth, a rare Gentleman in his

profession, being therein for diuers yeeres, greatly supported by the purse

and liberalitie of the worshipfull marchant M. William Sanderson.

[Footnote: This map it has been found impossible to reproduce in facsimile,

though every effort has been made, a facsimile of Ziegler's Map of 1532 has

been substituted as a Frontispiece to this Volume.]

This being the summe of those things which I thought good to admonish thee

of (good Reader) it remaineth that thou take the profite and pleasure of

the worke: which I wish to bee as great to thee, as my paines and labour

haue bene in bringing these rawe fruits vnto this ripenesse, and in

reducing these loose papers into this order. Farewell.

DEDICATION TO THE SECOND EDITION,

TO THE

RIGHT HONORABLE MY SINGULAR GOOD LORD

THE LORD CHARLES HOWARD,

[Footnote: He was the grandson of Thomas, second Duke of Norfolk and was

born in 1536. He entered the army early, and distinguished himself in

suppressing the rebellion of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorland in

1568 (for full particulars of which see Froude, "History of England," vol

IX, p 96). He became Lord High Admiral in 1585, and rendered great service

in 1588 against the Invincible Armada. In 1596 he was created Earl of

Nottingham for his Expedition against Cadiz in conjunction with the Earl of

Essex. In 1601 he suppressed the revolt of the latter and made him

prisoner. He was present at Elizabeth's death in 1603, and the following

year went as ambassador to Spain. He died in 1624, never having forfeited

in any way the confidence of his sovereign or the esteem of his

countrymen.]

EARLE OF NOTINGHAM, BARON OF EFFINGHAM, KNIGHT OF THE NOBLE ORDER OF THE

GARTER, LORD HIGH ADMIRALL OF ENGLAND, IRELAND, AND WALES, &c, ONE OF HER

MAIESTIES MOST HONOURABLE PRIVIE COUNSELL.

Right Honourable and my very good Lord, after I had long since published in

Print many Nauigations and Discoueries of strangers in diuers languages, as

well here at London, as in the citie of Paris, during my fiue yeeres abode

in France, with the woorthie Knight Sir Edward Stafford your brother in

lawe, her maiesties most prudent and carefull Ambassador ligier with the

French King: and had waded on still farther and farther in the sweet studie

of the historie of Cosmographie, I began at length to conceiue, that with

diligent obseruation, some thing might be gathered which might commend our

nation for their high courage and singular actiuitie in the Search and

Discouerie of the most vnknowen quarters of the world. Howbeit, seeing no

man to step forth to vndertake the recording of so many memorable actions,

but euery man to folow his priuate affaires: the ardent loue of my countrey

deuoured all difficulties, and as it were with a sharpe goad prouoked me

and thrust me forward into this most troublesome and painfull action. And

after great charges and infinite cares after many watchings, toiles, and

trauels, and wearing out of my weake body: at length I haue collected three

seuerall Volumes of the English Nauigations Traffiques, and Discoueries, to

strange, remote, and farre distant countreys. Which worke of mine I haue

not included within the compasse of things onely done in these latter

dayes, as though litle, or nothing woorthie of memorie had bene performed

in former ages: but mounting aloft by the space of many hundred yeares,

haue brought to light many very rare and worthy monuments, which long haue

ben miserably scattered in mystic corners, & retchlesly hidden in mistie

darkenesse, and were very like for the greatest part to haue bene buried in

perpetual obliuion. The first Volume of this worke I haue thus for the

present brought to light, reseruing the other two vntill the next Spring,

when by Gods grace they shall come to the Presse. In the meane season

bethinking my selfe of some munificent and bountifull Patrone, I called to

mind your honourable Lordship, who both in regard of my particular

obligation, and also in respect of the subiect and matter, might iustly

chalenge the Patronage thereof. For first I remembered how much I was

bound, and how deeply indebted for my yongest brother Edmund Hackluyt, to

whom for the space of foure whole yeares your Lordship committed the

gouernment and instruction of that honorable yong noble man, your sonne &

heire apparant, the lord William Howard, of whose high spirit and wonderful

towardlinesse full many a time hath he boasted vnto me. Secondly, the

bounden duetie which I owe to your most deare sister the lady Sheffield, my

singular good lady & honorable, mistresse, admonished me to be mindfull of

the renoumed familie of the Howards. Thirdly, when I found in the first

Patent graunted by Queene Marie to the Moscouie companie, that my lord your

father being then lord high Admirall of England was one of the first

fauourers and furtherers, with his purse and countenance, of the strange

and wonderfull Discouerie of Russia, the chiefe contents of this present

Volume, then I remembred the sage saying of sweet Isocrates, That sonnes

ought not onely to be inheritors of their fathers substance but also of

their commendable vertues and honours. But what speake I of your ancestors

honors (which to say the trueth are very great, and such as our Cronicles

haue notably blazoned) when as your owne Heroicall actions from time to

time haue shewed themselues so admirable, as no antiquitie hath affoorded

greater, and the future times will not in haste (I thinke) performe the

like. To come to some particulars when the Emperors sister the spouse of

Spaine, with a Fleete of an 130. sailes, stoutly and proudly passed the

narow Seas, your Lordship accompanied with ten ships onely of her Maiesties

Name Roiall, enuironed their Fleet in most strange and warrelike sort,

enforced them to stoope gallant, and to vaile their bonets for the Queene

of England, and made them perfectly to vnderstand that olde speach of the

prince of Poets:

Non illi imperium pelagi sæuúmmque tridentem,

sed tibi sorte datum.

[Footnote: Virgil, Æneid I _Translation_ "Not to him is given by fate the

empire of the ocean and the potent trident, but to thee."]

Yet after they had acknowledged their dutie, your lordship on her Maiesties

behalfe conducted her safely through our English chanell, and performed all

good offices of honor and humanitie to that forren Princesse. At that time

all England beholding your most honorable cariage of your selfe in that so

weightie seruice, began to cast an extraordinarie eie vpon your lordship,

and deeply to conceiue that singular hope which since by your most worthie

& wonderfull seruice, your L. hath more then fully satisfied. I meane

(among others) that glorious triumphant, and thrise-happy victory atchieued

against that huge and haultie Spanish Armada (which is notably described in

the ende of this volume) wherein being chiefe and sole Commander vnder her

sacred and roiall Maiestie, your noble gouernment and worthy behauior, your

high wisedom, discretion and happinesse, accompanied with the heauenly

blessing of the Almightie, are shewed most euidently to haue bene such as

all posteritie and succeeding ages shall neuer cease to sing and resound

your infinite prayse and eternall commendations. As for the late renoumed

expedition and honorable voyage vnto Cadiz, the vanquishing of part of the

king of Spaines Armada, the destruction of the rich West Indian Fleete, the

chasing of so many braue and gallant Gallics, the miraculous winning,

sacking, and burning of that almost impregnable citie of Cadiz, the

surprising of the towne of Faraon vpon the coast of Portugal, and other

rare appendances of that enterprise, because they be hereafter so

iudicially set downe, by a very graue and learned Gentleman, which was an

eye witnesse in all that action, I referre your good L. to his faithfull

report, wherein I trust (as much as in him lay) he hath wittingly depriued

no man of his right. Vpon these and other the like considerations, I

thought it fit and very conuenient to commend with all humilitie and

reuerence this first part of our English Voiages & Discoueries vnto your

Honors fauourable censure and patronage.

And here by the way most humbly crauing pardon, and alwayes submitting my

poore opinion to your Lordships most deep and percing insight, especially

in this matter, as being the father and principall fauourer of the English

Nauigation, I trust it shall not be impertinent in passing by, to point at

the meanes of breeding vp of skilfull Sea-men and Mariners in this Realms.

Sithence your Lordship is not ignorant, that ships are to litle purpose

without skilfull Sea-men; and since Sea-men are not bred vp to perfection

of skill in much lesse time (as it is said) then in the time of two

prentiships; and since no kinde of men of any profession in the common

wealth passe their yeres in so great and continuall hazard of life; and

since of so many, so few grow to gray heires: how needfull it is, that by

way of Lectures and such like instructions, these ought to haue a better

education, then hitherto they haue had; all wise men may easily iudge. When

I call to minde, how many noble ships haue been lost, how many worthy

persons haue bene drenched in the sea, and how greatly this Realme hath

bene impouerished by losse of great Ordinance and other rich commodities

through the ignorance of our Sea-men, I haue greatly wished there were a

Lecture of Nauigation read in this Citie, for the banishing of our former

grosse ignorance in Marine causes, and for the increase and generall

multiplying of the sea-knowledge in this age, wherein God hath raised so

generall a desire in the youth of this Realme to discouer all parts of the

face of the earth, to this Realme in former ages not knowen. And, that it

may appeare that this is no vaine fancie nor deuise of mine, it may please

your Lordship to vnderstand, that the late Emperour Charles the fift,

considering the rawnesse of his Sea-men, and the manifolde shipwracks which

they susteyned in passing and repassing betweene Spaine and the West

Indies, with an high reach and great foresight, established not onely a

Pilote Maior, for the examination of such as sought to take charge of ships

in that voyage, but also founded a notable Lecture of the Art of

Nauigation, which is read to this day in the Contractation house at Siuil.

The readers of which Lecture haue not only carefully taught and instructed

the Spanish Mariners by word of mouth, but also haue published sundry exact

and worthy treatises concerning Marine causes, for the direction and

incouragement of posteritie. The learned works of three of which readers,

namely of Alonso de Chauez, of Hieronymo de Chauez, and of Roderigo

Zamorano came long ago very happily to my hands, together with the straight

and seuere examining of all such Masters as desire to take charge for the

West Indies. Which when I first read and duely considered, it seemed to mee

so excellent and so exact a course as I greatly wished, that I might be so

happy as to see the like order established here with vs. This matter, as it

seemeth, tooke no light impression in the royall brest of that most

renowmed and victorious prince King Henry the eight of famous memory, who

for the increase of knowledge in his Seamen, with princely liberalitie

erected three seuerall Guilds or brotherhoods, the one at Deptford here

vpon the Thames, the other at Kingston vpon Hull, and the third at

Newcastle vpon Tine: which last was established in the 28. yeere of his

reigne. The chiefe motiues which induced his princely wisedome hereunto

himselfe expresseth in maner following: Vt magistri, marinarij,

gubernatores, & alij officiarij nauium, iuuentutem suam in exercitatione

gubernationis nauium transigentes, mutilati aut aliquo alio casu in

paupertatem collapsi, aliquod releuamen ad eorum sustentationem habeant,

quo non solùm illi reficiantur, verùm etiam alij iuuenes moueantur &

instigentur ad eandem artem exercendam, ratione cuius, doctiores & aptiores

fiant nauibus & alijs vasis nostris & aliorum quorumcúnque in Mare

gubernandis & manutenendis, tam pacis, quàm belli tempore, cùm opus

postulet, etc. [Footnote: _Translation_ "That masters, mariners pilots, and

other officers of ships, who have passed their youth in the profession of

navigating vessels, being mutilated, or reduced to poverty through any

other cause, might have some means of subsistence, by which not only they

may be made comfortable but by which other youths may be induced and led to

the exercise of the same profession, through which they may become more apt

to and skilful in the pilotage and management at sea of ships and vessels

in times of peace or war, as is neccssary," etc.] To descend a little

lower, king Edward the sixth, that prince of peerelesse hope, with the

aduice of his sage and prudent Counsaile, before he entered into the

Northeasterne discouery, aduanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabota

to be grand Pilot of England, allowing him a most bountifull pension of

166. li. vj. s. viij. d. by the yeere during his life as appeareth in his

Letters Patents which are to be seene in the third part of my worke. And if

God had granted him longer life, I doubt not but as he dealt most royally

in establishing that office of Pilote Maior (which not long after to the

great hinderance of this Common wealth was miserably turned to other

priuate vses) so his princely Maiestie would haue shewed himselfe no nigard

in erecting, in imitation of Spaine, the like profitable Lecture of the Art

of Nauigation. And surely when I considered of late the memorable bountie

of sir Thomas Gresham, [Footnote: He was the son of Sir Richard Gresham,

merchant and Lord Mayor of London, and was born in 1519. Educated at

Cambridge, he was placed under his uncle, Sir John Gresham, and enrolled a

member of the Mercers Company. His father had been the king's agent at

Antwerp, and the person who succeeded him, having mismanaged the royal

affairs, Sir Thomas was sent over in 1552. to retrieve them. This he was

most successful in doing. Elizabeth removed him from his office, but soon

restored and knighted him. He planned and erected the Royal Exchange in

London, in imitation of that of Antwerp, and the queen opened it in person

in 1570. Having built a mansion in Bishopsgate Street, he directed by his

will that it should be converted into habitations and lecture rooms for

seven professors or lecturers on the seven liberal sciences, and their

salaries to be paid out of the revenues of the Royal Exchange. These and

other benefactions procured for him the name of the "Royal Merchant." He

died in 1579. Gresham College has since been converted into the General

Excise Office, and the lectures have been given in a room over the

Exchange.] who being but a Merchant hath founded so many chargeable

Lectures, and some of them also which are Mathematicall, tending to the

aduancement of Marine causes; I nothing doubted of your Lordships

forwardnes in settling and establishing of this Lecture: but rather when

your Lordship shall see the noble and rare effects thereof, you will be

heartily sory that all this while it hath not bene erected. As therefore

our skill in Nauigation hath hitherto bene very much bettered and increased

vnder the Admiraltie of your Lordship; so if this one thing be added

thereunto, together with seuere and straight discipline, I doubt not but

with Gods good blessing it will shortly grow to the hiest pitch and top of

all perfection: which whensoeuer it shall come to passe, I assure my selfe

it will turne to the infinite wealth and honour of our Countrey, to the

prosperous and speedy discouerie of many rich lands and territories of

heathens and gentiles as yet vnknowen, to the honest employment of many

thousands of our idle people, to the great comfort and reioycing of our

friends, to the terror, daunting and confusion of our foes. To ende this

matter, let me now I beseech you speake vnto your Lordship, as in times

past the elder Scipio spake to Cornelius Scipio Africanus: Quò sis,

Africane, alacrior ad tutandam Rempublicam, sic habeto: Omnibus, qui

patriam conseruauerint, adiuuerint, auxerint, certum esse in coelo, ac

definitum locum, vbi beati æuo sempiterno fruantur. It remaineth therefore,

that as your Lordship from time to time vnder her most gracious and

excellent Maiestie, haue shewed your selfe a valiant protectour, a carefull

conseruer, and an happy enlarger of the honour and reputation of your

Countrey; so at length you may enioy those celestial blessings, which are

prepared to such as tread your steps, and seeke to aspire to such diuine

and heroical vertues. And euen here I surcease, wishing all temporal and

spirituall blessings of the life present and that which is to come to be

powred out in most ample measure, not onely vpon your honourable Lordship,

the noble and vertuous Lady your bedfellow, and those two rare iewels, your

generous off-springs, but also vpon all the rest wheresoeuer of that your

noble and renowmed family. From London the 7. day of this present October

1598.

Your honours most humble alwayes to be commanded:

Richard Hakluyt Preacher.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

A preface to the Reader as touching the principall Voyages

and discourses in this first part.

Hauing for the benefit and honour of my Countrey zealously bestowed so many

yeres, so much trauaile and cost, to bring Antiquities smothered and buried

in darke silence, to light, and to preserue certaine memorable exploits of

late yeres by our English nation atchieued, from the greedy and deuouring

lawes of obliuion: to gather likewise, and as it were to incorporate into

one body the torne and scattered limmes of our ancient and late Nauigations

by Sea, our voyages by land, and traffiques of merchandise by both: and

hauing (so much as in me lieth) restored ech particular member, being

before displaced, to their true ioynts and ligaments; I meane, by the helpe

of Geographie and Chronologie (which I may call the Sunne and the Moone,

the right eye and the left of all history) referred ech particular relation

to the due time and place: I do this second time (friendly Reader, if not

to satisfie, yet at least for the present to allay and hold in suspense

thine expectation) presume to offer vnto thy view this first part of my

threefold discourse. For the bringing of which into this homely and

rough-hewen shape, which here thou seest; what restlesse nights, what

painefull dayes, what heat, what cold I haue indured; how many long &

chargeable iourneys I haue trauailed; how many famous libraries I haue

searched into; what varietie of ancient and moderne writers I haue perused;

what a number of old records, patents, priuleges, letters, &c. I haue

redeemed from obscuritie and perishing; into how manifold acquaintance I

haue entered; what expenses I haue not spared; and yet what faire

opportunities of priuate game, preferment, and ease I haue neglected;

albeit thyselfe canst hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde &

feele, and some of my entier friends can sufficiently testifie. Howbeit (as

I told thee at the first) the honour and benefit of this common weale

wherein I liue and breathe, hath made all difficulties seeme easie, all

paines and industrie pleasant and all expenses of light value and moment

vnto me.

For (to conteine myselfe onely within the bounds of this present discourse

and in the midst thereof to begin) wil it not in all posteritie be as great

a renowme vnto our English nation to haue bene the first discouerers of a

Sea beyond the North cape (neuer certainly knowen before) and of a

conuenient passage into the huge Empire of Russia by the bay of S. Nicholas

and the riuer of Duina; as for the Portugales to haue found a Sea beyond

the Cape of Buona Esperanza, and so consequently a passage by Sea into the

East Indies; or for the Italians and Spaniards to haue discouered vnknowen

landes so many hundred leagues Westward and Southwestward of the streits of

Gibraltar, & of the pillers of Hercules? Be it granted that the renowmed

Portugale Vasques de Gama trauersed the maine Ocean Southward of Africke:

Did not Richard Chanceler and his mates performe the like Northward of

Europe? Suppose that Columbus that noble and high-spinted Genuois escried

vnknowen landes to the Westward of Europe and Africke: Did not the valiant

English knight sir Hugh Willoughby; did not the famous Pilots Stephen

Burrough, Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman accoast Noua Zembia, Colgoieue,

and Vaigatz to the North of Europe and Asia? Howbeit you will say perhaps,

not with the like golden successe, not with such deductions of Colonies,

nor attaining of conquests. True it is that our successe hath not bene

correspondent vnto theirs: yet in this our attempt the vncertaintie of

finding was farre greater, and the difficultie and danger of searching was

no whit lesse. For hath not Herodotus (a man for his time, most skilfull

and iudicial in Cosmographie, who writ aboue 2000. yeeres ago) in his 4.

booke called Melpomene, signified vnto the Portugales in plaine termes;

that Africa, except the small Isthmus between the Arabian gulfe and the

Mediterran sea, was on all sides enuironed with the Ocean? And for the

further confirmation thereof, doth he not make mention of one Neco an

Ægyptian King, who (for trials sake) sent a fleet of Phoenicians downe the

Red sea, who setting forth in Autumne and sailing Southward till they had

the Sunne at noonetide vpon their sterbourd (that is to say hauing crossed

the Æquinoctial and the Southerne tropique) after a long Nauigation

directed their course to the North and in the space of 3. years enuironed

all Africk, passing home through the Gaditan strait and arriuing in Ægypt.

And doth not [Footnote: Lib. 2. nat. hist. cap. 67.] Plinie tell them that

noble Hanno in the flourishing time and estate of Carthage sailed from

Gades in Spaine to the coast of Arabia foelix, and put down his whole

iournall in writing? Doth he not make mention that in the time of Augustus

Cæsar the wracke of certaine Spanish ships was found floating in the

Arabian gulfe? And, not to be ouer tedious in alleaging of testimonies,

doth not Strabo in the 2. booke of his Geography, together with Cornelius

Nepos and Plinie in the place beforenamed, agree all in one, that one

Eudoxus fleeing from King Lathyrus, and sailing downe the Arabian bay,

sailed along, doubled the Southern point of Africk, and at length arriued

at Gades? And what should I speake of the Spaniards? Was not diuine

[Footnote: In Timæo] Plato (who liued so many ages ago and plainely

described their West Indies vnder the name of Atlantis) was not he (I say)

instead of a Cosmographer vnto them? Were not those Carthaginians mentioned

by Aristotle lib. [Footnote: [Greek: peri thaumasion akousmaton]] de

admirabil. auscult. their forerunners? And had they not Columbus to stirre

them vp and pricke them forward vnto their Westerne discoueries; yea to be

their chiefe loads man and Pilot? Sithens therefore these two worthy

Nations had those bright lampes of learning (I meane the most ancient and

best Philosophers, Historiographers and Geographers) to shewe them light;

and the load starre of experience (to wit those great exploits and voyages

layed vp in store and recorded) whereby to shape their course: what great

attempt might they not presume to vndertake? But alas our English nation,

at the first setting foorth for their Northeasterne discouery, were either

altogether destitute of such cleare lights and inducements or if they had

any inkling at all it was as misty as they found the Northren seas, and so

obscure and ambiguous, that it was meet rather to deterre them then to giue

them encouragement.

But besides the foresaid vncertaintie into what dangers and difficulties

they plunged themselues, Animus meminisse horret, I tremble to recount. For

first they were to expose themselues vnto the rigour of the sterne and

vncouth Northren seas, and to make triall of the swelling waues and

boistrous winds which there commonly do surge and blow: then were they to

saile by the ragged and perilous coast of Norway, to frequent the vnhaunted

shoares of Finmark, to double the dreadfull and misty North cape, to beare

with Willoughbres land, to run along within kenning of the Countreys of

Lapland and Corelia, and as it were to open and vnlocke the seuen-fold

mouth of Duina. Moreouer, in their Northeasterly Nauigations, vpon the seas

and by the coasts of Condora, Colgoieue, Petzora, Ioughoria, Samoedia, Noua

Zembla, &c. and their passing and returne through the streits of Vaigats,

vnto what drifts of snow and mountaines of yce euen in Iune, Iuly, and

August, vnto what hideous ouerfals, vncertaine currents, darke mistes and

fogs, and diuers other fearefull inconueniences they were subiect and in

danger of, I wish you rather to learne out of the voyages of sir Hugh

Willoughbie, Stephen Burrough, Arthur Pet and the rest, then to expect in

this place an endlesse catalogue thereof. And here by the way I cannot but

highly commend the great industry and magnanimity of the Hollanders, who

within these few yeeres haue discouered to 78. yea (as themselues affirme)

to 81. degrees of Northerly latitude [Footnote: This is wrong. The

Austro-Hungarian Expedition of 1872-1874 only reached 81° in Franz Josef

Land. Barentz certainly neuer penetrated beyond 77° or 78°] yet with this

prouiso; that our English nation led them the dance, brake the yce before

them, and gaue them good leaue to light their candle at our torch

[Footnote: This refers to the expeditions of Willoughby (1553), Frobisher

(1576-7), Pett, Jackman (1580), and Davis (1585)]. But nowe it is high time

for vs to weigh our ancre, to hoise vp our sailes, to get cleare of these

boistrous, frosty, and misty seas, and with all speede to direct our course

for the milde, lightsome, temperate, and warme Atlantick Ocean, ouer which

the Spaniards and Portugales haue made so many pleasant prosperous and

golden voyages. And albeit I cannot deny, that both of them in their East

and West Indian Nauigations haue indured many tempests, dangers, and

shipwracks: yet this dare I boldly affirme; first that a great number of

them haue satisfied their fame-thirsty and gold-thirsty mindes with that

reputation and wealth, which made all perils and misaduentures seeme

tolerable vnto them, and secondly, that their first attempts (which in this

comparison I doe onely stand vpon) were no whit more difficult and

dangerous, then ours to the Northeast. For admit that the way was much

longer, yet was it neuer barred with ice, mist, or darknes, but was at all

seasons of the yeere open and Nauigable; yea and that for the most part

with fortunate and fit gales of winde. Moreouer they had no forren prince

to intercept or molest them, but their owne Townes, Islands and maine lands

to succour them. The Spaniards had the Canary Isles: and so had the

Portugales the Isles of the Acores of Porto santo, of Madera, of Cape verd,

the castle of Mina, the fruitfull and profitable Isle of S. Thomas, being

all of them conueniently situated, and well fraught with commodities. And

had they not continuall and yerely trade in some one part or other of

Africa, for getting of slaues, for sugar, for Elephants teeth, graines,

siluer, gold and other precious wares, which serued as allurements to draw

them on by little and little, and as proppes to stay them from giuing ouer

their attempts? But nowe let vs leaue them and returne home vnto ourselues.

In this first volume (Friendly Reader) besides our Northeasterne

Discoueries by sea, and the memorable voyage of M. Christopher Hodson, and

M. William Burrough, Anno 1570. to the Narue, wherein with merchants ships

onely, they tooke fiue strong and warrelike ships of the Freebooters, which

lay within the sound of Denmark of purpose to intercept our English Fleete:

besides 1 all these (I say) thou maiest find here recorded, to the lasting

honor of our nation, all their long and dangerous voyages for the

aduauncing of traffique by riuer and by land to all parts of the huge and

wide Empire of Russia: as namely Richard Chanceler his first fortunate

arriuall at Newnox, his passing vp the riuer of Dwina to the citie of

Vologda for the space of 1100. versts, and from thence to Yaruslaue,

Rostoue, Peraslaue, and so to the famous citie of Mosco, being 1500. versts

trauell in all. Moreouer, here thou hast his voiage penned by himselfe

(which I hold to be very authentical, & for the which I do acknowledge my

selfe beholding vnto the excellent Librarie of the right honorable my lord

Lumley) wherein he describeth in part the state of Russia, the maners of

the people and their religion, the magnificence of the Court, the maiestie,

power, and riches of the Emperour, and the gracious entertainment of

himselfe. But if he being the first man, and not hauing so perfect

intelligence as they that came after him, doeth not fullie satisfie your

expectation in describing the foresayd countrey and people; I then referre

you to Clement Adams his relation next following, to M. Ienkinsons

discourse as touching that argument to the smooth verses of M. George

Turberuile, and to a learned and excellent discourse set downe pag. 536. of

this volume, [Footnote: Refers to _original_ edition.] and the pages

following. Vnto all which (if you please) you may adde Richard Iohnsons

strange report of the Samoeds pag. 316. But to returne to our voyages

performed within the bounds of Russia, I suppose (among the rest) that

difficult iourney of Southam and Sparke, from Colmogro and S. Nicholas

Baie, vp the great riuer of Onega, and so by other riuers and lakes to the

citie of Nouogrod velica vpon the West frontier of Russia, to be right

woorthy of obseruation; as likewise that of Thomas Alcock from Mosco to

Smolensko, and thence to Tirwill in Polonia, pag. 339. & that also of M.

Hierome Horsey from Mosco to Vobsko, and so through Liefland to Riga,

thence by the chiefe townes of Prussia and Pomerland to Rostok, and so to

Hamburg, Breme, Emden, &c. Neither hath our nation bene contented onely

throughly to search into all parts of the Inland, and view the Northren,

Southerne, and Westerne frontiers, but also by the rulers of Moscua, Occa

and Volga, to visite Cazan and Astracan, the farthest Easterne and

Southeasterne bounds of that huge Empire. And yet not containing themselues

within all that maine circumference they haue aduentured their persons,

shippes, and goods, homewards and outwards, foureteene times ouer the

vnknowen and dangerous Caspian sea; that valiant, wise, and personable

gentleman M. Anthonie Ienkinson being their first ring-leader: who in Anno

1558. sailing from Astracan towards the East shore of the Caspian sea, and

there arriuing at the port of Mangusla, trauelled thence by Vrgence and

Shelisur, and by the riuers of Oxus and Ardok, 40. dayes iourney ouer

desert and wast countreys, to Boghar a principall citie of Bactria, being

there & by the way friendly entertained, dismissed, and safely conducted by

certaine Tartarian kings and Murses. Then haue you a second Nauigation of

his performance to the South shore of the foresayd Caspian sea, together

with his landing at Derbent, his arriuall at Shabran, his proceeding vnto

Shamaky, the great curtesie vouchsafed on him by Obdolowcan king of Hircan,

his iourney after of 30. dayes Southward, by Yauate, Ardouil, and other

townes and cities to Casben, being as then the seate imperiall of Shaugh

Thamas the great Sophy of Persia, with diuers other notable accidents in

his going foorth, in his abode there, and in his returne home. Immediately

after you haue set downe in fiue seuerall voiages the successe of M.

Ienkinsons laudable and well-begun enterprise, vnder the foresayd Shaugh

Thamas, vnder Shally Murzey the new king of Hircan, and lastly our

traffique with Osman Basha the great Turkes lieutenant at Derbent.

Moreouer, as in M. Ienkinsons trauel to Boghar the Tartars, with their

territories, habitations, maner of liuing, apparell, food, armour, &c. are

most liuely represented vnto you: so likewise in the sixe Persian Iournals

you may here and there obserue the state of that countrey, of the great

Shaugh and of his subiects, together with their religion, lawes, customes,

& maner of gouernment, their coines, weights and measures, the distances of

places, the temperature of the climate and region, and the natural

commodities and discommodities of the same.

Furthermore in this first Volume, all the Ambassages and Negociations from

her Maiestie to the Russian Emperor, or from him vnto her Maiestie, seemed

by good right to chalenge their due places of Record. As namely, first that

of M. Randolph, 1568. then the emploiment of M. Ienkinson 1571. thirdly,

Sir Ierome Bowes his honorable commission and ambassage 1582. and last of

all the Ambassage of M. Doct. Fletcher 1588. Neither do we forget the

Emperours first Ambassador Osep Napea, his arriuall in Scotland, his most

honourable entertainment and abode in England, and his dismission into

Russeland. In the second place we doe make mention of Stephen Tuerdico, and

Pheodata Pogorella; thirdly, of Andrea Sauin; and lastly, of Pheodor

Andrewich Phisemski. And to be briefe, I haue not omitted the Commissions,

Letters, Priuileges, Instructions, Obseruations, or any other Particulars

which might serue both in this age, and with all posteritie, either for

presidents in such like princely and weightie actions to bee imitated, or

as woorthy monuments in no wise to bee buried in silence. Finally that

nothing should be wanting which might adde any grace or shew of perfection

vnto this discourse of Russia; I haue prefixed before the beginning

thereof, the petigree and genealogie of the Russian Emperors and Dukes,

gathered out of their owne Chronicles by a Polonian, containing in briefe

many notable antiquities and much knowledge of those partes as likewise

about the conclusion, I haue signified in the branch of a letter the last

Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich his death, and the inauguration of Boris

Pheodorowich vnto the Empire.

But that no man should imagine that our forren trades of merchandise haue

bene comprised within some few yeeres or at least wise haue not bene of any

long continuance, let vs now withdraw our selues from our affaires in

Russia, and ascending somewhat higher, let vs take a sleight suruey of our

traffiques and negotiations in former ages. First therefore the reader may

haue recourse vnto the 137 page [Footnote: This refers to the original

edition] of this Volume & there with great delight and admiration, consider

out of the iudicial Historiographer Cornelius Tacitus, that the Citie of

London fifteene hundred yeeres agoe in the time of Nero the Emperour was

most famous for multitude of merchants and concourse of people. In the

pages folowing he may learne out of Venerable Beda, that almost 900. yeeres

past, in the time of the Saxons, the said citie of London was multorum

emporium populorum, a Mart towne for many nations. There he may behold, out

of William of Malmesburie, a league concluded betweene the most renowned

and victorious Germane Emperour Carolus Magnus, and the Saxon king Offa,

together with the sayd Charles his patronage and protection granted vnto

all English merchants which in those dayes frequented his dominions. There

may hee plainly see in an auncient testimonie translated out of the Saxon

tongue, how our merchants were often woont for traffiques sake, so many

hundred yeeres since, to crosse the wide Seas and how their industry in so

doing was recompensed. Yea, there mayest thou obserue (friendly Reader)

what priuileges the Danish king Canutus obtained at Rome of Pope Iohn of

Conradus the Emperour, and of king Rudolphus for our English merchants

Aduenturers of those times. Then if you shall thinke good to descend vnto

the times and ages succeeding the conquest, there may you partly see what

our state of merchandise was in the time of king Stephen and of his

predecessor, and how the Citie of Bristol (which may seeme somewhat

strange) was then greatly resorted vnto with ships from Norway and from

Ireland. There may you see the friendly league betweene king Henry the

second, and the famous Germane Emperour Friderick Barbarossa, and the

gracious authorizing of both their merchats to traffique in either of their

dominions. And what need I to put you in mind of king Iohn his fauourable

safe conduct, whereby all forren merchants were to haue the same priuileges

here in England, which our English merchants enioied abroad in their

seuerall countreys. Or what should I signifie vnto you the entercourse of

league and of other curtesies betweene king Henry the third, and Haquinus

king of Norway; and likewise of the free trade of merchandise between their

subiects: or tell you what fauours the citizens of Colen, of Lubek, and of

all the Hansetownes obtained of king Edward the first; or to what high

endes and purposes the generall, large, and stately Charter concerning all

outlandish merchants whatsoeuer was by the same prince most graciously

published? You are of your owne industry sufficiently able to conceiue of

the letters & negotiatios which passed between K. Edward the 2. & Haquinus

the Noruagian king; of our English merchants and their goods detained vpon

arrest at Bergen in Norway; and also of the first ordination of a Staple,

or of one onely setled Mart towne for the vttering of English woolls &

woollen fells instituted by the sayd K. Edward last before named. All which

(Reader) being throughly considered, I referre you then to the Ambassages,

Letters, Traffiques, and prohibition of Traffiques, concluding and

repealing of leagues, damages, reprisals, arrests, complaints,

supplications, compositions and restitutions which happened in the time of

king Richard the 2. and king Henry the 4. between the said kings and their

subiects on the one partie; and Conradus de Zolner, Conradus de Iungingen,

and Vlricus de Iungingen, three of the great masters of Prussia, and their

subiects, with the common societie of the Hans-townes on the other partie.

In all which discourse you may note very many memorable things; as namely

first the wise, discreet, and cautelous dealing of the Ambassadors and

Commissioners of both parts, then the wealth of the foresaid nations, and

their manifold and most vsuall kinds of wares vttered in those dayes, as

likewise the qualitie, burthen, and strength of their shipping, the number

of their Mariners, the maner of their combates at sea, the number and names

of the English townes which traded that way, with the particular places as

well vpon the coast of Norway, as euery where within the sound of Denmark

which they frequented; together with the inueterate malice and craftie

crueltie of the Hanse. And because the name, office, and dignitie of the

masters generall or great Masters of Prussia would otherwise haue been

vtterly darke and vnknowen to the greater part of Readers, I haue set downe

immediatly before the first Prussian ambasasage, pagina 158 [Footnote: This

means, of course, page 158 of _original_ edition.] a briefe and orderly

Catalogue of them all, containing the first originall and institution of

themselues and of their whole knightly order and brotherhood, with the

increase of reuenues and wealth which befell them afterward in Italy and

Germany and the great conquests which they atchieued vpon the infidels of

Prussia, Samogitia, Curland, Liefland, Lituania, &c. also their decay and

finall ouerthrow, partly by the reuolt of diuers Townes and Castles vnder

their iurisdiction, and partly by the meanes of their next mightie

neighbour the King of Poland.

After all these, out of 2. branches of 2. ancient statutes, is partly

shewed our trade and the successe thereof with diuers forren Nations in the

time of K. Henry the sixth.

Then followeth the true processe of English policie, I meane that excellent

and pithy treatise de politia conseruatiua maris: which I cannot to any

thing more fitly compare, then to the Emperour of Russia his palace called

the golden Castle, and described by Richard Chanceller page 264. [Footnote:

_Ibidem_.] of this volume: whereof albeit the outward apparance was

but homely and no whit correspondent to the name, yet was it within so

beautified and adorned with the Emperour his maiesticall presence, with the

honourable and great assembly of his rich-attired Peers and Senatours, with

an inualuable and huge masse of gold and siluer plate, & with other

princely magnificence; that well might the eyes of the beholders be

dazeled, and their cogitations astonished thereat. For indeed the exteriour

habit of this our English politician, to wit, the harsh and vnaffected

stile of his substantiall verses and the olde dialect of his wordes is

such; as the first may seeme to haue bene whistled of Pans oaten pipe, and

the second to haue proceeded from the mother of Euander; but take you off

his vtmost weed, and beholde the comelinesse, beautie, and riches which lie

hid within his inward sense and sentence, and you shall finde (I wisse) so

much true and sound policy, so much delightfull and pertinent history, so

many liuely descriptions of the shipping and wares in his time of all the

nations almost in Christendome, and such a subtile discouery of outlandish

merchants fraud, and of the sophistication of their wares, that needes you

must acknowledge, that more matter and substance could in no wise be

comprised in so little a roome. [Footnote: The poem here alluded to was

written between 1416 and 1438, as appears from the lines:

"For Sigismond, the great Emperour

Wich yet reigneth, when he was in this land

With King Henryy the fifth" etc.

Sigismund died in 1438, and visited England in 1416.] And notwithstanding

(as I said) his stile be vnpolished, and his phrases somewhat out of vse,

yet, so neere as the written copies would giue me leaue, I haue most

religiously without alteration obserued the same, thinking it farre more

conuenient that himselfe should speake, then that I should bee his

spokesman, and that the Readers should enioy his true verses, then mine or

any other mans fained prose.

Next after the conclusion of the last mentioned discourse, the Reader may

in some sort take a vieu of our state of merchandise vnder K. Edward the

fourth, as likewise of the establishing of an English company in the

Netherlands, and of all the discreet prouisoes, iust ordinations, &

gratious priuileges conteined in the large Charter which was granted for

the same purpose.

Now besides our voyages and trades of late yeeres to the North and

Northeast regions of the world, and our ancient traffique also to those

parts; I haue not bene vnmindefull (so farre as the histories of England

and of other Countreys would giue me direction) to place in the fore-front

of this booke those forren conquests, exploits, and trauels of our English

nation, which haue bene atchieued of old. Where in the first place (as I am

credibly informed out of Galfridas Monumetensis, and out of M. Lambert his

[Greek: Archaionomia]) I haue published vnto the world the noble actes of

Arthur and Malgo two British Kings. Then followeth in the Saxons time K.

Edwin his conquest of Man and Anglesey, and the expedition of Bertus into

Ireland. Next succeedeth Octher making relation of his doings, and

describing the North Countreys, vnto his soueraigne Lord K. Ecfrid. After

whom Wolstans Nauigation within the Sound of Denmark is mentioned, the

voyage of the yong Princes Edmund and Edward into Sweden and Hungarie is

recorded, as likewise the mariage of Harald his daughter vnto the Russian

duke Ieruslaus. Neither is that Englishman forgotten, who was forced to

traueile with the cruel Tartars into their Countrey, and from thence to

beare them company into Hungary and Poland. And because those Northeasterne

Regions beyond Volga, by reason of the huge deserts, the colde climate, and

the barbarous inciuilitie of the people there inhabiting, were neuer yet

throughly traueiled by any of our Nation, nor sufficiently knowen vnto vs:

I haue here annexed vnto the said Englishmans traueile, the rare &

memorable iournals of 2. Friers, who were some of the first Christians that

trauailed farthest that way, and brought home most particular intelligence

& knowledge of all things which they had seene. These Friers were sent as

Ambassadours vnto the sauage Tartars (who had as then wasted and ouerrunne

a great part of Asia, and had pierced farre into Europe with fire and

sword) to mitigate their fury, and to offer the glad tidings of the Gospel

vnto them. The former, namely Iohannes de Plano Carpini (whose iourney,

because he road sixe moneths poste directly beyond Boristhenes, did, I

thinke, both for length and difficultie farre surpasse that of Alexander

the great, vnto the riuer of Indus) was in the yeere 1246. sent with the

authoritie and commission of a Legate from Pope Innocentius the fourth: who

passed through more garisons of the Tartars, and wandered ouer more vast,

barren, and cold deserts, then (I suppose) an army of an hundred thousand

good souldiers could haue done. The other, to wit, William de Rubricis, was

1253. by the way of Constantinople, of the Euxin sea, and of Taurica

Chersonesus imployed in an ambassage from Lewis the French King (waging

warre as then against the Saracens in the Holy land) vnto one Sartach a

great duke of the Tartars, which Sartach sent him forthwith vnto his father

Baatu, and from Baatu he was conducted ouer many large territories vnto the

Court of Mangu-Can their Emperour. Both of them haue so well played their

parts, in declaring what befell them before they came at the Tartars, what

a terrible and vnmanerly welcomming they had at their first arriuall, what

cold intertainment they felt in traueiling towards the great Can, and what

slender cheere they found at his Court, that they seeme no lesse worthy of

praise then of pitie. But in describing of the Tartars Countrey, and of the

Regions adiacent, in setting downe the base and sillie beginnings of that

huge and ouerspreading Empire, in registring their manifolde warres and

bloody conquests, in making relation of their herds and mooueable Townes,

as likewise of their food, apparell and armour, and in setting downe their

vnmercifull lawes, their fond superstitions, their bestiall liues their

vicious maners, their slauish subiection to their owne superiours, and

their disdainfull and brutish inhumanitie vnto strangers, they deserue most

exceeding and high commendation. Howbeit if any man shall obiect that they

haue certaine incredible relations; I answere, first that many true things

may to the ignorant seeme incredible. But suppose there be some particulars

which hardly will be credited; yet thus much I will boldly say for the

Friers, that those particulars are but few, and that they doe not auouch

them vnder their owne names, but from the report of others. Yet farther

imagine that they did auouch them, were they not to be pardoned as well as

Herodotus, Strabo, Plutarch, Plinie, Solinus, yea & a great many of our new

principall writers, whose names you may see about the end of this Preface;

euery one of which hath reported more strange things then the Friers

between the both? Nay, there is not any history in the world (the most Holy

writ excepted) whereof we are precisely bound to beleeue ech word and

syllable. Moreouer sithens these two iournals are so rare, that Mercator

and Ortelius (as their letters vnto me do testifie) were many yeeres very

inquisitiue, and could not for all that attaine vnto them; and sithens they

haue bene of so great accompt with those two famous Cosmographers, that

according to some fragments of them they haue described in their Mappes a

great part of those Northeastern Regions; sith also that these two

relations containe in some respect more exact history of those vnknowen

parts, then all the ancient and newe writers that euer I could set mine

eyes on; I thought it good if the translation should chance to swerue in

ought from the originals (both for the preseruation of the originals

themselues, and the satisfying of the Reader) to put them downe word for

word in that homely stile wherein they were first penned. And for these two

rare iewels, as likewise for many other extraordinary courtesies, I must

here acknowledge my selfe most deepely bounded vnto the right reuerend,

graue and learned Prelate, my very good lord the Bishop of Chichester, and

L. high Almner vnto her Maiestie; by whose friendship and meanes I had free

accesse vnto the right honor my L. Lumley his stately library, and was

permitted to copy out of ancient manuscripts, these two iournals and some

others also.

After these Friers (thought not in the next place) foloweth a testimonie of

Gerardus Mercator, and another of M. Dee, concerning one Nicholas de Linna

an English Franciscan Frier.

Then succeedeth the long iourney of Henry Earle of Derbie, and afterward

king of England into Prussia & Lithuania, with a briefe remembrance of his

valiant exploits against the Infidels there; as namely, that with the help

of certaine his Associates, he vanquished the king of Letto his armie, put

the sayd king to flight, tooke and slew diuers of his captains, aduanced

his English colours vpon the wall of Vilna, & made the citie it selfe to

yeeld. Then mention is made also of Tho. of Woodstock his trauel into

Pruis, and of his returne home. And lastly, our old English father Ennius,

I meane, the learned, wittie, and profound Geffrey Chaucer, vnder the

person of his knight, doeth full iudicially and like a cunning

Cosmographer, make report of the long voiages and woorthy exploits of our

English Nobles, Knights, & Gentlemen, to the Northren, and to other partes

of the world in his dayes.

Neither haue we comprehended in this Volume, onely our Trades and Voiages

both new and old; but also haue scattered here and there (as the

circumstance of times would giue vs leaue) certaine fragments concerning

the beginnings, antiquities, and grouth of the classical and warrelike

shipping of this Island: as namely, first of the great nauie of that

victorious Saxon prince king Edgar, mentioned by Florentius Wigorniensis,

Roger Houeden, Rainulph of Chester, Matthew of Westminster, Flores

historiarum, & in the libel of English policie, pag. 224. and 225. of this

present volume. [Footnote: _Original_ edition.] Of which Authors some

affirme the sayd fleet to haue consisted of 4800. others of 4000. some

others of 3600. ships: howbeit (if I may presume to gloze vpon the text) I

verily thinke that they were not comparable, either for burthen, strength,

building, or nimble stirrage vnto the ships of later times, and specially

of this age. But howsoeuer it be, they all agree in this, that by meanes of

the sayd huge Fleet he was a most puissant prince; yea, and some of them

affirme together with William of Malmesbury, that he was not onely

soueraigne lord of all the British seas, and of the whole Ile of Britanne

it selfe, but also that he brought vnder his yoke of subiection, most of

the Isles and some of the maine lands adiacent. And for that most of our

Nauigators at this time bee (for want of trade and practise that way)

either vtterly ignorant or but meanely skilfull, in the true state of the

Seas, Shoulds and Islands, lying between the North part of Ireland and of

Scotland, I haue for their better encouragement (if any weightie action

shall hereafter chance to drawe them into those quarters) translated into

English a briefe treatise called A Chronicle of the Kings of Man. Wherein

they may behold as well the tragical and dolefull historie of those parts

for the space almost of 300. yeeres, as also the most ordinarie and

accustomed nauigations through those very seas, and amidst those

Northwesterne Isles called the Hebrides, so many hundred yeeres agoe. For

they shall there read, that euen then (when men were but rude in sea causes

in regard of the great knowledge which we now haue) first Godredus Crouan

with a whole Fleet of ships throughly haunted some places in that sea;

secondly, that one Ingemundus setting saile out of Norway, arriued vpon the

Isle of Lewis; then, that Magnus the king of Norwau came into the same seas

with 160. sailes, and hauing subdued the Orkney Isles in his way, passed on

in like conquering maner, directing his course (as it should seeme) euen

through the very midst, and on all sides of the Hebrides, who sailing

thence to Man, conquered it also, proceeding afterward as farre as

Anglesey; and lastly crossing ouer from the Isle of Man to the East part of

Ireland. Yea, there they shall read of Godredus the sonne of Olauus his

voiage to the king of Norway, of his expedition with 80. ships against

Sumerledus, of Sumerled his expedition with 53. ships against him; of

Godred his flight and second iourney into Norway, of Sumerled his second

arriuall with 160. shippes at Rhinfrin vpon the coast of Man, and of many

other such combates, assaults, & voyages which were performed onely vpon

those seas & Islands. And for the bringing of this woorthy monument to

light, we doe owe great thanks vnto the iudiciall and famous Antiquarie M

Camden. But sithens we are entred into a discourse of the ancient warrehke

shipping of this land the reader shall giue me leaue to borow one

principall note out of this litle historie, before I quite take my leaue

thereof, and that is in few words, that K. Iohn passed into Ireland with a

Fleet of 500. sailes; so great were our sea-forces euen in his time.

Neither did our shipping for the warres first begin to flourish with king

Iohn, but long before his dayes in the reign of K. Edward the Confessor, of

William the Conquerour, of William Rufus and the rest, there were diuers

men of warre which did valiant seruice at sea, and for their paines were

roially rewarded. All this and more then this you may see recorded, pag.

19. [Footnote: Of original edition.] out of the learned Gentleman M.

Lambert his Perambulation of Kent; namely, the antiquitie of the Kentish

Cinque ports, which of the sea-townes they were, how they were

infranchised, what gracious priuileges and high prerogatiues were by diuers

kings vouchsafed vpon them, and what seruices they were tied vnto in regard

thereof; to wit, how many ships, how many souldiers mariners, Garsons, and

for how many dayes each of them, and all of them were to furnish for the

kings vse; and lastly what great exploits they performed vnder the conduct

of Hubert of Burrough, as likewise against the Welshmen, vpon 200. French

ships, and vnder the commaund of captaine Henry Pay. Then haue you, pag.

130, [Footnote: Of original edition.] the franke and bountifull Charter

granted by king Edward the first, vpon the foresayd Cinque portes: & next

thereunto a Roll of the mightie fleet of seuen hundred ships which K.

Edward the third had with him vnto the siege of Caleis: out of which Roll

(before I proceed any further) let me giue you a double obseruation. First

that these ships, according to the number of the mariners which were in all

14151. persons, seeme to haue bene of great burthen; and secondly, that

Yarmouth an hauen towne in Northfolke (which I much wonder at) set foorth

almost twise as many ships and mariners, as either the king did at his owne

costs and charges, or as any one citie or towne in England besides. Howbeit

Tho. Walsingham maketh plaine and euident mention of a farre greater Fleete

of the same king; namely, of 1100. shippes lying before Sandwich, being all

of them sufficiently well furnished. Moreouer the Reader may behold, pag.

205, [Footnote: Of original edition.] a notable testimonie of the mightie

ships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. who (when after his great

victory at Agincourt the Frenchmen to recouer Harflew had hired certain

Spanish and Italian ships and forces, & had vnited their owne strength vnto

them) sent his brother Iohn Duke of Bedford to encounter them, who bidding

them battell got the victory, taking some of their ships and, sinking

others, and putting the residue to dishonorable flight. Likewise comming

the next yeere with stronger powers, and being then also ouercome, they

were glad to conclude a perpetuall league with K. Henry: & propter eorum

naues (saieth mine Author) that is for the resistance of their ships, the

sayd king caused such huge ships to be built, quales non erant in mundo, as

the like were not to be found in the whole world besides.

But to leaue our ancient shipping, and descend vnto later times, I thinke

that neuer was any nation blessed of IEHOVAH, with a more glorious and

wonderfull victory vpon the Seas, then our vanquishing of the dreadfull

Spanish Armada, 1588. But why should I presume to call it our vanquishing;

when as the greatest part of them escaped vs, and were onely by Gods

out-stretched arme ouerwhelmed in the Seas, dashed in pieces against the

Rockes, and made fearefull spectacles and examples of his iudgements vnto

all Christendome. An excellent discourse whereof, as likewise of the

honourable expedition vnder two of the most noble and valiant peeres of

this Realme, I meane the renoumed Erle of Essex, and the right honorable

the lord Charles Howard, lord high Admirall of England, made 1596. vnto the

strong citie of Cadiz, I haue set downe as a double epiphonema to conclude

this my first volume withall. Both of which, albeit they ought of right to

haue bene placed among the Southerne voyages of our nation, yet partly to

satisfie the importunitie of some of my special friends, and partly, not

longer to depriue the diligent Reader of two such woorthy and long expected

discourses, I haue made bold to straine a litle curtesie with that methode

which I first propounded vnto my selfe.

And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in mind of that learned

and Philosophical treatise of the true state of Iseland, and so

consequently of the Northren Seas & regions lying that way, wherein a great

number of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmographers of later

times, as namely, Munster, Gemma Frisius, Zieglerus, Krantzius, Saxo

Grammaticus, Olaus Magnus, Peucerus and others, are by euident arguments

conuinced of manifold errors, that is to say, as touching the true

situation and Northerly latitude of that Island, and of the distance

thereof from other places, touching the length of dayes in Sommer and of

nights in Winter, of the temperature of the land and sea, of the time and

maner of the congealing, continuance, and thawing of the Ice in those Seas,

of the first Discouerie and inhabiting of that Island, of the first

planting of Christianitie there, as likewise of the continuall flaming of

mountains, strange qualities of fountaines, of hel-mouth, and of purgatorie

which those authors haue fondly written and imagined to be there. All which

treatise ought to be the more acceptable, first in that it hath brought

sound trueth with it, and secondly, in that it commeth from that farre

Northren climate which most men would suppose could not affoord any one so

learned a Patrone for it selfe.

And thus (friendly Reader) thou seest the briefe summe and scope of all my

labours for the common-wealths sake, and thy sake, bestowed vpon this first

Volume: which if thou shall as thankefully accept, as I haue willingly and

freely imparted with thee, I shall bee the better encouraged speedily to

acquaint thee with those rare, delightfull and profitable histories, which

I purpose (God willing) to publish concerning the Southerne and Westerne

parts of the World.

* * * * *

[Greek: EIS APODAEMIAS BRETTANON PONAEMA RIKARDOU TOU HAKLYITOU,

Hygon ho Brochthonos.

Ossoi gaian echousi Brotoi henos ekpephyasi

hos allaela horan ethnesi charma physei.

Hos de thaliplagktos metekiathen ethnea pleista,

hoikoi mimnazous axiagastos ephy.

Exocha Brettanoi d', alloin schisthentes erantai,

idmenai allothroun phyla polysperea.

Indous hesperious kai eoous, Aithiopas te

kai Moschous, kai pant eschatounta genae.

Touton d' oia malista, klyta, klytos Haklyutos

graphen ariphradeos, mnaem aei essomenon.]

* * * * *

In nauales RICHARDI HAKLUYTI Commentarios.

Anglia magnarum foecunda puerpera rerum,

siue solum spectes nobile, siue salum;

Quæ quantum sumptis se nobilitauent armis,

siue domi gessit prælia, siue foris;

Multorum celebrant matura volumina: tantæ

Insula materiem paruula laudis alit.

At se in quot, qualésque, & quando effuderit oras,

qua fidit ignotum peruia classis iter,

Solius Hakluyti decus est, prædiuite penna

ostendisse suis ciuibus ausa mari

Quæcunque idcirco celeri gens Anglica naui,

Oceani tristes spernere docta minas,

A primi generísque & gentis origine gessit,

qua via per fluctus vlla pattre potest,

Siue decus laudémque secuta, vt & hostibus alas

demeret, atque suis læta pararet opes:

Hoc opus Hakluyti; cui debet patria multum,

cui multum, patriæ quisquis amicus erit

Qui re námque magis se nostra Britannta iactat,

quàm quod sit præter cætera classe potens?

Quam prius obsessam tenebris sic liberat, vt nunc

quisque sciat quàm sit nobile classis opus.

Quam si Dædalicè vtemur surgemus in altum,

sin autem Icaricè, quod voret, æquor habet.

RICH. MVLCASTER.

Eiusdem in eundem

Qui graui primus cecinit camoena

Aureum vellus, procerésque Græcos,

quos sibi adiunxit comites Ianson

Vectus in Argo

Naue, quàm primùm secuisse fluctus

prædicant salsos, sibi comparauit

Inde non vnquam moritura magnæ

præmia famæ

Tanta si merces calamum secuta

Vnicæ nauis referentis acta,

Quanta Rachardum manet Hakluytum

gloria? cuius

Penna descripsit freta mille, mille

Insulæ nostræ celeres carinas,

Quæ per immensi loca peruolarunt

omnia mundi

Senties gratam patriam, tuæque

Laudis æternùm memorem, & laboris:

Quæ tua cura, calamóque totum

ibit in orbem:

Quam doces omni studio fouere

Nauticum robur, validámque classem.

Hac luet quisquis violentus Anglo

vsserit hostis.

* * * * *

In eximium opus R. HAKLUYTI de Anglorum ad disiunctissimas regiones

nauigationibus GVLIELMI CAMDENI Hexastichon.

Anglia quæ penitùs toto discluditur orbe,

Angulus orbis erat, paruus & orbis erat.

Nunc cùm sepositos alios detexent orbes,

Maximus orbis honos, Orbis & orbis erit.

At quid Haklute tibi monstranti hæc debeat orbis?

Laus tua, crede mihi, non erit orbe minor.

* * * * *

Di Marc' Antonio Pigafeta Gentilhuomo Vicentino

Ignota mi starei, con poco honore

Sepolta nell' oscure, antiche carte,

S'alcun de figli miei con spesa & arte

Non hauesse hor scoperto il mio splendore

Ramusio pria pieno d' ardente amore

Manifesto le mie piu riche parte,

Che son lá doue il Maragnon diparte,

E doue il Negro allaga, e'l Gange scorre,

Hakluyto poi senza verun risguardo

Di fatica o di danno accolt' hà insieme,

Ciò c' hà potuto hauer da typhi Inglesi.

Onde vedrassie dove bella sguardo,

E la Dwina agghiaccia, e l' Obi freme,

Et altri membri miei non ben palesi.

EXTRACT FROM OLDYS'S LIBRARIAN, 1738.

(Article Hakluyt's Voyages.) p. 137.

Oldys (having given a list of the contents of the three volumes of Hakluyt)

concludes,

This summary may sufficiently intimate what a treasury of maritime

knowledge it is, wherefore we shall here take our leave of it, with

referring only to a needful observation or two:

And first, As it has been so useful to many of our authors, not only in

Cosmography, and Navigation, but in History, especially that of the

glorious reign in which so many brave exploits were atchievcd; As it has

been such a LEADING STAR TO THE NAVAL HISTORIES since compiled; and saved

from the wreck of oblivion many exemplary incidents in the lives of our

most renowned navigators; it has therefore been unworthily omitted in the

English historical library. And lastly, though the first volume of this

collection, does frequently appear, by the date, in the title page, to be

printed in 1599, the reader is not thence to conclude the said volume was

then reprinted, but only the title page, as upon collating the books we

have observed, and further, that in the said last printed title page, there

is no mention made of the Cadiz Voyage; to omit which, might be one reason

of reprinting that page; for it being one of the most prosperous and

honourable enterprizes that ever the Earl of Essex was ingaged in, and he

falling into the Queen's unpardonable displeasure at this time, our author,

Mr. Hakluyt, might probably receive command or direction, even from one of

the patrons to whom these Voyages are dedicated, who was of the contrary

faction not only to suppress all memorial of that action in the front of

this book, but even cancel the whole narrative thereof at the end of it, in

all the copies (far the greatest part of the impression) which remained

unpublished. And in that castrated manner the volume has descended to

posterity; not but if the castration was intended to have been concealed

from us, the last leaf of the preface would have been reprinted also, with

the like omission of what is there mentioned concerning the insertion of

this Voyage. But at last, about the middle of the late King's reign, an

uncastrated copy did arise, and the said Voyage was reprinted from it,

whereby many imperfect books have been made complete.

EXTRACT FROM ZOUCH'S LIFE OF SIR PHILIP SIDNEY, page 317.

Every reader conversant in the annals of oar Naval transactions will

cheerfully acknowledge the merit of Richard Hakluyt, who devoted his

studies to the investigation of those periods of the English history, which

regard the improvement of navigation and commerce. He had the advantage of

an academical education. He was elected Student of Christ-Church in Oxford

in 1570, and was therefore contemporary with Sidney at the University. To

him we are principally indebted for a clear and comprehensive description

of those noble discoveries of the English nation made by sea or over land

to the most distant quarter of the earth. His incomparable industry was

remunerated with every possible encouragement by Sir Francis Walsingham and

Sir Philip Sidney. To the latter, as to a most generous promoter of all

ingenious and useful knowledge, he inscribed his first collection of

voyages and discoveries, printed in 1582. Thus animated and encouraged, he

was enabled to leave to posterity the fruits of his unwearied labours--an

invaluable treasure of nautical information, preserved in volumes, which

even at this day, affix to his name a brilliancy of reputation, which a

series of ages can never efface or obscure.

CERTEINE TESTIMONIES CONCERNING

K. ARTHUR AND HIS CONQUESTS OF THE NORTH REGIONS,

TAKEN OUT OF

THE HISTORIE OF THE KINGS OF BRITAINE.

WRITTEN BY GALFRIDUS MONUMETENSIS, AND NEWLY PRINTED

AT HEIDELBERGE, ANNO 1587.

Lib 9. cap. 10.

Anno Christi, 517. Arthurus, secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totius

Hyberniæ partibus, classem suam direxit in Islandiam, eámque debellato

populo subiugauit. Exin diuulgato per cæteraa insulas rumore, quòd ei nulla

Prouincia resistere poterat, Doldauius rex Gotlandiæ, & Gunfacius rex

Orcadum vltro venerunt, promissóque vectigali subiectionem fecerunt. Emensa

deinde hyeme, reuersus est in Britanniam, statúmque regni in firmam pacem

renouans, moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit.

The same in English.

In the yere Of Christ, 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne,

hauing subdued all parts of Ireland, sailed with his fleet into Island, and

brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection. The rumour

afterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands, that no countrey

was able to withstand him, Doldamus the king of Gotland, and Gunfacius the

king of Orkney, came voluntarily vnto him, and yeelded him their obedience

promising to pay him tribute. The Winter being spent, he returned into

Britaine, and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace, he continued

there for the space of twelue yeres.

Lib 9. cap. 12.

Missis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis, inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quàm ex

collateralibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent, &c. Et paulò

post: Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniæ, Maluasius

rex Islandiæ, Doldauius rex Gotlandiæ, Gunnasius rex Orchadum, Lot rex

Noruegiæ, Aschihus rex Danorum.

The same in English.

After that king Arthur sending his messenger into diuers kingdomes, he

summoned such as were to come to his Court, as well out of France, as out

of the adiacent Islands of the sea, &c. and a little after: From those

adiacent Islands came Guillaumarius king of Ireland, Maluasius king of

Island, Doldauius king of Gotland, Gunnasius king of Orkney, Lot the king

of Norway, and Aschilius the king of Denmarke.

Lib 9. cap. 19.

At reges cæterarum Insularam, quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere,

pedites quot quisque debebat, promittunt, ita vt ex sex Insulis, videlicet,

Hyberniæ, Islandiæ, Gotlandiæ, Orcadum, Noruegiæ, atque Daciæ, sexies

viginti millia essent annumerata.

The same in English.

But the kings of the other Islands, because it was not their custome to

breed vp horses, promised the king as many footmen, as euery man was bound

to send: so that out of the six Islands, namely of Ireland, Island,

Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmarke, the king had sixe score thousand

souldiers sent him.

* * * * *

A testnnome of the right and appendances of the crowne of the kingdome of

Britaine, taken out of M. Lambard, his [Greek: Arkaionomia], fol 137.

pag. 2.

Arthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum, vir magnus fuit &

animosus, & miles illustris. Parum fuit ei regnum istud, non fuit animus

eius contentus regno Britanniæ. Subiugauit igitur sibi strenuè Scantiam

totam, quæ modo Norweia vocatur, & omnes insulas vltra Scantiam, scz.

Islandiam, & Grenlandiam, quæ sunt de appendicijs Norweiæ, & Suechordam, &

Hyberniam, & Gutlandiam, & Daciam, Semelandiam, Winlandiam, Curlandiam,

Roe, Femelandiam, Wirelandiam, Flandriam, Cherelam, Lappam, & omnes alias

terras & insulas, Orientalis Oceani vsque Russiam (in Lappa scilicet posuit

Orientalem metam regni Britanniæ) & multas insulas vltra Scantiam, vsque

dum sub Septentrione, quæ sunt de appendicibus Scantiæ, quæ modo Norweia

vocatur. Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occultè. Arthurus autem Christianus

optimus fuit, & fecit eos baptizari, & vnum Deum per totam Norweiam

venerari, & vnam fidem Christi semper inuiolatam custodire, & suscipere.

Ceperunt vniuersi proceres Norweiæ vxores suas de nobili gente Britonum

tempore illo, vnde Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente & sanguine regni

huius. Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex à domino Papa, & à

Curia Romana, quod confirmata sit Norweia, in perpetuum coronæ Britanniæ in

augmentum regni huius, vocauítque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram Britanniæ.

Hac verò de causa dicunt Norwegienses, se debere in regno isto cohabitare &

dicunt se esse de corpore regni huius, scilicet de corona Britanniæ.

Maluerunt enim manere in regno isto, quàm in terra eorum propria. Terra

enim eorum arida est, & montuosa, & sterilis, & non sunt ibi segetes nisi

per loca. Ista verò opulenta est, & fertilis, & crescunt hic segetes, &

cætera vniuersa. Qua ex causa sæpius per vices gesta sunt bella atrocissima

inter Anglos & Norwegienses, & interfecti sunt innumerabiles. Occupauerunt

verò Norwegienses terras multas & insulas regni huius, quas adhuc detinent

occupatas, nec potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli. Tandem modò

confederati sunt nobis fide, & sacramento, & per vxores suas, quas postea

ceperunt de sanguine nostro, & per affinitates, & coniugia. Ita demum

constituit, & eis concessit bonus rex Edouardus propinquus noster (qui fuit

optimus filius pacis) per commune consilium totius regni. Qua de causa

possent, & debent prædicti de cætero nobiscum cohabitare, & remanere in

regno, sicut coniurati fratres nostri.

The same in English.

Arthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the Britains, was a

mightie, and valiant man, and a famous warriour. This kingdome was too

litle for him, & his minde was not contented with it. He therefore

valiantly subdued all Scantia, which is now called Norway, and all the

Islands beyond Norway, to wit, Island and Greenland, which are apperteining

vnto Norway, Sweueland, Ireland, Gotland, Denmarke, Someland, Windland,

Curland, Roe, Femeland, Wireland, Flanders, Cherilland, Lapland, and all

the other lands & Islands of the East sea, euen vnto Russia (in which

Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his Brittish Empire) and many

other Islands beyond Norway, euen vnder the North pole, which are

appendances of Scantia, now called Norway. These people were wild and

sauage, and had not in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors, because

all euil commeth from the North, yet there were among them certeine

Christians liuing in secret. But king Arthur was an exceeding good

Christian, and caused them to be baptized, and thorowout all Norway to

worship one God, and to receiue and keepe inuiolably for euer, faith in

Christ onely. At that time all the noble men of Norway tooke wiues of the

noble nation of the Britaines, whereupon the Norses say, that they are

descended of the race and blood of this kingdome. The aforesayd king Arthur

obteined also in those dayes of the Pope & court of Rome, that Norway

should be for euer annexed to the crowne of Britaine for the inlargement of

this kingdome, and he called it the chamber of Britaine. For this cause the

Norses say, that they ought to dwell with vs in this kingdome, to wit, that

they belong to the crowne of Britaine: for they had rather dwell here then

in their owne natiue countrey, which is drie and full of mountaines, and

barren, and no graine growing there, but in certeine places. But this

countrey of Britaine is fruitfull, wherein corne and all other good things

do grow and increase, for which cause many cruell battels haue bene

oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway, and

infinite numbers of people haue bene slaine, & the Norses haue possessed

many lands and Islands of this Empire, which vnto this day they doe

possesse, neither could they euer afterwards be fully expelled. But now at

length they are incorporated with vs by the receiuing of our religion and

sacraments, and by taking wiues of our nation, and by affinitie, and

marriages. For so the good king Edward (who was a notable mainteiner of

peace) ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the whole

kingdome, so that the people may, and ought from hencefoorth dwell and

remaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing sworne brethren.

* * * * *

A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monumetensis concerning the

conquests, of Malgo, king of England. Lib. II. cap. 7.

Vortipono successit Malgo, omnium ferè Britanniæ pulcherrimus, multorum

tyrannoram depulsor, robustus armis, largior cæteris, & vltra modum

probitate præclarus. Hic etiam totam Insulam obtinuit, & sex

comprouinciales Oceani Insulas: Hyberniam videlicet, atque Islandiam,

Gotlandiam, Orcades, Noruegiam, Daciam, adiecit dirissimis prælijs

potestati suæ.

The same in English.

Malgo succeeded Vortiponus which was the goodliest man in person of all

Britaine, a prince that expulsed many tyrants. He was strong and valiant in

warre, taller then most men that then liued, and exceeding famous for his

vertues. This king also, obteined the gouernment of the whole Island of

Britaine, and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixe

Islands of the Ocean sea, which before had bene made tributaries by king

Arthur, namely Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmarke.

* * * * *

The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of

Northumberland written in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his

Ecclesiasticall historie of the English nation.

Eduinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis, id est, eius quæ ad borealem Humbri

fluminis plagam inhabitat, maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt,

Anglorum pariter & Britonum populis præfuit, præter Cantuarios tantùm,

necnòn & Menauias Britonum insulas, quæ inter Hiberniam & Britanniam sitæ

sunt, Anglorum subiecit potestati.

The same in English.

Edwin king of the people Northumberland, that is to say of them which

inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber, being of greater authontie then

any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine, bare rule as well ouer

the English as the British nation, except onely the people of Kent: who

also brought in subiection vnder the English, the Isles of Man and

Anglesey, and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons, which are

situate betweene Britaine and Ireland.

Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose. Lib 2. cap 9.

Anno ab incarnatione Domini sexcentesimo vicesimo quarto, gens

Nordanhumbrorum, hoc est, ea natio Anglorum quæ ad aquilonarem Humbri

fluminis plagam habitat, cùm rege suo Eduino, verbum fidei (prædicante

Paulino, cuius supra meminimus) suscepit: cui videlicèt regi in auspicium

suscipiendæ fidei, & regni coelestis potestas & terrem creuerat imperij:

ita vt (quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit) omnes Britanniæ fines, qua vel

ipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciæ habitabantur, sub ditione acceperit. Quìn &

Menauias insulas (sicut & supra docuimus) imperio subiugauit Anglorum.

Quarum prior quæ ad austrum est, & situ amplior & frugum prouentu atque

vbertate foelicior, nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram, iuxta

æstimationem Anglorum, secunda trecentarum & vltrà spatium tenet.

The Same in English.

In the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord, sixe hundreth twentie and

foure, the people of Northumberland, to wit, those English people which

inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber, together with their king

Edwin, at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue

mentioned, embraced the Gospel. Vnder which king, after he had once

accepted of the Christian faith, the power both of the heauenly & of his

earthly kingdome was inlarged; insomuch, that he (which no English king had

done before him) brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of

Britaine, which were inhabited either by the English men themselues, or by

the Britons. Moreouer, he subdued vnto the crowne of England (as we haue

aboue signified) the Hebrides, commonly called the Westerne Islands. The

principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the

South, and more abounding with corne then the rest, conteineth according to

the estimation of the English, roome enough for 960. families, and the

second for 300. and aboue.

* * * * *

The voyage of Bertus, generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus

king of Northumberland, in the yere of our Lord 684, out of the 4. Booke

and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie.

Anno Dominicæ incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto, Ecfridus rex

Nordanhumbrorum, misso Hiberniam cùm excercitu duce Berto, vastauit miserè

gentem innoxiam, & nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam, ita vt nec

ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus, parceret hostilis. At insulani &

quantum valuere armis arma repellebant, & inuocantes diuinæ auxilum

pietatis coelitus se vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant.

Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint, creditum tamen est,

quod hi qui merito impietatis suæ maledicebantur, ocyus Domino vindice,

poenas sui reatus luerent.

The same in English.

In the yeere of our Lord 684, Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent

captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie, which Bert miserably wasted that

innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England,

insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor

monasteries. Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with

armes, and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and

curses, they pleaded for reuenge. And albeit cursed speakers can by no

meanes inherit the kingdome of God, it was thought notwithstanding, that

they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the

vengeance of God imminent for their offences.

* * * * *

The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway, reported by

himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England, about the yere 890.

Octher said, that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland.

Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other

Norman. [Sidenote: Fynnes live by hunting and fishing.] He sayd that he

dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast: and

affirmed that the land, notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre

towards the North, yet it is all desert and not inhabited, vnlesse it be

very few places, here and there, where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the

coast, who liue by hunting all the Winter, and by fishing in Summer. He

said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue

and know how farre that land stretched Northward, and whether there were

any habitation of men North beyond the desert. Whereupon he tooke his

voyage directly North along the coast, hauing vpon his steereboord alwayes

the desert land, and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean: and continued his

course for the space of 3. dayes. [Sidenote: The Place wither the whale

hunters trauel.] In which space he was come as far towards the North, as

commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell. Whence he proceeded in his

course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3.

dayes. At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the

East, or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land, he knew not

how farre. Well he wist and remembred, that he was faine to stay till he

had a Westerne winde, and somewhat Northerly: and thence he sailed plaine

East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes.

At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full

Northerly winde, forsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the

South, or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how

farre: so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South, so

farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes; and at the fifth dayes end he

discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land.

[Sidenote: The Riuer of Duina of likelihood.] At the entrie of which riuer

he stayed his course, and conclusion turned back againe, for he durst not

enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land; perceiuing that

on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited: which

was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his

owne dwelling: [Sidenote: A Desert countrey. Fynnes.] whereas continually

thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord, a wildernesse

and desert countrey, except that in some places, he saw a few fishers,

fowlers, and hunters, which were all Fynnes: and all the way vpon his

leereboord was the maine ocean. [Sidenote: Biarmia.] The Biarmes had

inhabited and tilled their countrey indifferent well, notwithstanding he

was afrayed to go vpon shore. [Sidenote: Terfynnes.] But the countrey of

the Terfynnes lay all waste, and not inhabited, except it were, as we haue

sayd, whereas dwelled certeine hunters, fowlers, and fishers. The Biarmes

tolde him a number of stories both of their owne countrey, and of the

countreys adioyning. Howbeit, he knew not, nor could affirme any thing for

certeine trueth; forsomuch as he was not vpon land, nor saw any himselfe.

[Sidenote: The Fynnes and Biarmes speak one language.] This onely he

iudged, that the Fynnes and Biarmes speake but one language. [Sidenote:

Horsewhales teeth commended.] The principall purpose of his traueile this

way, was to encrease the knowledge and discouerie of these coasts and

countreyes, for the more commoditie of fishing of horsewhales, [Footnote:

Or morses.] which haue in their teeth bones of great price and excellencie:

whereof he brought some at his returne vnto the king. [Sidenote: Use of the

morses skins for cables.] Their skinnes are also very good to make cables

for shippes, and so vsed. This kinde of whale is much lesse in quantitie

then other kindes, hauing not in length or aboue seuen elles. And as for

the common kind of whales, the place of most and best hunting of them is in

his owne countrey: whereof some be 48. elles of length, and some 50. of

which sort he affirmed that he himselfe was one of the sixe, which in the

space of 3. dayes killed threescore. He was a man of exceeding wealth in

such riches, wherein the wealth of that countrey doth consist. [Sidenote:

Sixe hundreth raine Deere.] At the same time that he came to the king, he

had of his owne breed 600. tame Deere, of that kinde which they call Rane

Deere: of the which number 6, were stall Rane Deere, a beast of great

value, and maruellously esteemed among the Fynnes, for that with them they

catch the wilde Rane Deere. He was among the chiefe men of his countrey

one: and yet he, had but 20. kine, and 20. swine, and that little which he

tilled, he tilled it all with horses. [Sidenote: The Fynnes trubute.] Their

principall wealth consisteth in the tribute which the Fynnes pay them,

which is all in skinnes of wilde beasts, feathers of birds, whale bones,

and cables, and tacklings for shippes made of Whales or Seales skinnes.

[Sidenote: Note. Cables of Whales and Seales skins.] Euery man payeth

according to his abilities. The richest pay ordinarily 15. cases of

Marterns, 5. Rane Deere skinnes, and one Beare, ten bushels of feathers, a

coat of a Beares skinne, two cables threescore elles long a piece, the one

made of Whales skin, the other Seales.

He sayd, that the countrey of Norway was very long and small. So much of it

as either beareth any good pasture, or may be tilled, lieth vpon the Sea

coast, which notwithstanding in some places is very rockie and stonie:

[Sidenote: A description of Norway.] and all Eastward all along against the

inhabited land, lie wilde and huge hilles and mountaines, which are in some

places inhabited by the Fynnes. The inhabited land is broadest toward the

South & the further it stretcheth towards the North, it groweth euermore

smaller and smaller. Towards the South it is peraduenture threescore miles

in bredth or broader in some places: about the middest, 30 miles or aboue,

and towards the North where it is smallest, he affirmeth that it proueth

not three miles from the Sea to the mountaines. [Sidenote: The bredth of

the mountaines.] The mountaines be in breadth of such quantitie, as a man

is able to traueile ouer in a fortnight, and in some places no more then

may be trauailed in sixe dayes. [Sidenote: Swethland. Queeneland.] Right

ouer against this land in the other side of the mountaines, somewhat

towards the South lieth Swethland, and against the same towards the North,

lieth Queeneland. The Quenes sometimes passing the mountaines, inuade and

spoile the Normans: and on the contrary part, the Normans likewise

sometimes spoile their countrey. [Sidenote: Boats caried on mens backs.]

Among the mountaines be many and great lakes in sundry places of fresh

water, into the which the Queenes vse to carie their boats vpon their backs

ouer lande, and thereby inuade and spoile the countrey of the Normans.

These boats of theirs be very little and very light.

* * * * *

The voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Halgoland into the sound of

Denmarke vnto a port called Hetha, which seemeth to be Wismer or

Rostorke.

Octher sayd that the countrey wherein he dwelled, was called Halgoland: and

affirmed that there was no man dwelling towards the North from him. From

this countrey towards the South, there is a certeine port [Marginal note:

Or streight.] [Footnote: It seemeth to be about Elsenborg--_Original

note_.] called Scirings hall, whither, he sayth that a man was not able

to saile in a moneths space, if he lay still by night, although he had

euery day a full winde. [Sidenote: The description of the Sound of

Denmarke.] And he shall saile all the way along the coast, hauing on his

steereboord, first Iutland and the Islands which lie betwixt this countrey

& Iutland, still along the coast of this countrey, till he came to Scirings

hall hauing it on his larboord. At Scirings hall there entreth into the

land a maine gulfe of the Sea, which is so broad, that a man cannot see

ouer it: [Sidenote: Gotland.] and on the other side against the same, is

Gotland, and then Silland. This sea stretcheth many hundreth miles vp into

the land. [Sidenote: Vandals.] From Scirings hall he sayd that be sailed in

5. dayes to the port which is called Hetha, which lieth betwixt the

countries of Wendles, Saxons, and Angles, whereunto it is subiect. And as

he sailed thitherward from Scirings hall, he had vpon his steereboord

Denmarke, and on his leereboord the maine sea, for the space of 3. dayes:

[Sidenote: Hetha but two dayes sayling from Seland.] and 2. dayes before,

he arriued in Hetha, [Footnote: It seemeth to be Wismer or Rostocke--

_Original note_.] he had Gotland on leerboord, and Silland. with

diuers other Islands. In that countrey dwelt English men, before they came

into this land. And these 2. days he had vpon his leereboord the Islands

that are subiect to Denmarke.

* * * * *

Wolstans nauigation in the East sea, from Hetha to Trusco, which is about

Dantzig.

Wolstan sayd, that he departed from Hetha, and arriued at Trusco, in the

space of 7. dayes, and 7. nights: during which time, his shippe kept her

course continually vnder saile. All this voyage Wenedland [Footnote:

Prussia.] was still vpon his steerboord, and on his leerboord was Langland,

Layland, Falster, and Sconie: all which countreyes are subiect to Denmarke.

[Sidenote: Bargenland or Borholme.] Vpon his leerboord also, was

Bargenland, which hath a priuate king, to whom it is subiect. Hauing left

Bargenland, he passed by Blekingie, Meere, Eland and Gotland, hauing them

on his leerboord: all which countreys are subiect to Sweden: and Wenedland

was all the way vpon his steerboord, vntil he came to Wixel mouth.

[Sidenote: Wixel is the riuer that falleth into the sea by Dantzig.] Wixel

is a very great riuer which runneth along betwixt Witland and Wenedland.

Witland is appertaining to the Easterlings, and the riuer of Wixel runneth

out of Wenedland into Eastmeere, which Eastmeere is at the least 15. miles

in breadth. [Sidenote: Fuso.] There runneth also another riuer called

Ilsing from the East, and falleth into Eastmeere, out of another lake vpon

the banke, whereupon is situated Fruso. So that Ilsing comming out of

Eastland, [Footnote: Lithuania.] and Wixel out of Wenedland, both fall

together into Eastmeere, and there Wixel depriueth Ilsing of his name, and

runneth thence West & North into the sea; whereof the place is called

Wixelmouth.

[Sidenote: The description of Eastland.] Eastland is a very large land, and

there be many cities and townes withtn it, and in euery one of them is a

king: whereby there is continually among them great strife and contention.

There is great plentie of hony and fish.

[Sidenote: Mares milke a chiefe drinke.] The wealthiest men drinke commonly

Mares milke, and the poore people and slaues meade. There is no ale brewed

among the Easterlings, but of mead there is plentie.

* * * * *

The nauigation of King Edgar, taken out of Florentius Wigoriensis, Houeden,

and M. Dee his discourse of the Brittish Monarchie, pag. 54, 55, &c.

I haue often times (sayd he) and many wayes looked into the state of

earthly kingdomes, generally the whole world ouer (as farre as it may be

yet knowen to Christian men commonly) being a studie of no great

difficultie, but rather a purpose somewhat answerable to a perfect

Cosmographer, to finde himselfe Cosmopolites, a citizen and member of the

whole and onely one mysticall citie vniuersall, and so consequently to

meditate of the Cosmopoliticall gouernment thereof, vnder the King

almightie, passing on very swiftly toward the most dreadfull and most

comfortable terme prefixed.

And I finde (sayd he) that if this British Monarchie would heretofore haue

followed the aduantages which they haue had onward, they might very well,

yer this, haue surpassed by iustice, and godly sort, any particular

Monarchie els, that euer was on earth since mans creation, and that to all

such purposes as to God are most acceptable, and to all perfect common

wealths, most honorable, profitable, and comfortable.

But yet (sayd he) there is a little locke of Lady Occasion flickering in

the aire, by our hands to catch hold on, whereby we may yet once more

(before all be vtterly past, and for euer) discreetly and valiantly recouer

and enioy, if not all our ancient & due appurtenances to this Imperiall

Brittish monarchie, yet at the least some such notable portion thereof, as

(al circumstances duely and iustly appertaining to peace & amitie with

forrein princes being offred & vsed) this may become the most peaceable,

most rich, most puissant, & most florishing monarchie of al els (this day)

in chnstendome. Peaceable, I say, euen with the most part of the selfe same

respects that good king Edgar had (being but a Saxon) and by sundry such

meanes, as he chiefly in this Empire did put in proofe and vse

triumphantly, whereupon his sirname was Pacificus, most aptly and iustly.

This peaceable king Edgar had in his minde about six hundred yeeres past,

the representation of a great part of the selfe same Idæa, which from aboue

onely, & by no mans deuise hath streamed downe into my imagination, being

as it becommeth a subiect carefull for the godly prosperitie of this

British Empire vnder our most peaceable Queene Elizabeth.

For, Ædgaros pacificus, Regni sui prospiciens vtilitati, pariter & quieti,

quatuor millia octingentas sibi robustas congregauit naues è quibus mille

ducentas, in plaga Angliæ Orientali, mille ducentas in Occidentali, mille

ducentas in Australi, mille ducentas in Septentrionali pelago constituit,

vt ad defensionem regni sui, contra exteras nationes, bellorum discrimina

sustinerent. [Footnote: _Translation_: "Edgar the Pacific, looking

forward to the benefit and peace of his kingdom, collected Four Thousand

Eight Hundred powerful ships, of which he stationed One Thousand Two

Hundred on the East Coast of England, One Thousand Two Hundred on the West

Coast, One Thousand Two Hundred on the South Coast, and One Thousand Two

Hundred on the Northern Coast, in order to be prepared for war in defence

of his kingdom against foreign nations."]

O wisedome imperiall, most diligently to be imitated, _videlicet,

prospicere_, to foresee. O charitable kingly parent, that was touched

with ardent zeale, for procuring the publike profite of his kingdome, yea

and also the peaceable enioying thereof. O, of an incredible masse of

treasure, a kingly portion, yet, in his coffers remayning: if then he had,

(or late) before any warres, seeing no notable taxe, or contribution publike

is historically mentioned to haue bene for the charges leuied: if in peace

he himselfe flourished so wealthily: O marueilous politicall, & princely

prudencie, in time of peace to foresee, and preuent, (and that most

puissantly, and inuinciblly) all possible malice, fraude, force, and

mischiefe forrain. O most discreet liberalitie to such excellent vses,

powring out his treasure so abundantly. O faithfull English people (then,)

and worthy subiects, of such an Imperiall and godly Gouernour. O your true,

and willing hearts, and blessed ready hands (then,) so to impart such

abundance of victuals for those huge Names maintenance: so (I say) as

neither dearth of famine, seemed (fondly) to be feared of you, for any

intolerable want likely to ensue thereby, nor prices of victuals complained

of to be vnreasonable enhaunsed by you, finding, for their great sales so

good, and rare opportunitie.

This peaceable king Edgar, was one of the perfect Imperiall Monarches of

this British Empire, and therefore thus his fame remaineth (for euer)

recorded.

[Sidenote: Charta Regis Henrici secundi.] Anglici orbis Basileus, flos, &

decus Ædgarus, non minus memorabilis Anglis, quàm Cyrus Persis, Romulus

Romanis, Alexander Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Francis, Anno vitæ

37. Regni sui cùm fratre, & post 21. Idibus Iulij obijt, & apud Glascon

sepelitur. [Footnote: _Translation_: "The king of the English realm,

that flower (of kings) and renowned Edgar, not less famous amongst the

English than Cyrus amongst the Persians, Romulus amongst the Romans,

Alexander amongst the Macedonians, Arsaces amongst the Parthians, Charles

(the Great) amongst the Franks, in the 37th year of his age and 21st year

of his reign with his brother and alone, died on the Ides of July, and was

buried at Glastonbary."]

O Glastonbury, Glastonbury, the treasurie of the carcases of so famous, and

so many persons (_Quæ olim mater sanctorum dicta es, & ab alijs, tumulus

sanctorum, quam ab ipsis discipulis Domini, ædificatam fuisse venerabilis

habet Antiquorum authoritas_) how lamentable is thy case nowe? howe hath

hypocrisie and pride wrought thy desolation? though I omit here the names

of very many other, both excellent holy men, and mighty princes, whose

carcases are committed to thy custody, yet that Apostolike Ioseph, that

triumphant British Arthur, and nowe this peaceable and prouident Saxon king

Edgar, doe force me with a certaine sorowful reuerence, here to celebrate

thy memorie.

[Sidenote: Ranulphus Cestrinis.] This peaceable king, Edgar, (as by ancient

Recordes may appeare) his Sommer progresses, and yerely chiefe pastimes

were, the sailing round about this whole Isle of Albion, garded with his

grand name of 4000. saile at the least, parted into 4. equall parts of

petie Nauies, eche one being of 1000. ships, for so it is anciently

recorded.

Idem quoque Ædgarus 4000. naues congregauit, ex quibus omni anno, post

festum Paschale, 1000. naues ad quamlibet Angliæ partem statuit, sic,

æstate Insulam circumnauigauit: hyeme verò, iudicia in Prouincia exercuit:

& hæc omnia ad sui exercitium & ad hostium fecit terrorem. [Footnote:

_Translation_: "The same Edgar collected Four Thousand ships, of which

each year, after Easter, he placed One Thousand on each side of England,

and thus sailed round the Island in summer; but in winter he rendered

justice throughout the country; and he did all this for the practice of his

own navy and the terror of his enemies."]

Could, and would that peaceable & wise king Edgar, before need, as being in

peace and quiet with all nations about him, and notwithstanding mistrusting

his possible enemies, make his pastimes so roially, politically and

triumphantly, with so many thousand ships, and at the least with ten times

so many men as ships and that yerely? and shall we being not assured of

such neighbors friendship as may become to vs as cruel and tyrannicall

enemies as neuer king Edgar needed to dread the like, and they as many and

mighty princes, as neuer king Edgar coped with the like, shall we (said he)

not iudge it some part of wisdome, to imitate carefully in some litle

proportion (though not with so many thousands) the prosperous pastimes of

peaceable king Edgar, that Saxonicall Alexander? yea, prosperous pastimes

these may be iustly counted, by which he also made euident to the whole

world, that as he wisely knew the ancient bounds and limits of this British

Empire, so that he could and would royally, iustly, and triumphantly enioy

the same, spite of the deuil, and maugre the force of any forreine

potentate. And al that, so highly and faithfully to the glory of God

finally intended and brought to passe, as the wisest and godliest prelates

and counsellors of those dayes (so counted of and recorded) coulde best

aduise and direct him, or perchance, but sincerely commend and duetifully

incourage him in, he being of himselfe so bent, as purposing first

inuincibly to fortifie the chiefe and vttermost walles of his Islandish

Monarchie, against all forreine encombrance possible. And in that

fortification furthering and assuring to trust best his owne ouersight and

iudgement, in yerely viewing the same in euery quarter thereof, and that as

it were for his pastime Imperiall, also in Sommer time, to the ende that

afterward in all securitie, hee might in Winter time (_vacare_) be at

conuenient leisure on land, chiefly to set foorth God's due honour and

secondly to vnderstand and diligently to listen to the causes and

complaints of his commons. For as Mattheus Westmonasteriensis of him to his

Imperiall commendation hath left vs a remembrance.

Habebat autem præterea consuetudinem, per omnes Regni prouincias transire,

vt intelligeret quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum, a

principibus obseruarentur, & ne pauperes à potentibus præiudicium passi,

opprimerentur diligenter inuestigare solebat; in vno fortitudini, in altero

Iustitia studens & Reipub. regníque vtilitati consulens in vtroque. Hinc

hostibus circumquáque timor, & amor omnium erga eum excreuerat subditorum.

[Footnote: _Translation_: "He had, besides the habit of travelling

through all the provinces of the kingdom, to ascertain how the enactments

of the law and the ordinances of his decrees were carried out by those in

authority; and he was careful that the poor who suffered injury from those

in power should have justice done them, promoting courage in one, justice

in another, in both ways benefiting the Crown and State. Thus on every side

the fear of his enemies and the love of his subiects increased."]

Thus we see how in opportunitie, this peaceable Edgar procured to this

Empire such prosperous securitie, that his true and faithfull subiects, all

maner of wayes (that is at home and also at sea, both outward and inward)

might peaceably, safely and sccurely employ their wits and trauels for the

marueilous enriching of this kingdome and pleasuring very many other,

carying forth the naturall commodities of this land, abounding here aboue

our necessity vses (and due store reserued) and likewise againe furnishing

the same with all necessary and not superfluous forreine commodities, fet

from farre or foreign countreys. This was in deed (as before is recorded) a

kingly prouidence. Reipub. Regnique vtilitati consulens, &c. besides with

great vtilitie and profite publique foreseene and by his meanes enioyed, he

himselfe vsed most gladly the aduantage of that securitie, in ministring of

iustice or causing the same to be executed all his kingdome ouer not

squemishly, frowningly or skornefully shunning the ragged and tattered

sleeue of any suppliant, holding vp to him a simple soiled bill of

complaint or petition, and that homely contriued, or afrayde at, and

timerously hasting from the sickly pale face or feeble limmed suter,

extreemely constrained so to speake for himselfe, nor parcially smoothering

his owne conscience, to fauour or mainteine the foule fault and trespasse

vnlawfull of any his subiects, how mightie or necessary soeuer, they (els)

were, but diligently made search, least Pauperes a potentibus præiudicium

passi, opprimerentur.

Thus did publique securitie from forrein foe abroad, and true loue of his

owne subiects, garding him at home, and the heauenly spirit directing all

his good purposes, cause iustice and equitie in all quarters of this Albion

to flourish. For which his peaceable and prosperous benefits at the

eternall king his hand obteined, hee became not insolent or declined to

tyrannicall regiment (as some princes in other countreis haue made their

liues Comicotragical) but with all his foresaide inunicible Sea-force,

aboundant wealth, triumphant peace, with securitie and Iustice ouer all his

Monarchie preuailing, his heart was continually, and most zealously bent to

set foorth the glory, laude and honour of the Almightie Creator, the

heauenly and euerlasting king, by such principall and princely meanes, as

(then) were deemed to God most acceptable, as many monuments yet to our

dayes remaining, do of him vndoubtedly testifie: As this, for one

[Footnote: Ex charta fundationis Ecclesiæ Cathedralis Wigorniæ.]

Altitonantis Dei largiflua clementia, qui est rex Regium, Ego Ædgarus

Anglorum Basileus omniúmque Regum, Insulatum, Oceanique Britanniam

circumiacentis, cunctarúmque nationum quæ infra eam includuntur, Imperator,

& Dominus, gratias ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti, Regi meo, qui meum Imperium

sic ampliauit, & exaltauit super regnum patrum meorum: qui licet Monarchiam

totius Angliæ adepti sunt a tempore Athelstani (qui primus regnum Anglorum,

& omnes Nationes, quæ Britanniam incolunt, sibi Armis subegit) nullus tamen

eorum vltra eius fines imperium suum dilatare aggressus est. Mihi autem

concessit propitia Diuinitas, cum Anglorum Imperio, omnia regna Insularum

Oceani, cùm suis ferocissimis Regibus, vsque Noruegiam, maximámque partem

Hyberniæ, cùm sua nobilissima Ciuitate Dublinia, Anglorum regno subiugare:

Duos etiam omnes, meis Imperijs colla subdere (Dei laudente gratia) coegi.

Quaproptcr & ego Christi gloriam, & laudem exaltare, & eius seruitium

amplificare deuotus disposui, & per meos fideles Fautores, Dunstanum, viz.

Archiepiscopum, Athelwoldum, & Oswaldum episcopos (quos mihi patres

spirituales, & Consiliatores elegi) magna er parte, secundum quod disposui,

effeci, &c. [Footnote: _Translation_ "By the wide-extending Grace of the

mighty God of Thunders, who is king of kings, I, Edgar, king of Angles and

of all Kingdoms, and Islands, and of the Ocean lying around Britain,

Emperor and Lord of all the nations therein contained, return thanks to

that same, all-powerful God, my king, who has thus extended my Empire and

exalted me above the state of my forefathers, who, although they held sway

ouer all England from the days of Athelstan (who first conquered the

kingdom of the Angles and all the nations which inhabit Britain) yet none

attempted to extend his empire beyond the frontiers of Athetstan's kingdom.

Favouring Providence, however, has permitted me, together with the throne

of England, to add thereto all the kingdoms of the Islands of the Ocean,

with their warlike kings, as far as Norway, and the greater part of

Ireland, with its very powerful city of Dublin, all of whom, by the help of

God, I have compelled, to bow the neck to my power. Wherefore I desire to

exalt the glory and praise of Christ, and increase His worship, and by my

faithful counsellors, viz., Dunstan the Archbishop and Athelwold and

Oswald, bishops (whom I have chosen to be my spiritual Fathers and

Aduisers), I have in a great measure performed what I intended etc."]

And againe this in another Monument. [Footnote: Fundatio Ecclesiæ

Cathedralis Eliensis.]

Omnipotentis Dei, &c. Ipsius nutu & gratia suffultus, Ego Ædgarus Basileus

dilectæ Insulæ Albionis, subditis nobis sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, ac

Brytonum, & omnium circumcirca Regionum, quieta pace perfruens, studiosus

sollicitè de laudibus creatoris omnium occupo addendis. Ne nunc inertia,

nostrísque diebus (plus æquo) seruitus eius tepescere videatur, &c. 18. mei

terreni Imperij anno, &c. Anno Incarnationis Dominicæ, 973.

Ego Ædgarus totius Albionis Basileus hoc priuilegium (tanta roboratum

authontate) crucis.

Thaumate confirmaui. [Footnote: _Translation_ "In the name of Almighty God,

etc. Strengthened by the favour and grace of God, I, Edgar, king of the

favoured Isle of Albion having made subject to us the kingdoms of the

Scots, the Cumbrians, the Britons, and all regions around, in the enjoyment

of quiet peace, being anxious, to increase the praise of the Creator of all

things, in order that lukewarmness may not appear to render His worship

less earnest in these our days, etc., in the 18th year of my earthly reign,

and the year of the Holy Incarnation 973. etc., I, Edgar, king of all

Albion, haue confirmed that privilege, etc."]

So that by all these rehearsed Records, it is most euident that the

peaceable king Edgar, was one of those Monarchs, in whose handes (if life

had suffised) the incredible value and priuiledge granted by God and nature

vnto this British monarchie might haue bene peaceably purchased in such

sort, as the very blessing and fauour of the diuine Trinitie hath laid

meanes for our industrie to attaine to, and enioye the same by.

And though sundry other valiant princes and kings of this land I could

recite, which in times past haue either by intent gone about or by wise and

valiant exploit, haue meetely well prospered towards this Islandish

appropriate supremacie attaining, yet neuer any other reasonable meanes was

vsed, or by humane wit, or industrie can be contriued, to al purposes

sufficient, but only by our sea forces preuailing, and so by our inuincible

enioying al within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained.

To which incredible political mysterie attaining, no easier, readier or

perfecter plat and introduction, is (as yet) come to my imagination then is

the present and continuall seruice of threescore good and tall warlike

ships, with twentie smaller barkes, and those 80. ships (great and smal)

with 6660. apt men furnished, and all singularly well appointed for seruice

both on sea and land, faithfully and diligently to be done in such

circumspect and discreet order as partly I haue in other places declared,

and further (vpon good occasion offered) may declare.

This grand name of peaceable King Edgar, of so many thousand ships, and

they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the least, with all the

finall intents of those sea forces, so inuincible, continually maintained,

the order of the execution of their seruice, the godly and Imperial

successe thereof, are in a maner kingly lessons and prophetical

incouragements to vs left, euen now to bee as prouident for publique

securitie as he was, to be as skilful of our sea right and royal limits,

and wisely to finde our selues as able to recouer and enioy the same as he

was, who could not chuse, but with the passing and yeerely sayling about

this British Albion, with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round about

it, he could not chuse I say, but by such ful and peaceable possession,

find himselfe (according to right, and his hearts desire) the true and

soueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean, enuironing any way his empire

of Albion and Ireland, with the lesser Islands next adiacent: with memorial

whereof, as with one very precious iewel Imperial, hee adorned the title

and crowne of his regalitie, as with the testimonie annexed of the states

and nobles of his Empire, to commit to perpetuall memorie, the stile of his

chiefe worldly dignitie, in this very tenor of words before also remembred.

[Sidenote: Note the Queenes Maiesties royaltie ouer the British Ocean sea,

round about the British Empire.] Ego Ædgarus Anglorum Basileus, omniúmque

Regum, Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarúmque

nationum, quæ infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Dominus.

* * * * *

The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Edmund Ironside into

Hungarie, Anno D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigorniensis pag. 391.

[Sidenote: An. Dom. 1017.] Dedit consilium Edricus Canuto regi, vt

clitunculos Eadwardum & Eadmundum regis Eadmundi filios necaret. Sed quia

magnum dedecus sibi videbatur, vt in Anglia perimerentur, paruo elapso

tempore, ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit. Qui, licèt foedus esset inter

eos, precibus illius nullatenùs voluit acquiescere, sed illos ad regem

Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitæque reseruandos. Quorum

vnus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis ibidem vitam finiuit. Eadwardus

verò Agatham filiam Germani Imperatoris Henrici in matrimonium accepit, ex

qua Margaretam Scotorum reginam, & Christinam Sanctimonialem, & Clitonem

Eadgarum suscepit. [Footnote: "Pus par le conseil le duc Edric aveit il en

pense de aver tue les fiz le re Edmund; cest a dire, Eduuard e Edmun. Mes

pur ceo ke il fust avis ke ceo eust este grant honte ali, si il les eust

fet tuer en Engleterre, e pur ceo ke il se duta ausi ke se il demorassent

en Engleterre ke il pensent en prendre contre lui, il les envea al rei de

Sueue, e ly manda ke il les meist ala mort: ki ne, voleit unkes fere sa

priere mes les envea a Salomon le rei de Hungrie pur nurir. E tant com il

furunt la, Edmund morust tost, e Eduuard prist a femme Agathe la filie le

emperour Henri, de la quele il engendra Margarete, ki pus fust reyne de

Escoce, e Edgar" (_Le Liuere de reis de Engleterre_, MS in Trinity College,

Cambridge.)]

The same in English

Edric counselled king Kanutus to murther the young princes Edward and

Edmund the sonnes of King Edmund. But because it seemed a thing very

dishonourable vnto him to haue them put to death in England, hee sent them,

after a short space, vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine. Who, albeit

there was a league betweene them, would in no case condescend vnto Canutus

his bloody request, but sent them vnto Salomon [Footnote: An error for

_Stephen_ the Holy, who married the sister of Henry II William of

Malmesbory makes Agatha the niece of Henry and daughter of Stephen.] the

king of Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue. The one whereof

namely Edmund in processe of time there deceased. But Edward receiued to

wife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour Henry of whom he begot

Margaret the Queene of the Seots, and Christina a Nunne, and Clito Edgar.

[Footnote: Edgar Atheling]

* * * * *

Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie.

In the yeere of our Lord 1066, Edward King of England, of famous memory

deceased, whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome, against

which Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel at

Stamford bridge, where the English winning the fielde put all the

Norwegians to flight: [Footnote: "Memes cel an Harald le rey de Norweye,

frere Seint Olaf, ariva al flum de Tine a Nof Chastel ou plus de Ve granz

neofs, a ki le connte Tostin, le frere le rey Harald de Engletere, vint ou

sa nauie, si com il aveient fet covenant en semble, e vindrunt sus a

Richale (_Richmond_) e destrurent tut le pais de Euerwyk (_York_) E Kant

ceo out oy Harald, le rei de Engletere, tant tost se mist conntre eus ou

son ost en vn liu ki hom apele Stamfordbrigge e la twa il le rey de Norweye

e Tostin son frere de meine, e grant partie del ost. Mes IX. de ses

chivalers pus le lesserent, pur ceo ke il ne les voleit ren doner de la

preye ki il prist des Norreis." (_Le Liuere de reis de Engleterre_ MS in

Trinity College, Cambridge.)] out of which flight one Godredus surnamed

Crouan (the sonne of Harald the blacke, who had before time fled out of

Island) repaired vnto Godred sonne of Syrric who then reigned in Man and

was right friendly and honourably enterteined by him.

[Sidenote: Fingal.] In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued

England and Godred the sonne of Syrric, king of Man, deceased, after whom

succeeded his sonne Fingal.

In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships, and sailed

vnto Man, and giuing battell vnto the people of the countrey, was

vanquished and put to flight. The second time also hauing gathered his

armie and ships together, hee came vnto Man, fought with the inhabitants,

lost the victorie, and was chaced away. Yea, the third time [Footnote: in

1077] he assembled a great multitude, and comming by night vnto the port

which is called Ramsa, [Footnote: Ramsay] hid 300. of his men in a wood

standing vpon the side of the hill called Scacafel. The Sunne was no sooner

vp, but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon

Godred. And in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men rising out

of their ambush, and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians, molested them

so sore, that they were enforced to flie. But when they saw that they were

ouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto (for the tide of the sea

had filled the chanel of the riuer of Ramsa [Footnote: The riuer Colby])

and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side, they

which remained, with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their

liues. Then hee being mooued with compassion, and pitying their extreme

calamitie, because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished among them,

sounded a retreat and forbad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit. The

day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice, whether they would

diuide Man among themselues and inhabite it, or whether they would take the

wealth of the countrey, and so returne vnto their owne home. Howbeit, it

pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with

the commodities thereof, and so to returne from whence they came. Nowe

Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him, tooke

possession of the South part of the Island, and vnto the remnant of the

Mannians he granted the North part thereof, vpon condition, that none of

them should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the

said ground by title of inheritance. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that

vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple, and that all

the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him. [Sidenote: Boats hauing not past

three yron nailes in them] Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe & a

great part of Lainestir. And he so tamed the Scots, that none of them durst

build a ship or a boate, with aboue three yron nailes in it. Hee reigned

16. yeeres and died in the Island called Yle. [Footnote: Yell, a northern

island of the Shetland group, seventeen miles by seven.] He left behinde

him three sonnes, Lagman, Harald, and Olauus. Lagman being the eldest

chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres. Howbeit Harald his brother

rebelled against him a long time, but being at length taken by Lagman, hee

was gelt and had his eyes put out. Afterward Lagman repenting him that he

had put out the eyes of his brother, did of his owne accord relinquish his

kingdome, and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse, he went on

pilgrimage to Ierusalem, in which iourney also he died.

In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing

intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers vnto Murccardus

O-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that hee would send some

wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall, vntill Olauus

sonne of Godred were come to full age. The king most willingly condescended

vnto their request, and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade,

charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie, hee

should gouerne that kingdome, which of right belonged not vnto him. Howbeit

he, after he had once attained vnto the kingdome, neglecting the

commaundement of his lord, vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie,

committing many heinous crimes, and so he reigned very disorderly for the

space of three yeeres. Then all the princes of the Islands making a

generall conspiracie, banded themselues against him, and expelled him out

of their dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them.

In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway, to take

possession of the kingdome of the Islands. And being come vnto the Island

of Leodus, [Footnote: Lewis.] he sent messengers vnto all the princes of

the Islands to come vnto him, commaunding them to assemble themselues, and

to appoint him to be their King. In the meane season he and his companions

spent their time in robbing and rioting, rauished women and virgines, and

addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh. And

when these things, were reported vnto the princes of the Islands, who had

assembled themselues to chuse him king, being mightely incensed thereat,

they made haste towards him, and comming vpon him in the night they burnt

the house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company,

partly with sword and partly with fire.

In the yeere 1008. the abbey of S. Manes at Cistertrum was founded. In the

same yeere also Antiochri was taken by the Chnstians and a Comet appeared.

Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants

of Man at Santwat [Footnote: In the parish of Jurby.] and they of the North

obtained the victory. In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and

Mac-Maras chieftaines of both parts.

The same yeere Magnus king of Norway, sonne of Olauus, sonne of Harald

Harfagre, being desirous to view the corpse of S. Olauus king and Martyr,

gaue commaundment that his monument should be opened. But the Bishop and

the Clergie withstanding this his attempt, the king went very boldly and by

his kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened. And when hee had

scene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the

foresaid King and Martyr, a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed with

great haste. The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him

in a vision saying: Chuse (I say) vnto your selfe one of these two, either

within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome, or else to depart

from Norway and neuer to see it againe. The King so soone as he was awaked

out of sleepe, called his princes and Senatours, and expounded the

foresaide vision vnto them. And they also being astonished thereat gaue him

this counsell, that with all speed he should depart out of Norway. Then he

without any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided, and

so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney, which hee presently subdued, and

passing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he came

vnto the Isle of Man, where he was no sooner arriued, but hee went vnto the

Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell, where the inhabitants of Man

had of late fought, because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied.

And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island, it pleased him exceeding

well, and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe, and

built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name. He had the

people of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe their

owne timber, and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes.

Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales, and

finding two harles therein (either of them being called by the name of

Hugo) be slue the one, and the other hee put to flight, and so subdued the

Island. But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him, and so bidding them

farewell he returned vnto Man. Vnto Murecard king of Irland he sent his

shooes, commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders, vpon the

birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of his

Embassadours, that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiect

vnto king Magnus. Which when the Irishmen heard, they toke it grieuously

and disdeined much thereat. But the King being better aduised, I had rather

(said he) not onely beare his shooes, but eate his shooes, then that king

Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilled

his commaundement, and honourably enterteined his Embassadours. Many giftes

also he sent vnto king Magnus by them, and concluded a league. But the

messengers returning vnto their lord, tolde him of the situation of Irland,

of the beautie thereof, of the fruitfulnesse of the soile, and of the

holesomnesse of the aire. Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to

conquer all Irland vnto himselfe. And for the same purpose he commaunded

that a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his voyage with sixteene

ships, & being desirous to view the land, when he had vndiscreetly departed

from his Nauie, he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish, and was himselfe

slaine, together with all that were with him almost. Hee was interred neere

vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. Hee reigned sixe yeeres. After his

death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus

Crouan, who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William

the Conquerour.

In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne his reigne and

reigned fourtie yeeres. He was a peaceable man being in league with all the

Kings of Scotland and Irland in his time. He took to wife Affrica the

daughter of Fergusius of Galway, of whom he begat Godredus. Of his

concubines he begat Regnaldus, Lagmannus, and Haraldus, and many daughters,

whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of Herergaidel, [Footnote:

Argyll.] which afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of

the Islands. He begat foure sonnes by her, namely Dulgallus, Raignaldus,

Engus and Olauus.

In the yeere 1134. Olaaus gaue vnto Yuo the Abbat of Furnes a portion of

his owne ground in Man to build an Abbey in the place which is called

Russin. [Footnote: Rushen] Also hee inriched with reuenues and indued with

priuiledges al places of religion within his islands.

In the yere 1142. Godredus the son of Olauus sailed vnto the K. of Norway

called Hinge, and doing his homage vnto him he remained with him, & was by

him honorably enterteined. The same vere the 3. sonnes of Harald brother

vnto Olauus, who were brought vp at the citie of Dublin, gathering together

a great multitude of people, and all the fugitiues and vagabonds of the

kingdome resorted vnto Man, and demaunded of the said king the one halfe of

al the kingdome of the Islands. Which thing when the king heard, being

desirous to pacifie them, he answered that he would consult about that

matter. And a day and place being appointed, where the consultation should

bee kept, in the meane time those miscreants conspired together, about the

murthering of the King. And when the day appointed was come, both companies

assembled themselues vnto the hauen towne called Ramsa, and they sate in

order, the king with his nobilitie on the one side, and they with their

confederates on the other side. Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention to

slay the king, stoode a-side in the midst of the house talking with one of

the Princes of the lande. And being called to come vnto the king he turned

himselfe about as if hee would haue saluted him, and lifting vp his

glittering axe, he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow. [Sidenote:

1143.] Nowe hauing committed this outragious villanie, within a short space

they diuided the Island betweene themselues, and gathering an armie

together sailed vnto Galway, intending to subdue that also, howbeit the

people of Galway assembled themselues, and with great furie encountred with

them. Then they immediately turning their backs with great confusion fled

vnto Man. And as touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the said

Island, some of them they slue, and the residue they banished.

In the yeere 1143. Godredus sonne of Olauus returning out of Norway was

created king of Man, who in reuenge of his fathers death, put out the eyes

of two of Haralds sonnes and slue the thirde.

In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne, and hee reigned thirtie

yeeres. In the thirde yeere of his reigne the citizens of Dublin sent for

him and created him king of Dublin, against whom Murecardus king of Irland

made warre, and encamping himselfe at the citie called Coridelis, he sent

his brother Osibel with 3000. horsemen vnto Dublin, who was slaine by

Godred and the Dubliners, the rest of his company being put to flight.

These things being thus finished, Godredus returned vnto Man, and began to

exercise tyrannie, disinheriting certaine of his nobles, of whome one

called Thorfinus the sonne of Oter, being mightier then the rest, went vnto

Sumerledus, and named Dubgal the sonne of Sumerledus, king of the Islands,

and subdued many of the said Islands on his behalfe. Whereof when Godred

had intelligence by one Paulus, prouiding a Nauie, hee went to meete

Sumerledus comming against him with 80. ships: [Sidenote: 1156.] and in the

yeere 1156. vpon the night of the feast of Epiphanie, there was a

Sea-battell fought, and many being slaine on both parts, the day folowing

they were pacified, and diuided the kingdome of the Islands among

themselues, and it continued two kingdomes from that day vnto this present

time. And this was the cause of the ruine of the monarchie of the Islands,

from which time the sonnes of Sumerled inioyed the one halfe thereof.

In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came vnto Man with 53. ships, putting Godred to

flight and wasting the Island: and Godred sailed vnto Norway to seeke for

aide against Sumerled. In the yere 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleete of 160.

ships together; and arriued at Rhinfrin, [Footnote: Renfrew] intending to

subdue all Scotland vnto himselfe: howbeit, by Gods iust iudgement being

ouercome by a few, together with his sonne, and an innumerable multitude of

people, he was slaine. The very same yere there was a battel fought at

Ramsa, betweene Reginald the brother of Godred, and the inhabitants of Man,

but by the stratageme of a certaine Earle the Mannians were put to flight.

Then began Reginald to vsurpe the kingly authoritie. Howbeit his brother

Godred, within foure dayes after comming out of Norway with a great power

of armed men, apprehended his brother Reginald, gelt him, and put out his

eyes. The same yeere deceased Malcolme the king of Scots and his brother

William succeeded in the kmgdome.

In the yeere 1166. two Comets appeared in the moneth of August before the

rising of the Sunne, one to the South and another to the North.

In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed into Irland, and

subdued Dublin with a great part of Irland.

In the yere 1176. Iohn Curcy conquered Vlster vnto himselfe. And at the

same time also Viuianus legate from the sea of Rome came into Man, & caused

king Godred to bee lawfully wedded vnto his wife Phingola, daughter of

Maclotlen son of Murkartac king of Irland, mother of Olauus, who was then

3. yeeres old. Siluanus the abbat married them, vnto whom the very same

day, king Godred gaue a portion of ground in Mirescoge, where he built a

Monastery: howbeit, in processe of time, the said land with the monkes, was

granted vnto the abbey of Russin.

In the yere 1172. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat (a man descended of the

blood royal) comming into Man with a great multitude of people, in the

absence of the king, at the first conflict hee put to flight certaine

watchmen which kept the shoare, & slue about 30. persons. Whereupon the

very same day the Mannians arranging themselues put him, & almost almost al

his folowers to the sword.

In the yere 1183. O-Fogolt was vicount of Man.

In the yere 1185. the Sunne was ecclipsed vpon the feast of S. Philip and

Iacob.

In the yere 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands, vpon the 4. of the

Ides of Nouember, and the next sommer his body was translated vnto the

island of Hy. He left 3. sonnes behinde him Reginaldus Olauus, and Yuarus.

In his life time he ordeined his sonne Olauus to be his heire apparant

because he onely was borne legitimate. But the Mannians, when Olauus was

scarce ten yeeres olde, sent vnto the islands for Reginald and created him

king.

In the yeere 1187. began Reginald the sonne of Godred to reigne ouer the

islands: and Murchardus a man of great power throughout all the kingdome of

the islands was put to death.

In the yere 1192. there was a battel fought betweene Reginald and Engus the

two sonnes of Sumerled: but Engus obtained the victory. The same yere was

the abbey of Russin remooued vnto Dufglas, [Footnote: Douglas] howbeit

within foure yeeres after the monkes returned vnto Russin.

In the yere 1203. Michæl bishop of the islands deceased at Fontanas, and

Nicholas succeeded in his roome.

In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy inuaded Vlster with an armie and encountered

with Iohn de Curcy, tooke him prisoner & subdued Vlster vnto himselfe.

Afterward he permitted the said Iohn to goe at libertie, who comming vnto

king Reginald was honourably enterteined by him, because he was his sonne

in lawe, for Iohn de Curcy had taken to wife Affrica the daughter of

Godredus, which founded the abbey of _S. Mary de iugo domini_, and was

there buried.

In the yeere 1205. Iohn de Curcy & Reginald king of the islands inuading

Vlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord did

negligently besiege the castle of Rath: but Walter de Lacy comming vpon

them with his armie, put them to flight, & from that time Curcy neuer

recouered his land. In the yeere 1210. Engus the son of Sumerled & his 3.

sonnes were slaine.

[Sidenote: King Iohn passed into Irland with 500. sailes] At the same time

Iohn king of England conducted a fleet of 500. ships into Irland, and

subdued it vnto himselfe and sending a certaine earle named Fulco, vnto the

isle of Man, his souldiours almost vtterly wasted it the space of 15.

dayes, and hauing taken pledges they returned home into their owne

countrey. King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man.

In the yere 1217. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands, and was buried in

Vlster, in the house of Benchor, whom Reginald succeeded.

I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaid

brethren Reginaldus and Olauus.

Reginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus, the island called Lodhus or Lewes,

which is saide to be larger then the rest of the islands, but almost

destitute of inhabitants, because it is so ful of mountaines & quarreis,

being almost no where fit for tillage. Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do

liue for the most part vpon hunting and fishing. Olauus therefore went to

take possession of this Island, and dwelt therein leading a poore life; and

when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation of

himselfe & his folowers hee went boldly vnto his brother Reginald, who as

then remained in the islands, & spake on this wise vnto him. My brother

(said he) and my lord and king you know that the kingdom of the islands

pertained vnto me by right of inheritance, howbett because the Lord had

chosen you to beare the scepter, I doe not enuie that honour vnto you,

neither doeth it any whit grieue me that you are exalted vnto this royall

dignitie. Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some portion of land

in the islands, whereby I may honestly liue. For the island of Lewis which

you gaue me is not sufficient for my maintenance. Which his brother

Reginald hearing said that he would consult about the premisses. And on the

morow when Olauus was sent for to parle, Reginald comanded him to be

attached, and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland and with him to

remame prisoner: and Olauus remained in prison almost for the space of 7.

yeres. But at the 7. yeres end William king of Scots deceased, and

Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead. The foresaid William, before his

death, commanded that all prisoners should be set at libertie. Olauus

therefore being at libertie came vnto Man, and immediatly with a great

company of nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. Iames: and his brother Reginald

caused the said Olauus to take vnto wife, the daughter of a certaine noble

man of Kentyre, cousine german vnto his owne wife, & by name being called

Lauon, and he granted vnto him the possession of Lewis. After a few dayes

Reginald the bishop of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod, separated

Olauus and Godred his sonne, and Lauon his wife, namely because shee was

cousin german vnto his former wife. Afterward Olauus maried Scristina

daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse.

Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being incensed, sent

letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godred

willing him to take Olauus. Which comandement Godred putting in practise, &

entring the isle of Lewis for the same purpose, Olauus fled in a little

skiffe vnto his father in law the earle of Rosse, & in the meane time

Godred wasted the isle of Lewis. At the very same time Pol the son of Boke

vicount of Sky, being a man of power in al the islands, because he would

not consent vnto Godred, fled, & dwelt together with Olauus in the

dominions of the earle of Rosse, & making a league with Olauus, they went

both in a ship vnto Sky. To be short, sending certaine spies, they were

informed that Godred remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle

called the isle of S. Colomba. [Footnote: Iona.] And vniting vnto

themselues their friends and acquaintance, & others that would goe

voluntarily with them, in the dead of the night, hauing lanched 5. ships

from the next sea-shore, which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs

from the foresaid Island, they enuironed the said Island on all sides. Now

Godred and his company rising early in the morning, and seeing themselues

beset with their enemies on all sides, they were vtterly astonied. Howbeit

arming themselues they began stoutly to make resistance, but altogether in

vaine. For about 9. of the clocke in the morning, Olauus and the foresaid

vicount Pol, with al their souldiers, entred the Island, and hauing slaine

all whom they found without the precincts of the Church, they apprehended

Godred, gelding him, and putting out his eyes. Vnto which action Olauus

gaue not his consent, neither could he withstand it, by reason of the

forenamed vicount the son of Boke. This was done in the yere of Christ

1223. The next sommer folowing Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the

chiefe men of the Islands, with a fleet of 32 ships sailed vnto Man, and

arriued at Rognolfwaht. [Footnote: Peel.] [Sidenote: The Isle of Man

aduanced to a kingdome] At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided the

kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues, Man being granted vnto

Reginald, & besides his portion the name of a king also. Olauus hauing

recieued certaine victuals of the people of Man, returned, together with

his company, vnto his owne portion of Islands. The yeere folowing Reginald

taking vnto him Alanus lord of Galway, together with his subiects of Man,

sailed vnto the Islands, that hee might take away that portion of ground

from his brother Olauus, which he had granted vnto him, and subdue it vnto

himselfe. Howbeit, by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight

against Olauus or the Islanders, because they bare good will towards them,

Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose,

returned home vnto their owne. Within a short space after Reginald, vnder

pretense of going vnto the Court of his lord the king of England, receiued

an 100. markes of the people of Man, and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord

of Galway. Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat,

insomuch that they sent for Olauus, and appointed him to be their king.

In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance, that is to say the

kingdome of Man and of the Islands, which Reginald his brother had gouerned

for the space of 38. yeeres, and he reigned two yeeres in safetie.

In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man, and the stronger part

of his people, sailed vnto the Islands. A short space after Alanus lord of

Galway, Thomas earle of Athol, & king Reginald came vnto Man with a mightie

army, and wasted all the South part of Man, spoiled the Churches, and slue

all the men whom they coulde take, insomuch, that the Southpart of the

saide Island was brought almost into desolation. And then Alanus returned

with his army into his owne land, leauing behind him bailiffes and

substitutes in Man, which should gather vp and render vnto him the tribute

of the countrey. Howbeit king Olauus came suddenly vpon them, chaced them

away and recouered his kingdome. And the Mannians which of late were

dispersed and scattered abroad, began to vnite themselues, and to inhabite

without feare. The same yeere, in the time of Winter, vpon the sudden, and

in the very dead of the night came king Reginald out of Galway with fiue

ships, & burnt all the ships of his brother Olauus and of the nobles of

Man, at the isle of S. Patric, & concluding a peace with his brother,

remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes; in the meane while hee

allured vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man, who

sware, that they would aduenture their liues, vntill hee had gotten the one

halfe of his kingdome: contrary wise Olauus ioyned vnto himselfe them of

the North part, & vpon the 14. of February in the place called Tingualla,

[Footnote: Tynwald Mount.] a field was fought betweene the two brothers,

wherein Olauus got the victory, and Reginald the king was by certaine

souldiers slaine without the knowledge of his brother. Also certaine

pirates comming to the South part of Man, wasted & spoiled it. The monkes

of Russin conueyed the body of K. Reginald, vnto the abbey of S. Mary of

Fournes, & there he was interred in the place, which his owne selfe had

chosen for the purpose. After these things Olauus traueiled vnto the king

of Norway, but before he was arriued there, Haco king of Norway appointed a

certaine noble man named Husbac the son of Owmund to be king of the Islands

of the Hebrides & called his name Haco. Then came the said Haco with Olauus

& Godred Don the son of Reginald and a multitude of Noruegians, vnto the

Islands, and while they were giuing an assault vnto a castle in the Island

of Both. [Footnote: Bute.] Haco being hit with a stone died, and was buried

in Iona.

In the yere 1230. came Olauus with Godredus Don and certeine Noruegians

vnto Man, and they parted the kingdome among themselues, Olauus stil

reteining Man. Godred as he was going vnto the Islands, was slaine in the

Isle of Lewis, & Olauus inioyed the kingdome of the islands also.

In the yere 1237. vpon the 12. of the kalends of Iune, Olauus sonne of

Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of S. Patric, and was interred in

the abbey of Russin. He reigned 11. yeres, two while his brother was aliue,

and nine after his death.

Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres, succeeded, and he reigned

12. yeeres. The first yere of his reigne taking his iourney vnto the

islands, he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputie in Man. The

Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the three sonnes of Nel, namely Dufgaldus,

Torquellus, & Molmore, and his friend Ioseph vnto Man, that they might

enter into cosultation together. Wherefore the 25. day they assembled

themselues at Tingualla: and malice growing betweene the sonnes of Nel, and

Loglen they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both parts, Molmore,

Dufgald, and the foresaid Ioseph being all slaine in the fray. The Spring

folowing, king Harald came into the Isle of Man, and Loglen fleeing into

Wales, was himselfe, together with Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil,

and 40. others, drowned by shipwracke.

In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac-Kerthac came

from the king of Norway vnto Man, expelling Harald out of the said island,

and taking tribute on the behalfe of the Noruegian king, because the said

Harald refused to come vnto his Court.

In the yere 1240. Gospatricius deceased and was buried in the abbey of

Russin.

In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway who within two

yeres confirmed vnto him, his heires and successors, vnder seale, all the

islands which his predecessors enioyed.

In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto Man and being

honorably receiued by the inhabitants he liued in peace with the kings of

England and Scotland.

In the yere 1247. Haraldus (like as his father also before him) was

knighted by the king of England, and so being rewarded with many gifts he

returned home. The same yere he was sent for by the king of Norway, and he

maried his daughter. And in the yere 1249. as he was returning home with

his wife, with Laurence the elect of Man, and with many other nobles, neere

vnto the confines of Radland, he was drowned in a tempest.

In the yere 1249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus and brother vnto Harald

began to reigne the day next before the nones of May: and vpon the 30. day

of the same moneth he was slaine by Yuarus a souldier, and other of his

complices in the South part of a certaine medow neere vnto the Church of

the holy Trinitie, and he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin.

The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie of ships that

he might conquere the islands vnto himselfe, howbeit falling into an ague

at the isle of Kenwary [Footnote: Query, Kerrera.] he deceased.

Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name of a king ouer the

islands, hee banished also all the princes of Harald the sonne of Olauus

and ordeined his fugitiues to bee princes and nobles in their stead.

In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being summoned by letters

went vnto the king of Norway who deteined him in prison because he had

vniustly possessed the kingdome. The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus,

and Iohn the sonne of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwhat, which Iohn named

himselfe king, but the Mannians taking it grieuously, that Magnus was not

nominated, draue them from their shoare, and many of the company perished

by shipwracke.

In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto Man, and was

ordained king. The yere folowing he tooke his iourney vnto the king of

Norway & there he remained one whole yere.

In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus the sonne of Olauus

king of the islands, confirming them to him and to his heires, and by name

vnto Harald his brother.

In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England, and was by the

king of England created knight.

In the yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedicated by

Richard bishop of Soder.

In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland, and

without atchieuing ought, turning his course towards the Orcades he there

deceased at Kirwas, [Footnote: Kirkwall. The date is an error Hacos

expedition took place in 1263. He sailed from Herdle-Voer on the 5th of

July, and died Saturday, 15th December (_Det Norske Folks Historie_, by P.

A. Munch.)] and was buried at Bergen.

In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man and of the

Islands died at the castle of Russin, and was buried at the Church of St.

Mary at Russin.

In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated vnto Alexander

king of Scots.

* * * * *

That which followeth was written in a new character or letter, and of a

diuers kinde from the former.

In the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete of Alexander

king of Scots arriued at Roghalwath, and the next day before the sunne

rising there was a battell fought betweene the Mannians and the Scots, in

the which conflict there were slaine 535. Mannians: whereupon a certaine

versifier writeth to this effect:

Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine:

against ill haps,

Yee Mannians arme your selues, for feare

of afterclaps.

In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots beseiged the castle of Russin,

which Dingaway Dowil held against him howbeit at the last the king tooke

the castle.

In the yeere 1316. vpon the feast of Ascension, Richard le Mandeuile and

his brethren, with diuers great personages of Irland arriued at Ramaldwath,

demaunding to haue victuals and money ministred vnto them, because they had

bene spoyled by their enemies, which made continuall warre vpon them. But

when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would giue

nothing, they proceeded against them in warlike maner with two bands, till

they were come vnder the side of the hill called Warthfel, in the fielde

where Iohn Mandeuile remained, and there hauing fought a battell, the Irish

ouercame the people of Man, and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russmin

also: and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island, lading their

ships they retained home.

* * * * *

The mariage of the daughter of Harald, slaine by William the conquerour,

vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia, taken out of the 9. booke of the Danish

historie written by Saxo Grammaticus. An. D. 1067.

[Sidenote: 1067.] Haraldo cæso, filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cum

sorore migrarunt. Quos Sweno, paterni illorum menti oblitus consanguineæ

pietatis more accepit, puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro, (qui & ipse

Iarislaus a suis est appellatus) nuptum dedit. Eidem postmodùm nostri

temporis dux, vt sanguinis, ita & nominis hæres, ex filia nepos obuenit.

Itaque hinc Britannicus, indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principis

ortum confluens communem stirpem duaram gentium ornamentum effecit.

The same in English.

Harald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped themselues

immediatly into Denmarke. Whom Sweno forgetting their fathers deserts

receiued in most kinde and friendly maner, and bestowed the yong damosell

in mariage vpon Waldemarus king of Russia who was also called by his

subiects Iarislaus. Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a

nephew being duke at this present, who succeeded his predecessour both in

lineal descent and in name also. Wherefore the English blood on the one

side and the Russian on the other side concurring to the ioyful birth of

our prince, caused that mutual kinred to be an ornament vnto both nations.

* * * * *

The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessour

and William the Conquerour, and so downe to Edward the first, faithfully

gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation

of Kent, out of the most ancient Records of England.

[Sidenote: The antiquity of the Ports. 1070.] I finde in the booke of the

generall suruey of the Realme, which William the Conquerour caused to bee

made in the fourth yeere of his reigne, and to be called Domesday, because

(as Matthew Parise saith) it spared no man but iudged all men

indifferently, as the Lord in that great day wil do, that Douer, Sandwich,

and Rumney, were in the time of K. Edward the Confessour discharged almost

of all maner of imposicions and burdens (which other townes did beare) in

consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the sea, as in their

special titles shall hereafter appeare.

Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable coniecture, that the

immunitie of the hauen Townes (which we nowe call by a certaine number, the

Cinque Ports) might take their beginning from the same Edward: yet for as

much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest

(which is reported in our booke of Entries) A recitall of the graunts of

sundry kings to the Fiue Ports, the same reaching no higher then to William

the Conquerour, I will leaue my coniecture, and leane to his Chartre:

contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour, the thankes of other mens

benefits, seeing those which were benefited, were wisely contented (as the

case then stood) to like better of his confirmation (or second gift) then

of K. Edwards first graunt, and endowment.

And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array, I will first

shewe, which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Ports, and

what others be now reputed in the same number: secondly, what seruice they

ought, and did in times passed: and lastly, what priuiledges they haue

therefore, and by what persons they haue bene gouerned.

If I should iudge by the common, and rude verse,

Douer, Sandwicus, Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus,

[Sidenote: Which be the Fiue Ports.]

I must say that Douer, Sandwich, Rie, Rumney, and Winchelsey, (for that is,

Frigmare ventus) be the Fiue Ports: Againe, if I should be ruled by the

Rolle which reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament, I must

then adde to these, Hastings and Hyde, for they also haue their Barons as

well as the other and so should I not onely, not shew which were the first

Fiue, but also (by addition of two others) increase both the number, and

doubtfulnesse. Leauing the verse therefore, for ignorance of the authour

and suspition of his authoritie, and forsaking the Rolle (as not assured of

the antiquitie) I will flee to Henry Bracton, [Sidenote: 1250.] a man both

ancient, learned, and credible, which liued vnder K. Henry the thirde and

wrote (aboue three hundreth yeeres since) learnedly of the lawes of this

Realme.

[Sidenote: Citizens were called Barons in old time.] He (I say) in the

third booke of his worke, [Footnote: _De Legibus et Consuetudinibus

Angliæ_.] and treatise of the Crowne taking in hand to shewe the

articles inquirable before the Iustice in Eire, (or Itinerent as we called

them because they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme,

for administration of iustice) setteth forth a special fourme of writs, to

be directed seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Douer,

and Sandwich, commanding them that they should cause twentie & foure of

their Barons (for so their Burgesses, or townesmen, and the citizens of

London likewise, were wont to be termed) to appeare before the Kings

Iustices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed to do) there to enquire of

such points, as should be giuen in charge. [Sidenote: Contention betwtene

Yarmouth and the Fiue Ports. 1250. Antiquitie of Yarmouth fishing.] Which

done, hee addeth moreouer, that forsomuch as there was oftentimes

contention betwene them of the Fiue Ports, & the inhabitants of Yarmouth in

Norfolke, and Donwich in Suffolke, there should be seuerall writs directed

to them also, returnable before the same Iustices at the same day and

place, reciting, that where the King had by his former writs sommoned the

Pleas of the Fiue Ports to bee holden at Shipwey, if any of the same townes

had cause to complaine of any (being within the liberties of the said

Ports) he should be at Shipwey to propound against him, and there to

receiue according to law and Iustice.

Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew that Shipwey was before

K. Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly for the Plees of the Fiue

Ports: partly to notifie the difference, and controuersie that long time

since was betweene these Ports, and those other townes: But purposely, and

chiefly, to proue, that Hastings, and Hithe, Douer, Rumney, and Sandwich,

were in Bractons time accompted the Fiue principall hauens or Ports, which

were endowed with priuiledge, and had the same ratified by the great

Chartre of England.

Neither yet will I deny, but that soone after, Winchelsey and Rie might be

added to the number. [Sidenote: 1268.] For I find in an old recorde, that

king Henry the third tooke into his owne hands (for the better defence of

the Realme) the townes of Winchelsey, and Rie, which belonged before to the

Monasterie of Fescampe in Normandie, and gaue therefore in exchange, the

Manor of Chiltham in Gloucestershire, & diuers other lands in

Lincolneshire. This he did, partly to conceale from the Priors Aliens the

intelligence of the secret affaires of his Realme, and partly because of a

great disobedience & excesse, that was committed by the inhabitants of

Wincelsey, against Prince Edward his eldest sonne. And therefore, although

I can easily be led to thinke, that he submitted them for their correction

to the order, and gouernance of the Fiue ports, yet I stand doubtfull

whether hee made them partners of their priuiledges or no, for that had

bene a preferment, and no punishment vnto them: [Sidenote: Winchelsey first

builded 1277] but I suspect rather, that his sonne king Edward the first,

(by whose encouragement and aide, olde Winchelsey was afterward abandoned,

and the newe towne builded) was the first that apparelled them with that

preeminence.

By this therefore let it appeare, that Hastings, Douer, Hithe, Rumney, and

Sandwich, were the first Ports of priuiledge: which (because they were 5.

in number) both at the first gaue, and yet continue, to all the residue,

the name of Cinque Ports, although not onely Winchelsey and Rie, be (since

that time) incorporated with them as principals, but diuers other places

also (for the ease of their charge) be crept in, as partes, lims, and

members of the same.

Now therefore, somewhat shalbe said, as touching the seruices that these

Ports of duetie owe, and in deed haue done, to the Princes: whereof the one

(I meane with what number of vessels, in what maner of furniture, and for

how long season, they ought to wait on the king at the Sea, vpon their owne

charges) shall partly appeare by that which we shall presently say, and

partly by that which shall followe in Sandwich, and Rumney: The other shall

bee made manifest by examples, drawne out of good histories: and they both

shall be testified by the words of king Edward the first in his owne

Chartre.

The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth Douer with twentie vessels

at the sea, whereof eche to be furnished with one and twentie men for

fifteene dayes together: and saith further, that Rumney and Sandwich

answered the like seruice. But now whether this (like) ought to be

vnderstoode of the like altogether, both in respect of the number and

seruice, or of the (like) in respect of seruice according to the proportion

of their abilite onely, I may not hereby take vpon me to determine. For on

the one side, if Rumney, Sandwich, and the residue should likewise finde

twentie vessels a piece, then (as you shall anone see) the fiue Ports were

subiect to a greater charge at that time then King Edward the first layd

vpon them: And on the other side if they were onely chargeable after their

proportion, then know I not how farre to burthen them, seeing the Record of

Domesday it selfe bideth them to no certeintie. And therefore leauing this

as I find it I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome proofe.

And first I will haue recourse to king Edward the first his Chartre, in

which I read, that At ech time that the King passeth ouer the sea, the

Ports ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen ships, (whereof euery one to haue

twentie armed souldiers) and to mainteine them at their owne costes, by the

space of fifteene dayes together.

And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall charge, in the sixt

yeere of his reigne, for then was this Chartre sealed. But as touching the

particular burthen of ech one, I haue seene two diuers testimonies, of

which the first is a note in French (bearing the countenance of a Record)

and is intituled, to haue bene renued in the two and twentie yeere of the

Reigne of the same king, by Stephan Penchester, then Constable of Douer

Castle, in which the particular charge is set downe in this maner.

The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships.

The lowie of Peuensey one.

Buluerhithe and Petit Iahn, one.

Bekesborne in Kent, seuen.

Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and armour, with the ships of

Hastings.

The towne of Rie, fiue.

To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henrie the sixt.

The towne of Winchelsey, tenne.

The Port of Rumney, foure.

Lydde, seuen.

The Port of Hythe, fiue.

The Port of Douer, nineteene.

The towne of Folkestone, seuen.

The towne of Feuersham, seuen.

The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale, &c. fiue.

These ships they ought to finde vpon fortie dayes summons, armed and

arrayed at their owne charge, and in ech of them twentie men, besides the

Master of the Mariners: all which they shall likewise mainteine fiue dayes

together at their owne costs, giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day,

to the Constable sixe pence, and to ech other Mariner three pence. And

after those fiue dayes ended, the King shall defray the charges.

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde, the which although it

pretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet seemeth it to me to import

as much or more likelihood and credit: It standeth thus.

These be the Fiue Ports of our soueraigne Lord the King hauing liberties,

which other Ports haue not: Hasting, Romenal, Heth, Douer, Sandwich, the

chiefe Townes. The seruices due by the same.

Hasting shall finde 21. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion, or

Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it perteine (as the members of one towne)

the Seashore in Seford, Peuenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rie, Ihame,

Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerheth.

Romenal 5. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion: To it perteine, as

members thereof, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, olde Rumney.

Hethe 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth the Westhethe.

Douer 21, ships, as Hasting before. To it pertaine, Folkstane, Feuersham,

and S. Margarets, not concerning the land, but for the goods and cartels.

Sandwich 5. ships, as Romenal and hethe. To it perteine Fordwich, Reculuer,

Serre, and Dele, not for the soile, but for the goods.

Summe of ships 57.

Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions.

This seruice, the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge to owe to the

King, vpon summons yerely (if it happen) by the space of 15. dayes

together, at their owne costs and changes, accounting that for the first

day of the 15. in which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards those

parts that the King intendeth: and to serue so long after 15. dayes, as the

King will, at his owne pay and wages.

Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby your selfe may easily

discerne the difference: but whether the one or the other, or (by reason of

some latter dispensation) neither of these, haue place at this day, I must

referre it to them that be priuie, and of counsell with the Ports: and so

leauing this also vndecided, holde on the way, wherein I am entred.

This duetie of attendance therefore (being deuised for the honourable

transportation, and safe conduct of the Kings owne person or his armie ouer

the narrow Seas) the Ports haue not onely most diligently euer since that

time performed, but furthermore also valiantly behaued themselues against

the enemie from time to time, in sundrie exploits by water, as occasion

hath bene proferred, or the necessitie of the Realme required.

[Sidenote: The good seruice of the fiue ports. 1217] And amongst other

feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remembrance, after such time as Lewes (the

eldest sonne of the French King) had entred the Realme to aide Stephan

Langton the Archbishop, and the Nobilitie, in the life of King Iohn, and

had sent into France for new supply of Souldiers after his death, Hubert of

Borough (then captaine of Douer) following the opinion of Themistocles in

the exposition of the oracle of the wooden walles, by the aide of the Port

townes, armed fortie tall ships, and meeting with eightie saile of

Frenchmen vpon the high seas, gaue them a most couragious encounter, in

which he tooke some, sunke others, and discomfited the rest.

King Henrie the third also, after that he came to riper age, had great

benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports: [Sidenote: 1278.] And king

Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continuall faithfull seruice

(and especially their good endeuour, then lately shewed against the

Welshmen) the principall cause, and motiue of that his liberall grant.

[Sidenote: 1293.] Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the same

king, an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with a

fleet of 200. French men, all which (notwithstanding the great oddes of the

number) they tooke, and slew, and sunke so many of the Mariners, that

France was thereby (for a long season after) in maner destitute, both of

Seamen, and shipping.

[Sidenote: 1406.] Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of king

Henrie the the fourth, the name of the Fiue Ports, vnder the conduct of one

Henrie Paye, surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships, all laden

with Salt, Iron, Oile, and no worse merchandize.

[Sidenote: Priuiledges of the fiue ports.] The priuiledges of these Ports

being first granted by Edward the Confessour, and William the Conquerour,

and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus, Henrie the second,

Richard the first, Henrie the third, and king Edward the first be very

great, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedome and

exemption, that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same.

Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of

the Cinque portes, in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good

seruices done vnto him by sea, wherein is mention of their former ancient

Charters from Edward the Confessor, William the Conqueror, William Rufus,

Henry the second, king Richard the first, king Iohn, and Henry the third

continued vnto them.

Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, & duke of

Gastcoigne, to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons,

Iustices, Shirifs, Prouosts, Officers, & to all Bayliffes and true subiects

greeting. You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of

the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England, & vnto vs

lately in our armie of Wales haue done, and for their good seruice to vs

and our heires kings of England, truly to be continued in time to come, we

haue granted & by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires, to the

same our Barons and to their heires, all their liberties and freedomes. So

that they shall be free from all toll, and from all custome; that is to say

from all lastage, tallage, passage, cariage, riuage, asponsage, and from

all wrecke, and from all their sale, carying and recarying through all our

realme and dominion, with socke and souke, toll and theme. And that they

shall haue Infangthefe, and that they shall be wreckefree, lastagefree, and

louecopfree. [Sidenote: The fishing at great Yarmouth.] And that they shall

haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth, according as it is contayned in

the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued. And also that

they are free from all shires and hundreds: so that if any person will

plead against them, they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they

were wont to plead in the time of the lord, king Henrie our great

grandfather. And that they shall haue their findelles in the sea and in the

land. And that they be free of all their goods and of all their

marchandises as our freemen. And that they haue their honours in our court,

and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come.

And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands, which in the time

of Lord Henrie the king our father [Sidenote: Henry the third.] they

possessed: that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign, from all maner of

summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings, iourneying in what

shire soeuer their lands are. So that they shall not be bound to come

before the Iustices aforesaid, except any of the same Barons doe implead

any man, or if any man be impleaded. And that they shall not pleade in any

other place, except where they ought, and where they were wont, that is to

say, at Shepeway. And they that haue their liberties and freedomes from

hencefoorth, as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time

better, more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England,

Edward [Sidenote: Edward the confessor.], William the first, William the

second, Henrie the king our great grandfather, and in the times of king

Richard, and king Iohn our grandfathers, and lord king Henrie our father,

by their Charters, as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof

haue, and which we haue seene, doe reasonably testifie. And we forbid that

no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of

ten pounds. So neuerthelesse, that when the same Barons shall fayle in

doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice, our Warden, and the wardens of

our heires of the Cinque Portes, which for the time shall be, their Ports

and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. [Sidenote: 57. Ships

of the Cinque Ports bound to serue the king 15. dayes at their owne costs.]

So also that the sayd Barons and their heires, do vnto vs and to our heirs

kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of shippes at their costs

by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce, or at the somounce of our

heires. We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue

Outfangthefe in their lands within the Ports aforesayd, in the same maner

that Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons, haue in their manours

in the countie of Kent. And they be not put in any Assises, Iuries, or

Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will: and

that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our

right prise, [Footnote: Prisage--one cask in ten, on wine, was the first

customs-duty levied in England.] that is to say, of one tunne before the

mast, and of another behind the maste. We haue granted furthermore vnto the

said Barons for vs and our heires, that they for euer haue this liberty,

that is to say, That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or

mariages of their heires by reason of their landes, which they holde within

the liberties and Portes aforesayde, for the which they doe their seruice

aforesayd: and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships

and marriages in time past. But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the

liberties and freedomes aforesayde, and our grants following to them of our

especiall grace, of newe haue caused to be made, sauing alwaies in al

things our kingly dignitie: And sauing vnto vs and to our heires, plea of

our crowne, life and member. Wherefore we will and surely command for vs

and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all

the aforesaid liberties and freedomes, as the aforesaid Charters do

reasonably testifie. And that of our especial grace they haue outfangthefe

in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the manner that

Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons haue in their manours in

the county of Kent. And that they be not put in Assizes, Iuries, or

recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will. And

that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right

price or custome, that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste, and

of another tunne behinde the maste. And that likewise for euer they haue

the libertie aforesayde: that is to say: That wee and our heires haue not

the worships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which

they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd, for the which their

seruice aforesaid, and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and

mariages haue not had in times past, But our aforesayd confirmation of

their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them

of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made. Sauing alwayes

and in all things our regall dignity. And sauing vnto vs and our heires the

pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd. These being

witnesses, the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie

Church of Rome, frier William of Southhampton Prior prouincial of the

friers preachers in England, William of Valencia our vncle, Roger of the

dead sea, Roger of Clifford, Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum, Master

Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding, Master Robert of

Seyton, Bartholomew of Southley, Thomas of Wayland, Walter of Hoptan,

Thomas of Normannel, Steuen of Pennester, Frances of Bonaua, Iohn of

Lenetotes, Iohn of Metingham and others. Giuen by our hand at Westminster

the fourteenth day of Iune, in the sixth yeare of our reigne.

[Sidenote: Thomas Walsingham writeth that he had once 1100. strong

shippes.] The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice,

extant in the kings wardrobe in London, whereby the wonderfull strength of

England by sea in those days may appeare.

The South fleete.

The Kings /Shippes 25. Lyme /Ships 4.

\Mariners 419. \Mariners 62.

London /Shippes 25. Seton /Ships 2.

\Mariners 662. \Mariners 25.

Aileford /Shippes 2. Sydmouth /Ships 3.

\Mariners 24. \Mariners 62.

Hoo /Shippes 2. Exmouth /Ships 10.

\Mariners 24. \Mariners 193.

Maydstone /Shippes 2. Tegmouth /Ships 7.

\Mariners 51. \Mariners 120.

Hope /Shippes 2. Dartmouth /Ships 31.

\Mariners 59. \Mariners 757.

New Hithe /Shippes 5. Portsmouth /Ships 5.

\Mariners 49. \Mariners 96.

Margat /Shippes 15. Plimouth /Ships 26.

\Mariners 160. \Mariners 603.

[1]Motue /Shippes 2. Loo /Ships 20.

\Mariners 22. \Mariners 315.

Feuersham /Shippes 2. Yalme /Ships 2.

\Mariners 25. \Mariners 47.

Sandwich /Ships 22. [2]Fowey /Ships 47.

\Mariners 504. \Mariners 770.

Douer /Ships 16. Bristol /Ships 22.

\Mariners 336. \Mariners 608.

Wight /Ships 13. Tenmouth /Ships 2.

\Mariners 220. \Mariners 25.

Winchelsey /Ships 21. Hasting /Ships 5.

\Mariners 596. \Mariners 96.

Waymouth /Ships 15. Romney /Ships 4.

\Mariners 263. \Mariners 65.

Rye /Ships 9. Swanrey /Ships 1.

\Mariners 156. \Mariners 29.

Hithe /Ships 6. Ilfercombe /Ships 6.

\Mariners 122. \Mariners 79.

Shoreham /Ships 20. [4]Patricke- /Ships 2.

\Mariners 329. stowe \Mariners 27.

[3]Soford /Ships 5. Polerwan /Ships 1.

\Mariners 80. \Mariners 60.

Newmouth /Ships 2. Wadworth /Ships 1.

\Mariners 18. \Mariners 14.

Hamowl /Ships 7. Kardife /Ships 1.

hooke \Mariners 117. \Mariners 51.

Hoke /Ships 11. Bridgwater /Ships 1.

\Mariners 208. \Mariners 15.

Southhapton /Ships 21. Kaermarthen /Ships 1.

\Mariners 576. \Mariners 16.

Lymington /Ships 9. Caileches- /Ships 1.

\Mariners 159. worth \Mariners 12.

Poole /Ships 4. Mulbrooke /Ships 1.

\Mariners 94. \Mariners 12.

Wareham /Ships 3. Summe of the /Ships 493.

\Mariners 59. South fleete \Mariners 9630.

[Footnote 1: Or, Morne.]

[Footnote 2: Or, Foy.]

[Footnote 3: Or, Seford.]

[Footnote 4: Or, Padstow.]

The North fleete

Bamburgh /Ships 1. Waynefleet /Ships 2.

\Mariners 9. \Mariners 49.

Newcastle /Ships 17. Wrangle /Ships 1.

\Mariners 314. \Mariners 8.

Walrich /Ships 1. [2]Lenne /Ships 16.

\Mariners 12. \Mariners 382.

Hertilpoole /Ships 5. Blackney /Ships 2.

\Mariners 145. \Mariners 38.

Hull /Ships 16. Scarborough /Ships 1.

\Mariners 466. \Mariners 19.

Yorke /Ships 1. [3]Yearnmouth /Ships 43.

\Mariners 9. \Mariners 1950. or 1075.

Ranenser /Ships 1. Donwich /Ships 6.

\Mariners 27. \Mariners 102.

Woodhouse /Ships 1. Orford /Ships 3.

\Mariners 22. \Mariners 62.

[1]Stokhithe /Ships 1. Goford /Ships 13.

\Mariners 10. \Mariners 303.

Barton /Ships 3. Herwich /Ships 14.

\Mariners 30. \Mariners 283.

Swinefleete /Ships 1. Ipswich /Ships 12.

\Mariners 11. \Mariners 239.

Saltfleet /Ships 2. Mersey /Ships 1.

\Mariners 49. \Mariners 6.

Grimesby /Ships 11. [4]Brightlingsey /Ships 5.

\Mariners 171. \Mariners 61.

Colchester /Ships 5. Boston /Ships 17.

\Mariners 90. \Mariners 361.

Whitbanes /Ships 1. Swinhumber /Ships 1.

\Mariners 17. \Mariners 32.

Malden /Ships 2. Barton /Ships 5.

\Mariners 32. \Mariners 91.

Derwen /Ships 1. The Summe /Ships 217.

\Mariners 15. of the North \Mariners 4521.

fleete

The summe totall of /Ships 700.

all the English fleete \Mariners 14151.

[Footnote 1: Stockhith]

[Footnote 2: Or, Linne]

[Footnote 3: Or, Yermouth]

[Footnote 4: Now Brickelsey]

Estrangers their ships and mariners

Bayon /Ships 15. Flanders /Ships 14.

\Mariners 439. \Mariners 133.

Spayne /Ships 7. Gelderland /Ships 1.

\Mariners 184. \Mariners 24.

Ireland /Ships 1.

\Mariners 25.

The summe of all the Estrangers /Ships 38.

\Mariners 805.

The summe of expenses aswell of wages & prests as for the expenses of the

kings houses, and for other gifts and rewards, shippes and other things

necessary to the parties of France and Normandie, and before Calice, during

the siege there, as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeper

of the kings Wardrobe from the 21. day of April in the 18 yeere of the

reigne of the said king vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in the

one and twentieth yeere of his reigne, is iii. hondreth xxxvii. thousand

li. ix. s. iiii. d.

* * * * *

A note out of Thomas Walsmgham [Footnote: Thomas Walsingham, a native of

Norfolk and Benedictine monk of St. Albans. He wrote _A History of

England, from 1273 to the Death of Henry V_, and _Ypodigma

Neustriæ_. His writings contain very little original information.]

touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith

King Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359.

Anno gratiæ 1359. Iohannes Rex Franciæ sub vmbra pacis, & dolose obtulit

Regi Angliæ Flandriam, Picardiam, Aquitaniam, aliasque terras quas

equitauerat & vastarat: pro quibus omnibus ratificandis, idem Rex Edwardus

in Franciam nuncios suos direxit: quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt.

Vnde motus Rex Angliæ, celeriter se & suos præparauit ad transfretandum,

ducens secum principem Walliæ Edwardum suum primogenitum, ducem Henricim

Lancastriæ & ferè proceres omnes, quos comitabantur vel sequebantur poene

mille currus, habuitque apud Sanwicam instructas optime vndecies centum

naues, & cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam

nauigauit, relicto domino Thoma de Woodstock filio suo minore admodum

paruulo Anglici regni custode, sub tutela tamen.

The same in English.

In the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily, and vnder

pretence of peace offered vnto Edward the third king of England, Flanders,

Picardie, Gascoigne, and other territories which he had spoyled and wasted,

for the ratifying of which agreement the foresaid king Edward sent his

ambassadors into France, but the Frenchmen gainsaied them in all their

articles and demaunds. Whereupon the king of England being prouoked,

speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas, carying with

him Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant, and Henry duke of Lancaster

and almost all his Nobles, with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vpon

them. And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedingly

well furnished: with which preparation he passed ouer the seas, to abate

the Frenchmens arrogancie, leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke,

being very tender of age as his vicegerent in the Realme of England, albeit

not without a protectour, &c.

* * * * *

The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier, and an excellent

Mathematician of Oxford, to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole,

in the yeere 1360. and in the raigne of Edward the 3. king of England.

[Sidenote: The words of Gerardus Mercator in the foote of his general Map

vpon the description of the North partes.] Quod ad descriptionem partium

Septentrionalium attinet, eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario Iacobi Cnoyen

Buscoducensis qui quædam ex rebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat, maiorem

autem partem & potiora, a Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegiæ, An. Dom.

1364. didicit. Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas

insulas miserat, & referebat, An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum Oxonieasem

Mathematicum in eas insulas venisse, ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arte

Magica profectu descripsisse omnia, & Astrolabio dimensum esse in hanc

subiectam formam ferè, vti ex Iacobo collegimus, Euripos illos quatuor

dicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi, vt naues semel ingressæ

nullo vento retroagi possent, neque verò vnquam tantam ibi ventum esse, vt

molæ frumentariæ circumagendæ sufficiat. Simillima his habet Giraldus

Cambrensis (qui floruit, An. 1210.) in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniæ, sic

enim scribit. Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus, Islandia, &c. ex parte

Boreali, est maris quædam miranda vorago, in quam à remotis partibus omnes

vndique fluctus marini tanquam ex condicto fluunt, & recurrunt, qui in

secreta naturæ penetralia se ibi transfundentes, quasi in Abyssum vorantur.

Si verò nauem hac fortè transire contigerit, tanta rapitur, & attrahitur

fluctuum violentia, vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatis

absorbeat.

Quatuor voragines huius Oceani, a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus

Philosophi describunt, vnde & tam marinos fluctus, quàm & Æolicos flatus

causaliter peruenire nonnulli coniectant.

The same in English.

Touching the description of the North partes, I haue taken the same out of

the voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske, which alleageth certaine

conquests of Arthur king of Britaine: and the most part, and chiefest

things among the rest, he learned of a certaine priest in the king of

Norwayes court, in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from them

which king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands, and he reported that

in the yeere 1360, a certaine English Frier, a Franciscan, and a

Mathematician of Oxford, came into those Islands, who leauing them, and

passing further by his Magicall Arte, described all those places that he

sawe, and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe, according to the

forme that I (Gerard Mercator) haue set downe in my mappe, and as I haue

taken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen. Hee sayd that those foure

Indraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole, with so great a

force, that the ships which once entred therein, could by no meanes be

driuen backe againe, and that there is neuer in those parts so much winde

blowing, as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill.

Giraldus Cambrensis (who florished in the yeere 1210, vnder king Iohn) in

his booke of the miracles of Ireland, hath certaine words altogether alike

with these videlicet:

[Sidenote: There is a notable whirlepoole on the coast of Norway, caled

Malestrando (Mælstrom), about the latitude of 68.] Not farre from these

Islands (namely the Hebrides, Island &c.) towards the North there is a

certaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea, whereinto all the waues of the

sea from farre haue their course and recourse, as it were without stoppe:

which, there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature,

are swallowed vp, as it were, into a bottomlesse pit, and if it chance that

any shippe doe passe this way, it is pulled, and drawen with such a

violence of the waues, that eftsoones without remedy, the force of the

whirlepoole deuoureth the same.

The Philosophers describe foure indranghts of this Ocean sea, in the foure

opposite quarters of the world, from whence many doe coniecture that as

well the flowing of the sea, as the blasts of the winde, haue their first

originall.

* * * * *

A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee, [Footnote: Born

in London in 1537. He was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge. He

was a man of vast erudition, but being, in Mary's reign, suspected of

devoting himself to the "black art," a mob broke into his house and

destroyed his library, museum, and mathematical instruments, said to be

worth £2,000; and he himself was cast into prison. He was in great favour

with Queen Elizabeth, who is said to haue paid him a salary, employed him

on secret political missions, and visited him at Mortlake. He professed

to be able to raise the dead, and had a magic ball (in reality a lump of

black lead), in which he pretended to read the future, and which was

afterwards in Horace Walpole's collection at Strawberry Hill. In 1596. he

was made Warden of Manchester College, and died in 1608.] touching the

foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna.

Anno 1360. (that is to wit, in the 34. yeere of the reigne of the

triumphant king Edward the third) a frier of Oxford, being a good

Astronomer, went in companie with others to the most Northren Islands of

the world, and there leauing his company together, hee transited alone, and

purposely described all the Northerne Islands, with the indrawing seas: and

the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England.

[Sidenote: Inuentio Fortunata.] The name of which booke is Inuentio

Fortunata (aliter fortunæ) qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum.

Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from

England thither, and home againe.

It is to be noted, that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke (whereof the

foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name) to Island, it is not about a

fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde, and hath bene of many yeeres a

very common and vsuall trade: which further appeareth by the priuileges

granted to the Fisher men of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of

Norfolke, by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from

his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island. [Sidenote: An 2.

& 4. & 31. Edwardi tertij.]

* * * * *

The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford and lastly king

of England by the name of Henry the fourth, An. Dom 1340. into Prussia

and Lettowe against the infidels, recorded by Thomas of Walsingham

[Sidenote: An. Dom. 1390.] Dominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempos

profectus est in le Pruys, vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictæ patriæ &

cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe, captis

quatuor ducibus, & tribus peremptis & amplius quam trecentis, de

valentioribus exercitus sapradicti pariter interemptis. Ciuitas quoque

vocatur [Marginal note: Alias Vilna] Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe

nomine Skirgalle confugerat, potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè atque

suorum capta est. Namque qui fuerunt de familia sua primi murum ascenderant

& vexillum ejus super muros, cæteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus,

posuerunt. Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum, fratre

Regis de Poleyn inter cæteros ibi perempto, qui aduersarius nostri fuit

Obsessumque fuit castrum dictæ Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas: Sed

propter infirmitates, quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys & de

Lifland noluerunt diutiùs expectare. Facti sunt Christiani de gente de

Lettowe octo. Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria

millia captiuorum.

The same in English.

About the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia,

where, with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince, and of a

certaine king called Wytot, hee vanquished the armie of the king of

Lettowe, with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes, and the slaughter

of three, besides more then three hundred of the principall common

souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine. The Citie also which is

called Wil or Vilna, into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named

Skirgalle fled for his sauegard, was, by the valour of the sayd Earle

especially and of his followers, surprised and taken. For certaine of the

chiefe men of his familie, while others were slouthfull or at least

ignorant of their intent, skaling the walles, aduanced his colours

thereupon. And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common

souldiers, and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother,

who was our professed enemie. And the castle of the foresaid Citie was

besieged for the space of fiue weekes: but by reason of the infirmities and

inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed, the great masters of

Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer. There were conuerted of

the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith. And the

master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand

captiues.

* * * * *

The voyage of Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia, in the

yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham.

Eodem tempore dux Glouerniæ Dominus Thomas de Woodstock [Marginal note:

Filius natu minimus Edwardi 3.], multis moerentibus, iter apparauit versùs

le Pruys: quem non Loudinensium gemitus, non communis vulgi moeror retinere

poterant, quin proficisci vellet. Nam plebs communis tàm Vrbana quàm

rustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret,

quo præsente nihil tale timebant. Siquidèm in eo spes & solatium totus

patriæ reposita videbantur. Ipse verò mòx, vt fines patriæ suæ transijt,

illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna, nunc hàc nunc illàc turbinibus procellosis

circumfertur; & in tantum destituitur, vt de vita etiam desperaret.

[Sidenote: Reditus.] Tandem post Daciam, post Norwagiam, post Scoticam

barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam, peruenit Northumbriam, & ad

castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velut assylum antiquitus notum sibi:

vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de

Plashy, magnum apportans gaudium toti regno, tam de eius euasione, quàm de

aduentu suo.

The same in English.

At the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock (the

yongest sonne of Edward the third) to the great griefe of many, tooke his

iourney towards Prussia: whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the

lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended

expedition. For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey

feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen; which they

feared not while he was present. For in him the whole nation seemed to

repose their hope and comfort. Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the

bounds of his owne countrey, he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp

and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests, and was brought into such

distresse, that he despaired euen of his owne life. At length, hauing not

without danger of death, sailed along the coastes of Denmarke, Norway, and

Scotland, he returned into Northumberland, and went to the castle of

Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him; where, after

hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes, hee tooke his iourney toward his

Mannour of Plashy, bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome, aswell in

regard of his safetie as of his returne.

* * * * *

The verses of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue, who liuing in the

yeere 1402. [Footnote: Chaucer died 25. October, 1400, according to the

inscription on his tombstone at Westminster. Urry, in his edition of

Chaucer, folio, 1721, p. 534, attributes the _Epistle to Cupid_ to Thomas

Occleue, Chaucer's scholar, but does not give his authority.] (as hee

writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide) shewed that the English

Knights after the losse of Acon, were wont in his time to trauaile into

Prussia and Lettowe, and other heathen lands, to aduance the Christian

faith against Infidels and miscreants, and to seeke honour by feats of

armes.

The English Knights Prologue.

[Sidenote: Long trauaile.]

A Knight there was, and that a worthie man,

that from the time that he first began

to riden out, he loued Cheualrie,

trouth, honour, freedome, and Curtesie.

full worthy was he in his lords warre:

and thereto had hee ridden no man farre,

As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse,

and euer had honour for his worthinesse.

[Sidenote: Alexandria.]

At Alisandre hee was, when it was wonne:

full oft time hee had the bourd begon

abouen all nations in Pruce,

In Lettowe had hee riden, and in Ruce,

no Christen man so oft of his degree:

In Granade at the siege had he bee

At Algezer[1]: and ridden in Belmarye:

At Leyes [2] was hee, and also at Satalye,[3]

when they were wonne: and in the great see

at many a Noble armie had hee bee.

At mortall battailes had he bin fifteene,

And foughten for our faith at Tramissen,[4]

in listes thries, and aye slayne his foe:

This ilke worthie Knight had bin also,

sometime with the lord of Palathye [5]

ayenst another Heathen in Turkie.

Written in the lustie moneth of May

in our Palace, where many a million

of louers true haue habitation,

The yeere of grace ioyfull and iocond,

a thousand, foure hundred and second.

[Footnote 1: Algezer in Granado.]

[Footnote 2: Layas in Armenia. Froysart. lib. 3. cap. 40.]

[Footnote 3: Satalie in the mayne of Asia neere Rhods.]

[Footnote 4: Tremisen is in Barbarie.]

[Footnote 5: Or, Palice. Froysart lib. 3. cap. 40.]

* * * * *

The original proceedings and successe of the Northren domestical and forren

trades and traffique of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero the

Emperour, who deceased in the yeere of our Lord 70. vnder the Romans,

Britons, Saxons, and Danes, till the conquest: and from the conquest,

vntill this present time, gathered out of the most authenticall histories

and records of this nation.

* * * * *

A testimonie out of the fourteenth Booke of the Annales of Cornelius

Tacitus, proouing London to haue bene a famous Mart Towne in the reigne

of Nero the Emperour, which died in the yeere of Christ 70.

At Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit,

cognomento quidem coloniæ non insigne, sed copia negociatorum & commeatu

maxime celebre.

The same in English.

But Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passed through the middest of his

enemies, vnto London, which though it were not honoured with the name and

title of a Romane Colonie, yet was it most famous for multitude of

Marchants and concourse of people.

* * * * *

A testimome out of Venerable Beda (which died in the yeere of our Lord

734.) proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffike and

Marchandize not long after the beginning of the Saxons reigne.

Anno Domminæ incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto Augustinus Britanniarum

Archiepiscopus ordinauit duos Episcopos, Mellitum videlicet & Iustum:

Mellitum quidem ad prædicandum prouinciæ Orientalium Saxonum, qui Tamesi

fluuio dirimuntur à Cantia & ipsi Orientali Mari contigui, quorum

Metropolis Londonia Ciuitas est super ripam præfati fluminis posita & ipsa

multorum emporium populorum, terra marique venientium. [Footnote: Beda

Ecclesiasticæ historiæ Gentis Anglornm lib. 2. cap 3.]

The same in English.

In the yeere of the incarnation of Chnst 604. Augustine Archbishop of

Britaine consecrated two Bishops, to wit Mellitus and Iustus. He appoynted

Mellitus to preach to the East Saxons which are diuided from Kent by the

riuer of Thames, and border vpon the Easterne sea, whose chiefe and

Metropolitane Citie is London seated vpon the banke of the aforesaid riuer,

which is also a Marte Towne of many nations, which repayre thither by sea

and by land.

* * * * *

The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning safe

trade of the English Marchants in all the Emperours Dominion. This Offa

died in the yeere of our Lord 795.

Offa interea Carolum magnum Regem Francorum frequentibus legationibus

amicum parauit: quamuis non facile quod suis artibus conduceret in Caroli

animo inuenerit. Discordarunt antea, adeo vt magnis motibus vtrobique

concurrentibus, etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiberentur. Est Epistola

Albini huiusce rei index, cuius partem hic apponam.

Nescio quid de nobis venturum sit. [Sidenote: Nauigatio interdicta.]

Aliquid enim dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante, nuper inter Regem

Carolum & Regem Offam exortum est: ita vt vtrinque nauigatio interdicta

negociantibus cesset. Sunt qui dicant nos pro pace in illas partes

mittendos. Et nonnullis interpositis, Nunc, inquit, ex verbis Caroli foedus

firmum inter eum & Offam compactum subijciam. Carolus gratia Dei Rex

Francorum, & Longobardorum, & patricius Romanorum, viro venerando & fratri

charissimo Offæ Regi Mercioram salutem. Primo gratias agimus omnipotenti

deo, de salute animarum, de Cathocæ fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris

laudabiliter paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis vero qui pro amore

Dei, & salute animarum suarum beatoram Apostolorum limina desiderant adire,

cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui, non religioni

seruientes, sed lucra sectantes, inueniantur inter eos, locis opportunis

statuta soluant telonia. [Sidenote: Negociatorum Anglicanorum patrocinium.]

Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant in

Regno nostro legitime. Et si aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione,

reclament ad nos vel nostros indices, & plenam videbimus iustitiam fieri.

[Footnote: Malmsbur. de gestis Regum Anglorum lib. 1. cap 4.]

The same in English.

In the meane season Offa by often legacies solicited Charles le maigne the

king of France, to be his friend: albeit he could not easily finde king

Charles any whit enclined to further and promote his craftie attempts.

[Sidenote: Traffique prohibited] Their mindes were so alienated before,

that bearing hauty stomacks on both parts, euen the mutuall traffique of

their Marchants was prohibited. The Epistle of Albmus is a sufficient

testimony of this matter part whereof I will here put downe.

I know not (quoth he) what will become of vs. [Sidenote: Nauigation

forbidden.] For there is of late, by the instigation of the deuill, some

discord and variance sprung vp betweene king Charles and king Offa:

insomuch that sailing to and fro is forbidden vnto the Marchants of both

their dominions. Some say that we are to be sent, for the obtaining of a

peace, into those partes. And againe, after a fewe lines. Nowe (quoth he)

out of Charles his owne words, I will make report of the league concluded

betweene him and Offa.

[Sidenote: A league between Carol. Mag. and K. Offa.] Charles by the grace

of God king of the Franks and Lombards and Senatour of the Romanes, vnto

the reuerend and his most deare brother Offa king of the Mercians sendeth

greeting. First we doe render vnto almightie God most humble thankes for

the saluation of soules, and the sinceritie of the Catholique faith, which

we, to your great commendation, haue found signified in your letters. As

touching those pilgrimes, who for the loue of God and their owne soules

health, are desirous to resort vnto the Churches of the holy Apostles, let

them goe in peace without all disturbance. But if any be found amongst them

not honouring religion, but following their owne gaine, they are to pay

their ordinarie customes at places conuenient. [Sidenote: Protection of the

English marchants] It is our pleasure also and commandement, that your

marchants shall haue lawfull patronage and protection in our dominions.

Who, if in any place they chance to be afflicted with any vniust

oppression, let them make their supplication vnto vs, or vnto our Iudges,

and we will see iustice executed to the full.

* * * * *

An ancient testimonie translated out of the olde Saxon lawes, containing

among other things the aduancement of Marchants for their thrise crossing

the wide seas, set downe by the learned Gentleman Master William Lambert

pagina 500. of his perambulation of Kent.

It was sometime in English lawes, that the people and the lawes were in

reputation: and then were the wisest of the people worship worthy, euery

one after his degree: Earle, and Churle, Thein, and vnder-Thein. And if a

churle thriued so, that hee had fully fiue hides of his owne land, a Church

and a Kitchin, a Belhouse, and a gate, a seate, and a seuerall office in

the Kings hall, then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy. And if a

Thein so thriued, that he serued the king, and on his message rid in his

houshold, if he then had a Thein that followed him, the which to the kings

iourney fiue hides had, and in the kings seate his Lord serued, and thrise

with his errand had gone to the king, he might afterward with his foreoth

his lords part play at any great neede. And if a Thein did thriue so, that

he became an Earle; then was he afterward an Earles right worthie. And if a

Marchant so thriued, that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas, of his owne

craft, he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie. And if a scholar so

prospered thorow learning that he degree had, and serued Christ, he was

then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie, as thereunto

belonged, vnlesse he forfaited so, that he the vse of his degree vse he

might.

* * * * *

A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish

Merchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus

the King of England in his iourney to Rome, extracted out of a letter of

his written vnto the Cleargie of England.

Sit vobis notom quia magna congregatio nobilora in ipsa solemnitate

Pascali, Romæ cum Domino Papa Ioanne, & imperatore Conrado erat, scilicet

omnes principes gentium a monte Gargano, vsque ad istum proximum Mare: qui

omnes me & honorifice suscepere, & magnificis donis honorauere. Maxime

autem ab imperatore donis varijs & muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum, tam

in vasis aureis & argenteis, quam in pallijs & vestibus valde pretiosis.

Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore, & Domino Papa, & principibus qui

ibi erant, de necessitatibus totius populi mei, tam Angli quam Dani, vt eis

concederetur lex æquior, & pax securior in via Romam adeundi, & ne tot

clausuris per viam arcerentur, & propter iniustum teloneum fatigarentur.

Annuítque postulatis Imperator, & Rodulphus Rex, qui maxime ipsarum

clausurarum dominatur, cunctique principes edictis firmarunt, vt homines

mei tam Mercatores, quàm alij orandi gratia viatores, absque omni anguria

clausurarum & teloneariorum, cum firma pace Romam eant & redeant.

[Footnote: William of Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 9. de gestis Regum Anglorum.]

The same in English.

You are to vnderstand, that at the feast of Easter, there was a great

company of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled at

Rome, namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus [Footnote:

Garganus a mountain of Apulia in Italy.] vnto the West Ocean sea. Who all

of them honourably interteined me, and welcomed mee with rich and

magnificent gifts: but especially the Emperour bestowed diuers costly

presents and rewards vpon mee, both in vessels or golde and siluer, and

also in cloakes and garments of great value. Wherefore I conferred with the

Emperour himselfe and the Pope, and with the other Princes who were there

present, concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen and

Danes; that a more fauourable law & secure peace in their way to Rome might

bee graunted vnto them, and that they might not bee hindered by so many

stops & impediments in their iourney, and weaned by reason of iniust

exactions. And the Emperour condescended vnto my request, and king

Rodulphus also, who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops and

streights, and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts, that my

subiects, as well Marchants, as others who trauailed for deuotions sake,

should without all hinderance and restraint of the foresaid stops and

customers, goe vnto Rome in peace, and returne from thence in safetie.

* * * * *

The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of

Willielmus Malmesburiensis, which died in the yeere 1142. in the reigne

of K. Stephen.

Haud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitas

nobilis, opima ciuium diuitijs, constipata negociatorum ex omni terra, &

maxime ex Germania venientium, commercijs. Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Anglia

caritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit, ibi necessaria

distrahantur & emantur minore, quàm alibi, vel vendentium compendio, vel

ementium dispendio. Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis finibus Tamesis

fluuius famosus, qui citra vrbem ad 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus, vltra

plus 70. nomen profert. [Footnote: Guliel. Malmesb. de gestis pont.

Anglorum lib. 2.]

The same in English.

Not farre from Rochester, about the distance of fiue and twenty miles,

standeth the Noble Citie of London, abounding with the riches of the

inhabitants, [Sidenote: Germanie] and being frequented with the traffique

of Marchants resorting thither out of all nations, and especially out of

Germanie. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that when any generall dearth of

victuals falleth out in England, by reason of the scarcitie of corne,

things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto the

sellers, and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers, then in any

other place of the Realme. Outlandish wares are conueighed into the same

Citie by the famous riuer of Thames: which riuer springing out of a

fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie, is called by one and the selfe same

name 70. miles beneath it.

* * * * *

The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to

Bristowe in his fourth booke de gestis pontificum Anghorum, after this

maner.

In eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine, in quo est nauium

portus ab Hibernia & Norwegia & cæteris transmarinis terris venientium

receptaculum, ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regio

peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio.

The same in English.

[Sidenote: Norway.] In the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow,

[Footnote: Bristol.] with an Hauen belonging thereunto, which is a

commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the

same, from Ireland, Norway, and other outlandish and foren countreys:

namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature

hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth and

commodities of other lands.

* * * * *

The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of

Germanie, wherein is mention of friendly traffike betweene the Marchants

of the Empire and England, confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157,

recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus

Canonicus Frisingensis, being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis.

Ibidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliæ missi, varia & preciosa

donaria multo lepore verborum adornata præstantes. Inter quæ papilionem

vnum quantitate maximum, qualitate optimum perspeximus. Cuius si

quantitatem requiris, non nisi machinis & instrumentorum genere &

adminiculo leuari poterat: si qualitatem, nec materia nec opere ipsum putem

aliquando ab aliquo huiusce apparatu superatum iri. Literas quoque mellito

sermone plenas pariter direxerat, quarum hic tenor fuit. Præcordiali amico

suo, Frederico Dei gratia Romanorum imperatori inuictissimo, Henricus Rex

Angliæ, dux Normanniæ, & Aquitaniæ, & Comes Andegauensis, salutem, & veræ

dilectionis concordiam. Excellentiæ vestræ quantas possumus referimus

grates, dominantium optime, quod nos nuncijs vestris visitare, salutare

literis, muneribus præuenire, & quod his charius amplectimur, pacis &

amoris inuicem dignatus estis foedera inchoare. Exultauimus, & quodammodo

animum nobis crescere, & in maius sensimus euehi dum vestra promissio, in

qua nobis spem dedistis in disponendis. Regni nostri negocijs, alacriores

nos reddidit, & promptiores. Exultauimus inquam, & tota mente magnificentiæ

vestræ assurreximus, id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes, quod

quicquid ad honorem vestrum spectare nouerimus, pro posse nostro effectui

mancipare parati sumus. Regnum nostrum & quicquid vbique nostræ subijcitur

ditioni vobis exponimus & vestræ committimus potestati, vt ad vestrum nutum

omnia disponantur, & in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperij. [Sidedote:

Commercia inter Germanos & Anglos.] Sit igitur inter nos & populos nostros

dilectionis & pacis vnitas indiuisa, commercia tuta. Ita tamen vt vobis,

qui dignitate præminetis, imperandi cedat authoritas, nobis non deerit

voluntas obsequendi. Et sicut vestraa Serenitatis memoriam vestrorum

excitat in nobis munerum largitio, sic vos nostri quoque reminisci

præoptamus, mittentes quæ pulchriora penes nos erant, & vobis magis

placitura. Attendite itaque dantis affectum, non data, & eo animo quo

dantur accipite. De manu beati Iacobi, super qua nobis scripsistis, in ore

magistri Hereberti & Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbum posuimus. Teste Thoma

Cancellario apud Northanton.

The same in English.

There were present also the same tune, the messengers of Henry [Footnote:

The Second.] king of England presenting diuers rich and precious gifts, and

that with great learning & eloquence of speech. Amongst the which we saw a

pauilion, most large in quantity, & most excellent in quality. For if you

desire to know the quantitie therof, it could not be erected without

engines and a kinde of instruments, and maine force: if the qualitie, I

thinke there was neuer any furniture of the same kinde, that surpassed the

same either in stuffe or workemanship. The said king directed his letters

also, full of sugred speeches, the tenour whereof was this that followeth.

To his entirely beloued friend Frederick [Footnote: Son of Frederick, Duke

of Suabia, was born in 1121. and succeeded his uncle Conrad III. in 1152 as

Emperor of the West. As was proved by his campaigns in Italy in 1154, 1158,

and 1162, and by the justice and probity of his administration, he was

equally great as a soldier and as a ruler. He joined the Third Crusade in

1189, and was drowned whilst crossing a river in Asia in June, 1190. His

memory is still cherished amongst the peasants of Germany, who look upon

him in the same light as the Welsh on Arthur.] by the grace of God Emperour

of the Romanes most inuincible, Henry king of England, duke of Normandie

and Aquitaine, Earle of Anjou wisheth health and concord of sincere amitie.

We doe render vnto your highnes (most renowmed and peerelesse Prince)

exceeding great thanks for that you haue so graciously vouchsafed by your

messengers to visite vs in your letters to salute vs, with your gifts to

present vs, and (which wee doe more highly esteeme of then all the rest) to

beginne a league of peace and friendship betweene vs. We reioyced, and in a

maner sensibly felt our selues to bee greatly emboldened, and our courage

to encrease, whilest your promise, whereby you put vs in good comfort, did

make vs more cheerefull and resolute, in managing the affaires of our

kingdome. We reioyced (I say) & in our secret cogitations did humble

obeisance vnto your Maiestie, giuing you at this time to vnderstand from

the sincere & vnfained affection of our heart, that whatsoeuer we shal know

to tend vnto your honour, we are, to our power most ready to put in

practise. Our kingdome, and whatsoeuer is vnder our iurisdiction we doe

offer vnto you, and commit the same vnto our highnesse, that all matters

may be disposed according to your direction, and that your pleasure may in

all things be fulfilled. Let there be therefore betweene our selues and our

subiects, an indiuisible vnitie of friendship and peace, and safe trade of

Marchandize yet so, as that vnto you (who excell in dignitie) authoritie in

commanding may bee ascribed, and diligence in obeying shall not want in vs.

And as the liberalitie of your rewards doeth often put vs in remembrance of

your Maiestie euen so in like maner sending vnto your Highnesse the most

rare things in our custodie and which we thought should be most acceptable

vnto you, wee doe most heartily wish that your selfe also would not

altogether bee vnmindefull of vs. Haue respect therefore not vnto the

gifts, but vnto the affection of the giuer, and accept of them with that

minde, wherewith they are offered vnto you.

Concerning the hand of S Iames, [Footnote: According to the legend, the

relics of this saint were miraculously conveyed to Spain in a ship of

marble from Jerusalem, where he was bishop.] about which you wrote vnto vs,

we haue sent you word by M Herbert, and by William the Clerke. Witnes

Thomas our Chancelour at Northanton.

* * * * *

A generall safe conduct graunted to all forreine Marchants by king Iohn in

the [Marginal note: 1199] first yeere of his reigne, as appeareth in the

Records of the Tower, Anno 1. Regis Ioannis.

Ioannes Dei gratij &c. Maiori & Communitati Londinensi salutam. Sciatis

voluntatem esse nostram, quod omnes Mercatores de quicunque fuerunt terra

saluum habeant conductum ire & redire cum mercibus suis in Angliam.

[Sidenote: Solitæ mercatorum consuetudines.] Volumus etiam quod eandem

habeant pacem in Anglia, quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris illis

vnde fuerunt egressi. Et ideo vobis præcipimus, quod hoc faciatis

denunciari in Balliua vestra, & firmiter teneri; permittentes eos ire &

redire sine impedimento per debitas & rectas & solitas consuetudines in

Balliua vestra. Teste Galfredo filio Petri comite Essexiæ apud Kinefard 5.

die Aprilis.

In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex, Maiori & commumtati Ciuitatis

Winton, Balliuo de Southampton, Balliuo de Lenne, Balliuo Kent, Vicecomiti

Norffolciæ & Suffolciæ, Vicecomiti dorset & Sommerset, Baronibus de quinque

portubus, Vicecomiti de Southampton sire, Vicecomiti de Herttford & Essex,

Vicecomiti Cornubiæ & Deuon.

The same in English.

Iohn by the grace of God &c. to the Maior and communaltie of London,

greeting. You are to vnderstand, that it is our pleasure, that all

Marchants of what nation soeuer shall haue safe conduct to passe and

repasse with their Marchandize into England. It is our will also, that they

be vouchsafed the same fauour in England, which is granted vnto the English

Marchants in those places from whence they come. [Sidenote: The ancient

customes of Marchaunts.] And therefore we giue you in charge, that you

cause this to be published, and proclaimed in your bailiwicke, & firmely to

be obserued, permitting them to goe & come, without impediment, according

to the due, right and ancient customes vsed in your said Bailiwucke.

Witnesse Geofry Fitz-Peter Earle of Essex at Kinefard the 5. day of April.

The same forme of writing was sent to the sherife of Sudsex, to the Maior

and communaltie of the Citie of Winchester, to the Baily of Southampton,

the Baily of Lenne, the Baily of Kent, the sherife of Norfolke and

Suffolke, the sherife of Dorset and Sommerset, the Barons of the

Cinque-ports, the sherife of Souththampton shire the sherife of Hertford

and Essex the sherife of Cornewal and Deuon.

* * * * *

Literæ regis Henrici tertij ad Haquinum Regem Norwegiæ de pacis foedere &

intercursu mercandisandi Anno 1 Henrici 3. [Marginal note: 1216.]

Henricus Dei gratia &c. Haquino eadem gratia Regi Norwegiæ salutem.

Immensas nobilitati vestræ referimus gratiarum actiones de his quæ per

literas vestris prudentem virum. Abbatem de Lisa nobis significastis

volentes & desiderantes foedus pacis & dilectionis libenter nobiscum inire

& nobiscum confoederari. Bene autem placet & placebit nobis quod terræ

nostræ comunes sint, & Mercatores & homines qui sunt de potestate vestra

libere & sine impedimento terram nostrum adire possint, & homines &

Mercatores nostri similiter terri vestram. Dum tamen literas vestras

patentes super hoc nobis destinctis & nos vobis nostras transmittemus.

Interim autem bene volumus & concedimus, quod Mercatores tam de terra

vestra quàm nostra eant veniant, & recedant per terras nostras Et si quid

vestræ sederit voluntati quod facere valeamus id securè nobis significetis.

Detinuimus autem adhuc Abbatem prælictum, vt de naui vestra & rebus in ea

contentis pro posse nostro restitutionem fieri faceremus: per quem de statu

nostro & Regni nostri vos certificare curabimus & quàm citius &c. Teste me

ipso apud Lamhithe decimo die Octobris.

Eodem modo scribitur S. Duci Norwegiæ ibidem & eodem die.

The letters of King Henry the third vnto Haquinus [Footnote: Haco IV.,

bastard of the able adventurer Swerro. His invasion of Scotland in 1263

forms a striking episode of medæval history.] King of Norway concerning a

treatie of peace and mutuall traffique of marchandize, &c.

Henry by the grace of God, &c. vnto Haquinus by the same grace King of

Norway sendeth greeting. Wee render vnto your highnesse vnspeakeable thanks

for those things which by your letters, and by your discreete subiect the

Abbat of Lisa, you haue signified vnto vs, and also for that you are right

willing and desirous to begin and to conclude betweene vs both, a league of

peace and amitie. And wee for our part both nowe are, and hereafter shalbe

well contented that both our lands be common to the ende that the Marchants

and people of your dominions may freely and without impediment resort vnto

our land, and our people and Marchants may likewise haue recourse vnto your

territories. Prouided, that for the confirmation of this matter, you send

vnto vs your letters patents, and wee will send ours also vnto you. Howbeit

in the meane while wee doe will and freely graunt, that the Marchants both

of our and your lands, may goe, come, and returne to and from both our

Dominions. And if there be ought in your minde, whereby we might stand you

in any stead, you may boldly signifie the same vnto vs. Wee haue as yet

deteined the foresaid Abbat, that wee might, to our abilitie, cause

restitution to be made for your ship, and for the things therein contained:

by whome wee will certifie you of our owne estate, and of the estate of our

kingdome so soone, &c, Witnesse our selfe at Lambith the tenth of October.

Another letter in the same forme and to the same effect was there and then

sent vnto S. Duke of Norway.

Mandatum pro Coga Regis Norwegiæ Anno 13. Henrici 3.

Mandatum est omnibus Balliuis portuum in quos ventura est Coga de Norwegia,

in qua venerint in Angliam milites Regis Norwegiæ & Mercatores Saxoniæ,

quod cum prædictam Cogam in portus suos venire contigerit, saluò permittant

ipsam Cogam in portubus suis morari, quamdiu necesse habuerit, & libere

sine impedimento inde recedere quando voluerint. Teste Rege.

The same in English.

A Mandate for the King of Norway his Ship called the Cog.

Wee will and commaund all bailifes of Portes, at the which the Cog of

Norway (wherein certaine of the king of Norwaie his souldiers, and certaine

Marchants of Saxonie are comming for England) shall touch, that, when the

foresaid Cog shall chance to arriue at any of their Hauens, they doe permit

the said Cog safely to remaine in their said Hauens so long as neede shall

require, and without impediment also freely to depart thence, whensoeuer

the gouernours Of the sayd ship shall thinke it expedient. Witnesse the

King.

* * * * *

Carta pro Mercatoribus de Colonia anno 20. Henrici 3. Confirmata per Regem

Edwardum primum 8. Iulij Anno Regni 18. prout extat in rotulo cartarum

de Anno 18. Regis Edwardi primi.

Rex Archiepiscopis &c. salutem. Sciatis nos quietos clamasse pro nobis &

hæredibus nostris dilectos nostros, Ciues de Colonia, & mercandisam suam de

illis duobus solidis, [Marginal note: Antiqua consuetudo Gildhallæ

Coloniensium Londini.] quos solebant dare de Gildhalia sua London, & de

omnibus alijs consuetudinibus & demandis, quæ pertinent ad nos in London, &

per totam terram nostram; & quod liberè possunt ire ad ferias, per totam

terram nostram & emere & vendere in villa London & alibi, salua libertate

Ciuitatis nostræ London. Quare volumus & firmiter præcipimus pro nobis &

hæredibus nostris quod prædicti ciues de Colonia prænommatas libertates &

libera consuetudines habeant per totam terram nostram Angliæ sicut

prædictum est. His testibus, venerabili patre Waltero Caerleoiensi

Episcopo, Wilhelmo de Ferarijs, Gilberto Basset, Waltero de Bello campo,

Hugone Disspenser, Waltero Marescallo, Galfrido Dispenser, Bartholomæo

Pech, Bartholomæo de Saukeuill, & alijs. Data per manum venerabilis patris

Radulphi Cicistronsis Episcopi, Cancellarij nostri apud Dauintre Octauo die

Nouembris, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo.

The same in English.

A Charter graunted for the behalfe of the Marchants of Colen [Footnote:

Cologne.] in the twentieth yeere of Henry the third, confirmed by King

Edward the first, as it is extant in the roule of Charters, in the

eighteenth yeere of King Edward the first.

The King vnto Archbishops &c. greeting. [Sidenote: The ancient custome of

the Coloners Gildhall in London.] Be it knowen vnto you, that wee haue

quite claimed, and for vs and our heires released our welbeloued the

Citizens of Colen and their marchandize, from the payment of those two

shillings which they were wont to pay out of their Gildhall at London and

from all other customes and demaunds, which perteine vnto vs, either in

London, or in any other place of our Dominions and that they may safely

resort vnto Fayers throughout our whole Kingdome, and buy and sell in the

Citie of London. Wherefore we will and firmely command for vs and our

heires, that the forenamed Marchants of Colen may enioy the liberties and

free priuiledges aboue-mentioned, throughout our whole kingdome of England

as is aforesaid. Witnesses, the reuerend father Walter Bishop of Carlil,

William de Ferarijs, Gilbert Basset, Walter de Beauchamp Hugh Disspenser,

Walter Marescal, Geofrie Disspensser. Bartholomew Peach, Bartholomew de

Saukeuill and others. Giuen by the hand of the reuerend father Ralph Bishop

of Chichester and our Chauncellour at Dauintre, the eight day of Nouember

in the twentieth yeere of our reigne.

* * * * *

Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa. Anno 41. Henrici 3.

[Sidenote: Carta conditionalis]

Henricus dei gracia Rex Angliæ dominus Hiberniæ, dux Normaniæ, Aquitaniæ, &

Comes Andegauiæ, omnibus Balliuis suis salutem. [Sidenote: Ricardus Comes

Cornubiaæ Rex Romanorum.] Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti & fidelis

fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubiæ in Regum Romanorum electi,

suscepisse in protectionem & defensionem nostram & saluum & securum

conductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus &

mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent, vel facient deferri. Et eis

concessimus, quod de omnibus rebus & mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad

opus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem eorundem; sed libere vendant &

negocientur inde in Regno prædicto, prout sibi viderint expedire. Et ideo

vobis mandamus, quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo in

terram nostram cum rebus & mercandisis suis ibidem morando, & inde

recedendo, nullum inferatis, aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentum

aut grauamen. Nec eos contra quietantiam prædictam vexetis, aut ab alijs

vexari permittatis. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fiera

fecimus patentes per septennium durantes: Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses interim

bene & fideliter se habuerint erga præfatum electum fratrem nostrum. Teste

meipso apud Westmonasterium vndecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostri

quadragesimo primo. Hæc litera duplicata est, pro Burgensibus &

mercatoribus Dacis, Brunswig, & Lubek.

The same in English.

The charter of Lubek granted for seuen yeeres, obtained in the one and

fortieth yeere of Henry the third.

Henry by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of

Normandie and Aquitaine, and Earle of Anjou, to all his Bailifs sendeth

greeting. Know ye that at the instant request of our welbeloued and trusty

brother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late elected king of the

Romanes, we haue receiued vnder our protection and defence, and vnder our

safe and secure conduct, the citizens of Lubek in Alemain, with all their

goods and wares, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our

kingdome. We haue also granted vnto them, that of all their goods and

merchandize, nothing shal be seized vnto the vse of our selues, or of any

other without their owne consent, but that they may freely sell and

exercise traffike therewith according as they shall thinke expedient. And

therefore we straightly command you, that neither your selues do offer, nor

that you permit any other to offer any impediment or moletstation vnto the

said Burgers or vnto their messengers, either at their comming into our

land, with their goods and marchandize, in the time of their abode there,

or at their departure from thence, and that yee neither molest them your

selues, nor yet suffer them by others to be molested, contrary to the

aforesaid Charter. In testimonie whereof, we haue caused these our Letters

to be made Patents, during the space of seuen yeeres next following.

Prouided, that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane time behaue themselues

well and faithfully towards our foresaid elected brother. Witnesse our

selues at Westminster the eleuenth day of March, [Footnote: _Sic_ in

Hakluyt. It should be _May_.] in the one and fortieth yeere of our reigne.

* * * * *

This Letter was doubled, namely for the Burghers, and the Marchants of

Denmarke, of Brunswig, and of Lubecke.

Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanniæ, qui habent domum in London, quæ Gildhalla

Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur. Anno 44. Henrici tertij, & Anno primo

& 29. Edwardi primi renouata & confirmata.

Ad instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimi

fratris nostri concedimus mercatonbus Alemanniæ, illis videlicet qui habent

domum in Ciuitate nostra London, quæ Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulganter

nuncupatur, quod eos vniuersos manutenebimus per totum Regnum nostrum in

omnibus ijsdem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus, quibus ipsi nostris

& [Marginal note: Nota antiquitatem.] progenitorum nostrorum temporibus vsi

sunt & gauisi. Ipsosque extra huiusmodi libertates & liberas consuetudines

non trahemus, nec trahi aliquatenus permittemus. In cuius rei testimonium

has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes.

The same in English

A charter for the Marchants of Almaine, who haue an house at London

commonly called [Marginal note: The Stiliard.] the Guild hall of the

Dutch, graunted in the 44. yeere of Henry the third, renued and confirmed

in the 1. & 29. yeere of Edward the first.

At the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of the

Romanes our most deare brother, wee doe graunt vnto the Marchants of

Alemain (namely vnto those that haue an house in our citie of London,

commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants) that we will,

throughout our whole Realme, maintaine all and euery of them, in all those

liberties and free customes, which both in our times, and in the times of

our progenitors, they haue vsed and enioyed. [Sidenote: Note the

antiquity.] Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and free

customes, nor in any wise permit them to be inforced. In witnesse whereof,

wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents.

* * * * *

Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatoribus alienigenis.

Mercatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in ciuitate London &c. infra

quadraginta dies post ingressum suum, anno 3. Edwardi primi.

The same in English.

A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish marchants.

We will and command that outlandish marchants doe sel their wares in the

citie of London &c. within forty dayes of their ariuall.

* * * * *

The great Charter granted vnto forreine marchants by king Edward the first,

in the 31. yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta mercatoria, Anno

Domini 1303.

Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, Dommus Hiberniæ dux Aquitaniæ,

Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus,

Iustitiarijs, Vicecomitibus, præpositis, ministris, & omnibus balliuis &

fidelibus suis salutem. Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscriptorum

regnorum, terrarum, & prouinciarum, videlicet Alemanniæ, Franciæ, Hispaniæ,

Portugalliæ, Nauarræ, Lombardiæ, Thusciæ, Prouinciæ, Cataloniæ, ducatus

nostri Aquitaniæ, Tholosaniæ, Caturluni, Flandriæ, Brabantiæ, & omnium

aliarum terrarum & locorum extraneorum, quocunque nomine censeantur,

venientium in regnum nostrum Angliæ & ibidem conuersantium nos præcipua

cura sollicitat, qualiter sub nostro dominio tranquillitatis & plenæ

securitatis immunitas eisdem mercatoribus futuris temporibus præparetur. Vt

itaque vota ipsorum reddantur ad nostra & regni nostri seruitia promptiora,

ipsorum petitionibus fauorabiliter annuentes, & pro statu eorundem plenius

assecurando, in forma quæ sequitur ordinantes, pro nobis & hæredibus

nostris in perpetuum subscripta dictis mercatoribus duximus concedenda.

1. In primis videlicet quod omnes mercatores dictorum regnorum & terrarum

saluè & secure sub tuitione & protectione nostra in dictum regnum nostrum

Angliæ, & vbique infra potestatem nostram alibi veniant cum mercandisis

suis quibuscunque de muragio, pontagio & pannagio liberi & quieti. Quodque

infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram in ciuitatibus, burgis, & villis

mercatorijs possunt mercari duntaxat in grosso tam cum indigenis seu

incolis eiusdem regni & potestatis nostræ prædictæ, quàm cum alienigenis,

extraneis, vel priuatis. Ita tamen quod merces, quæ vulgariter merceriæ

vocantur, ac species, minutatim vendi possint, prout antea fieri consueuit.

[Sidenote: Exceptio contra notorios regni hostes.] Et quod omnes prædicti

mercatores mercandisas suas, quas ipsos ad prædictum regnum & potestatem

nostram adducere, seu infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram emere, vel

aliàs acquirere contingerit, possint quo voluerint tam infra regnum &

potestatem nostram prædictam, quàm extra ducere vel portare facere,

præterquam ad terras manifestorum & notoriorum hostium regni nostri,

soluendo consuetudines quas debebunt: vinis duntaxat exceptis, quæ de codem

regno seu potestate nostra, postquam infra idem regnum seu potestatem

nostram ducta fuerint, sine voluntate & licentia specili non liceat eis

educere quoquo modo.

2. Item quod prædicti mercatores in ciuitatibus, burgis, & villis prædictis

pro voluntate sua hospitari valeant, & morari cum bonis suis ad gratiam

ipsorum, quorum sunt hospitia siue domus.

3. Item quod quilibet contractus per ipsos mercatores cum quibuscunque

personis vndecunque fuerint super quocunque genere mercandisæ initus,

firmus sit & stabilis, ita quod neuter mercatorum ab illo contractu possit

recedere, vel resilire, postquam denarius Dei inter principales personas

contrahentes datus fuerit & receptus. Et si forsan super contractu euismodi

contentio oriatur fiat inde probatio aut inquisitio secundum vsus &

consuetudines feriarum & villarum, vbi dictum contractum fieri contigerit &

iniri.

4. Item promittimus præfatis mercatoribus pro nobis & hæredibus nostris in

perpetuum concedentes, quod nullam prisam vel arrestationem, seu dilationem

occasione prisæ de cætero de mercimonijs mercandisis seu alijs bonis suis

per nos vel alium seu alios pro aliqua necessitate vel casu contra

voluntatem ipsorum mercatorum aliquatenus faciemus, aut fieri patiemur,

nisi statim soluto precio pro quo ipsi mercatores alijs eiusmodi mercimonia

vendere possint, vel eis aliter satisfacto, ita quod reputent se contentos:

Et quod super mercimonia, mercandisas, seu bona ipsorum per nos vel

ministros nostros nulla appreciatio aut estimatio imponetur.

[Sidenote: Lex mercatoria.]

5. Item volumus quod omnes balliui & ministri feriarum, ciuitatum,

burgorum, & villarum mercatoriarum mercatoribus antedictis conquerentibus

coram ijs celerem iustitiam faciant de die in diem sine dilatione secundum

legem mercatoriam, de vniuersis & singulis quæ per eandem legem poterunt

terminari. Et si forte inueniatur defectus in aliquo balliuorum vel

ministrorum prædictorum, vnde ijdem mercatores vel eorum aliquis dilationis

incommoda sustinuerint vel sustineant, licet mercator versus partem in

principali recuperauerit damna sua, nihilominus balliuus vel minister alius

versus nos, prout delictum exigit puniatur. Et punitionem istam concedimus

in fauorem mercatorum prædictorum pro corum iustitia maturanda.

6. Item quod in omnibus generibus placitorum, saluo casu criminis pro quo

infligenda est poena mortis, vbi mercator implacitatus fuerit, vel alium

implacitauent, cuiuscunque conditionis idem implacitatus extiterit,

extraneus vel priuatus, in nundinis, ciuitatibus, siue Burgis, vbi fuerit

sufficiens copia mercatorum prædictarum terrarum, & inquisitio fieri

debeat, sit medietas inquisitionis de eijsdem mercatoribus, & medietas

altera de probis & legalibus hominibus loci illius vbi placitum illud esse

contigent. Et si de mercatoribus dictaram terrarum numerus non inuenientur

sufficiens, ponentur in inquisitione illi qui idonei inuenientur ibidem, &

residij sint de alijs bonis hominibus & idoneis de locis in quibus placitum

illud erit.

7. Item volumus, ordinamus, & statuimus, quod in qualibet villa mercatoria

& feria regni nostri prædicti & alibi infra potestatem nostram pondus

nostrum in certo loco ponatur & ante ponderationem statera in presentia

emptoris & venditoris vacua videatur & quòd brachia sint equalia & ex tunc

ponderator ponderet in æquali. Et cum stateram posuerit in æquali statim

amoueat manus suas, ita quod remaneat in æquali; quodque per totum regnum &

potestatem nostram sit vnum pondus & vna mensura: & signo standardi nostri

signentur: Et quod quilibet possit habere stateram vnius quaternionis, &

infra, vbi contra domini loci, aut libertatem per nos & antecessores

nostros concessam illud non fuerit, siue contra villarum & feriarum

consuetudinem hactenus obseruatam.

8. Item volumus & concedimus, quod aliquis certus homo fidelis & discretus

Londini residens assignetur iustitiarius mercatoribus memoratis, coram quo

valeant specialiter placitare, & debita sua recuperare celeriter, si

Vicecomites & Maiores eis non facerent de die in diem celeris iustitiæ

complementum: Et inde fiat Commissio extra Cartam præsentem concessa

mercatoribus antedictis: [Sidenote: Lex mercatoria quæ?] scilicet de his

quæ sunt inter mercatores & mercatores secundum legem mercatoriam

deducenda.

[Sidenote: Antiquæ Costumæ.]

9. Item ordinamus & statuimus, & ordinationem illam statutúmque pro nobis &

hæredibtis nostris in perpetuum volumus firmiter obseruari, quòd pro

quacunque libertate, quam nos vel hæredes nostri de cætero concedemus,

præfati mercatores supradictas libertates vel earum aliquam non amittant.

Pro prædictis autem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus obtinendis, &

prisis nostris remittendis ijdem supradicti mercatores vniuersi & singuli

pro se & omnibus alijs de partibus suis nobis concorditer & vnanimiter

concesserunt, quòd de quolibet dolio vini, quod adducent vel adduci facient

infra regnum & potestatem nostram, & vnde marinarijs fretum soluere

tenebuntur, soluent nobis & hæredibus nostris nomine Custumæ duos solidos

vltra antiquas custumas debitas & in denarijs solui consuetas nobis, aut

alias infra quadraginta dies, postquam extra naues ad terram posita fuerint

dicta vina. Item de quolibet sacco lanarum, quem dicti mercatores, aut alij

nomine ipsorum ement & è regno educent, aut emi & educi facient, soluent

quadraginta denarios de incremento vltra custumam antiquam dimidiæ marcæ,

quæ prius fuerat persoluta pro lasta coriorum extra regnum & potestatem

nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id quòd ex antiqua custuma ante

soluebatur. Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum &

potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios vltra certum illud, quod

de antiqua custuma fuerat prius datum. Item duos solidos de quolibet

scarlato & panno tincto in grano. Item decem & octo denarios de quolibet

panno, in quo pars grani fuerit intermixta. Item duodecem denarios de

quolibet panno alio sine grano. Item duodecem denarios de qualibet æris

quintalla.

10. Cumque de præfatis mercatoribus nonnuli eorum alias excicere soleant

mercandisas, vt de Aucrio ponderis, & de alijs rebus subtilibus, sicut de

pannis Tarsensibus, de serico, & cindallis, de seta & alijs diuersis

mercibus, & de equis etiam & alijs animalibus, blado & alijs rebus &

mercandisis multimodis, quæ ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt,

ijdem mercatores concesserunt dare nobis & hæredibus nostris de qualibet

libra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum & mercandisaram huiusmodi,

quocunque nomine censeantur; tres denarios de libra in introitu rerum &

mercandisaram ipsarum in regnum & potestatem nostram prædictam infra

viginti dies postquam huiusmodi res & mercandisæ in regnum & potestatem

nostram adductæ & etiam ibidem exoneratæ seu venditæ fuerint. Et similiter

tres denarios de qualibet libra argenti in eductione quarumcunque rerum &

mercandisaram huiusmodi emptarum in regno & potestate nostris prædictis

vltra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas. Et super valore & estimatione

rerum & mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libra

argenti sicut prædicitur sunt soluendi, credatur eis per literas, quas de

Dominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt: Et si literas non habeant

stetur in hac parte prædictorum mercatorum, si præsentes fuerint, vel

valetorum suorum in eorandem mercatorum absentia, iuramentis.

11. Liceat insuper socijs de societate prædictorum mercatorum infra regnum

& potestatem nostram prædictas, lanas vendere alijs suis socijs, &

similiter emere ab ijsdem absque custuma soluenda. Ita tamen quod dictæ

lattæ ad tales manus non deueniant, quòd de custuma nobis debita

defraudemur. Et præterea est sciendum, quòd postquam supradicti mercatores

semel in vno loco infra regnum & potestatem nostram custumam nobis

concessam superius pro mercandisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta, &

suum habeant inde warantum, siue huiusmodi mercandisæ infra regnum &

potestatem nostram remaneant, siue exterius deferantur, (exceptis vinis,

quæ de regno & potestate, nostris prædictis sine volnntate & licentia

nostra sicut prædictum est nullatenus educantur:) Volumus, ac pro nobis, ac

hæredibus nostris concedimus, quòd nulla exactio, prisa, vel præstatio, aut

aliquod onus super personas mercatorum prædictorum, mercandisas seu bona

eorundem altquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius &

concessam. His testibus veracibus principalibus, Roberto Cantuariensi

Archiepiscopo totius Angliæ primate, Waltero Couentriæ & Lichfildiæ

episcopo, Henrico de Lacy Lincolniense, Humfredo de Bohum comite

Herfordiense, & Essexiæ & Constabulo magno Angliæ, Adomaro de Valentia,

Galfrido de Gaymal, Hugone de Lespensor,[Footnote: _Sic_.] Waltero de

Bello campo, senescallo hospitij nostri, Roberto de Burijs, & alijs. Datum

per manum nostram apud Windesore, primo die Februarij, anno regni nostri

xxxj.

The aforesaid generall Charter in English.

Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of

Aquitaine, to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons,

Iustices, Vicounts, gouernours, officers, and all bayliffes, and his

faithfull people sendeth greeting. Wee haue speciall care for the good

estate of all marchants of the kingdomes, lands, and countries following:

to wit of Almaine, France, Spaine, Portugal, Nauarre, Lombardie, Florence,

Prouence, Catalonia, of our duchie of Aquitaine, Tholosa, Caturlune,

[Footnote: Catalonia] Flanders, Brabant, and of all other forreine

countreis and places by what name soeuer they be called, which come into

our kingdome of England, and there remayne, that the sayd marchants may

liue in quiet and full securitie vnder our dominion in time to come.

Wherefore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined to our

seruice and the seruice of our kingdome, wee fauourably agreeing to their

petitions, for the fuller assuring of their estate, haue thought good to

graunt to the sayd merchants for vs and our heires for euer these

priuiledges vnder written, ordaining in forme as followeth.

1. First, that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and countreys may come

into our kingdome of England, and any where else into our dominion with

their marchandises whatsoeuer safely and securely vnder our defence and

protection without paying wharfage, pontage, or pannage. And that in

Cities, Boroughs, and market townes of the sayd kingdome and dominion they

may traffique onely by the great [Footnote: Wholesale.] as well with the

naturall subiects and inhabitantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion,

as with forreiners, straungers, or priuate persons. Yet so that

marchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares, and spices, may be

sold by the small, [Footnote: Retail.] as heretofore hath bin accustomed.

[Sidenote: An exception for traficking with the known enemies of the

kingdome.] And that all the aforesaid marchants may cary or cause to be

caried whither they will, aswell within our realme or dominion, as out of

the same; sauing vnto the countreis of the manifest and knowne enemies of

our kingdome, those marchandises which they shall bring into our foresayd

realme and dominion or buy or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme and

dominion paying such customes as they ought to doe: except onely wines,

which it shall not be any wayes lawfull for them to cary out of our sayd

realme and dominion without our speciall fauour and licence, after they be

once brought into our realme and dominion.

2. Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleasure lodge & remaine

with their goods in the cities, boroughs, and townes aforesaid, with the

good liking of those which are owners of their lodgings.

3. Item that euery bargaine made by the said marchants with any maner of

persons, of what places soeuer they be for any kind of marchadise

whatsoeuer, shalbe firme & stable so that none of both the marchants shall

shrinke or giue backe from that bargaine, after that the earnest penie be

once giuen and taken betweene the principall bargayners. And if

peraduenture any strife arise about the same bargaine, the triall and

inquirie thereof shall be made according to the vses and customes of the

fayres and townes where it chanced that the said bargaine was made and

contracted.

4. Item, we promise the aforesaid marchants granting for euer for vs and

our heires, that from hence foorth we will not in any wise make nor cause

to be made any stay or arrest, or any delay by reason of arrest of their

wares, marchandises or other goods, by our selues, or by any other or

others for any neede or accident against the will of the sayd marchants,

without present payment of such a price as the marchants would haue sold

those marchandises for to other men, or without making of them other

satisfaction, so that they shall hold themselues well contented and that no

price or valuation shalbe set vpon their wares, marchandises, & goods by vs

or by any officer of ours.

5. Item, we will that all bayliffes and officers of fayres, cities,

boroughs, and market townes shall doe speedie iustice from day to day

without delay accgrdmg to the lawe of Marchants to the aforesayd marchants

when they shall complaine before them, touching all and singuler causes,

which may be determined by the same law. [Sidenote: Where is this law now

become?] And if default be found in any of the bayliffes or officers

aforesayd, whereby the sayd marchants or any of them haue sustained, or do

sustaine any damage through delay, though the marchant recouer his losses

against the partie principall, yet the bayliffe or other officer shall be

punished to vs ward, according to the qualitie of the default. And wee doe

grant this punishment in fauour of the aforesayd marchants in regard of the

hastening of their iustice.

6. Item, that in al maner of pleas, sauing in case where punishment of

death is to be inflicted, where a marchant is vnpleaded, or sueth another,

of what condition soeuer hee bee which is sued, whether stranger or home

borne, in fayres, cities, or boroughs, where sufficient numbers of

marchants of the foresayd countreis are, and where the triall ought to bee

made, let the one halfe of the Iurie be of the sayd marchants, and the

other halfe of good and lawfull men of the place wheie the suite shall fall

out to bee: and if sufficient number of marchants of the sayd countries

cannot bee found, those which shall be found fit in that place shall be put

vpon the Iurie, and the rest shall be chosen of good and fit men of the

places where such suit shall chance to be.

7. Item we will, we ordaine, and wee appoint, that in euery market towne

and fayre of our realme aforesayd and elsewhere within our dominion our

weight shall bee set in some certaine place, and that before the weighing

the balance shall bee seene emptie in the presence of the buyer and of the

seller, and that the skales bee equall: and that afterward the weigher

weigh in the equall balance. And when hee hath set the balances euen, let

him straightway remooue his hands, so that the balance may remayne euen:

And that throughout all our kingdome and dominion there be one weight and

one measure, and that they be marked with the marke of our standard. And

that euery man may haue a weight of one quarter of an hundred, and vnder,

where the same hath not bin contrary to the liberty of the lord of the

place, and contrary to the libertie granted by vs and our predecessors, or

contrary to the custome of townes and fayres which hath hitherto beene

obserued.

8. Item we will and we grant that some certaine faythfull and discreete man

resident in London be appointed to doe Iustice to the aforesayd marchants,

before whome they may haue their sutes decided, and may speedilie recouer

their debts, if the Shiriffes and Maior should not from day to day giue

them speedy iustice. And hereof let a Commission be made: which we grant

vnto the aforesaid marchants besides this present Charter: to wit of such

things as betweene marchant and marchant are to be decided according to the

lawe of marchants.

9. Item we ordayne and appoynt, and wee will that this ordinance and

statute shall firmely bee obserued for euer for vs and our heires, that the

aforesayd marchants shal not loose the aforesayd liberties nor any of them,

for any libertie whatsoeuer, which wee or our heires hereafter shall grant.

And for the obtayning of the aforesayd liberties and free customes, and for

remission of our arresting of their goods the aforesayd marchants all and

euery of them for themsetues and all other of their parties with one

accorde and one consent hane granted vnto vs, that of euery tunne of wine,

which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our realme and dominion,

for which they shall bee bound to pay freight vnto the mariners, besides

the olde customes which are due and were woont to bee payd vnto vs, they

will pay vnto vs and to our heires in the name of a custome two shillings

in money, either out of hande, or else within fortie dayes after the sayd

wines shall bee brought on land out of the shippes. Item for euery sacke of

wooll, which the sayd marchants or others in their name shall buy and carie

out of the realme, or cause to bee brought and caried out, they will pay

forty pence aboue the old custome of halfe a marke, which was payed

heretofore: And for a last of hides to bee caryed out of our realme and

dominion halfe a marke aboue that which heretofore was payed by the olde

custome. And likewise for three hundreth Felles with the wooll on them to

bee transported out of our realme and dominion fortie pence, aboue that

certaine rate which before was payed by the olde custome: Also two

shillings vpon euery scarlate and euery cloth died in graine. Item

eighteene pence for euery cloth wherein any kind of graine is mingled. Item

twelue pence vpon euery cloth dyed without graine. Item twelue pence vpon

euerie quintall of copper.

And whereas sundrie of the aforesayd marchants are woont to exercise other

marchandises, as of Hauer de pois, and other fine wares, as sarcenets,

lawnes, cindalles, and silke, and diuers other marchandlses, and to sell

horses and other beastes, corne, and sundrie other things and marchandlses,

which cannot easily bee reduced vnto a certaine custome: the sayd marchants

haue granted to giue vnto vs, and to our heires of euery pound of siluer of

the estemation and value of these kinde of goods and marchandises, by what

name soeuer they be called, three pence in the pound in the bringing in of

these goods into our realme and dominion aforesaid, within twentie dayes

after these goods and marchandlses shall be brought into our realme and

dominion, and shall be there vnladen and solde. And likewise three pence

vpon euery pound of siluer in the carying out of any such goods and

marchandises which are bought in our realme and dominion aforesayd aboue

the customes beforetime payd vnto vs or any of our progenitors. And

touching the value and estimation of these goods and marchandises, whereof

three pence of euery pound of siluer, as is aforesayd, is to be payd,

credite shalbe giuen vnto them vpon the letters which they are able to

shewe from their masters or parteners. And if they haue no letters in this

behalfe, we will stand to the othe of the foresayd marchants if they bee

present, or in their absence to the othes of their seruants.

Moreouer, it shall be lawfull for such as be of the company of the

aforesayd marchants within our realme and dominion aforesayd, to sell

woolles to other of their company, and likewise to buy of them without

paying of custome. Yet so, that the said wools come not to such hands, that

wee be defrauded of the custome due vnto vs. And furthermore it is to be

vnderstood, that after that the aforesaid marchants haue once payed in one

place within our realme and dominion, the custome aboue granted vnto vs in

forme aforesayd for their marchandises, & haue their warrant therof,

whether these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be caried out

(excepting wines, which in no wise shalbe caried forth of our realme and

dominion aforesayd without our fauour & licence as is aforesayd) we wil and

we grant for vs and our heires, that no execution, attachment or loane, or

any other burthen be layd vpon the persons of the aforesayd marchants, vpon

their marchandises or goods in any case contrary to the forme before

mentioned and granted. The faithfull & principall witnesses of these

presents are these Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England,

Walter bishop of Couetrey and Lichfield, Henry Lacie of Lincolne, Humfrey

de Bohume, Earle of Herford and Essex high Constable of England, Adomare of

Valentia, Geofrey of Gaymal, Hugh Spenser, Walter Beauchampe Seneschall of

our house, Robert of Bures, and others. Giuen by our owne hand at Windesore

the first day of February, in the yere of our reigne xxxi.

* * * * *

De mercatoribus Angliæ in Norwegia arestatis, & eorum mercimonijs de

arrestandis literæ Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui, Haquino regi

Norwegiæ.

Magnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiæ illustri amico

suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia rex Angliæ, Dom. Hiberniæ, & dux

Aquitaniæ salutem cum dilectione sincera. Miramur non modicum & in intimis

conturbamur de grauaminibus & oppressionibus quæ subditis nostris infra

regnum vestrum causa negociandi venientibus his diebus plus solito absque

causa rationabili, sicut ex graui querela didicimus, inferuntur. Nuper

siquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete, Simon filius Alani de

eadem, Guido filius Mathei & eorum socij mercatores nostri nobis

conquerendo monstrarunt, quod cum ipsi quosdam homines & seruientes suos

cum tribus nauibus suis ad partes regni vestri, ad negotiandum ibidem

transmisissent: [Sidenote: Villa de Tonnesbergh.] & naues illæ in portu

villæ vestræ de Tonnesbergh halece & alijs bonis diuersis vsque ad magnam

summam oneratæ fuissent Et licet nautis nauium prædictarum hominibusque &

sermentibus prædictis à regno vestro liberè cum nauibus & bonis prædictis

ad partes Angliæ redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de conductu, postmodùm

tamen antequam naues illæ propter venti contrarietatem portum prædictum

exire potuerunt, quidam balliui vestri naues prædictas cum hominibus &

bonis omnibus tunc existentibus in eisdem, occasione mortis cuiusdam

militis nuper balliui vestri in Vikia per malefactores & piratas, dum naues

prædictæ in portu supradicto sicut præmittitur remanserunt supra mare vt

dicitur interfecti, de mandato vestro vt dicebant arrestarunt, & diu sub

aresto huiusmodi detinebant, quousque videlicet homines & marinarij

prædicti de quadraginta libris sterlingorum certo die statuto ad opus

vestrum pro qualibet naui prædictarum soluendis inuiti & coacti securitatem

inuenissent: Et similiter de eisdem nauibus cum hominibus prædictis infra

portum prædictum citra festum natiuitatis Sancti Ioannis Baptistæ proximo

futuro ad standum tunc ibidem de personis & nauibus suis vestræ gratiæ seu

voluntatis arbirio reducendis tres obsides vlterius liberassent: quod ipsis

valde graue censetur & auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito

reputatur. Et quia contra rationem & æquitatem, omnemque iustitiam fore

dinoscitur, atque legem, quòd delinquentium culpæ seu demerita in personis

vel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscij vel participes, seu de huiusmodi

delinquentium societate non fuerunt, aliqualiter vlciscantur, vestram

amicitiam affectuose requirimus & rogamus quatenus præmissa diligenti

meditatione zelo iustitiæ ponderantes, obsides prædictos iubere velitis ab

hostagiamento huiusmodi liberari, dictamque securitatem relaxari penitus &

resolui. Scientes pro certo, quod si malefactores prædicti, qui dictum

militem vestrum vt dicitur, occiderunt, alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem

nostram poterunt inueniri, de ipsis iustitiam & iudicium secundum legem &

consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus. Non enim possumus his diebus

æequanimiter tolerare quod naues prædictæ seu aliæ de regno nostro, quæ

semper promptæ ad nostrum seruitium esse debent, extra idem regnum ad

partes remotas se diuertant sine nostra licentia speciali. Quid autem ad

hanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreueritis in præmissis, nobis si

placeat rescribatis per præsentium portatorem. Datæ apud Windesore decimo

sexto die Aprilis.

The same in English.

The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus king of Norway, concerning

the English marchants arrested in Norway, and their goods to be freed

from arrest.

To the mighty Prince, lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of

Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king of

England, lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. We

maruell not a little, and are much disquieted in our cogitations,

considering the greeuances and oppressions which (as wee haue beene

informed by pitifull complaints) are at this present more than in times

past without any reasonable cause inflicted vpon our subiects, which doe

vsually resort vnto your kingdome for traffiques sake. For of late one

William the sonne of Laurence of Wainfleete, and one Simon the sonne of

Alan of the same towne, and Guido the sonne of Mathew and their associates

our marchants, in complayning wise declared vnto vs: [Sidenote: The towne

of Tonesbergh.] that hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants,

with three shippes into your dominions, there to exercise traffique, and

the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh, with

Herrings and other commodities to a great value: and also the said

mariners, men, and seruants of the foresayd shippes, being licenced by

vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them, freely to returne

from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods

aforesayd, but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by

reason of contrary windes: certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the

slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia,

committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea, whilest the sayd shippes

remained in the hauen aforesayd, did at yoar commandement (as they say)

arrest, and for a long season also deteined vnder that arrest, the foresaid

ships, with all the men and goods that were in them: namely vntill such

time, as the men and mariners aforesaide (beeing driuen perforce, and

constrained thereunto) should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment

of fortie pounds sterling, vpon a certain day appointed, vnto your vse for

euery of the foresaide ships and: also vntill they had moreouer deliuered

three pledges, for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe

into the foresaid hauen, before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the

Baptist next ensuing, then and there to stand vnto your fauour and

curtesie, as touching the said persons, and those ships of theirs: which

dealing, the parties themselues take very grieuously, yea, and all others

that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course. And

because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason, equitie, iustice,

and lawe, that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be

punished in such persons, or in their goods, as neither haue bene accessory

nor partakers in the crime, nor haue had any society with the saide

offenders: we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes, that weighing

and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice, you would of your loue

and friendship, command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie, and the

said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited. And know you this for

a certaintie, that if the foresaide malefactors, who (as it is reported)

slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and

dominions be found, we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon

them, according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme. For we cannot

in these times conueniently and well indure, that the ships aforesaide, or

any other ships of our kingdome (which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse

for our seruice) should without speciall licence, depart out of our saide

kingdome, vnto forreine dominions. Nowe, what you shall think good at this

our request to performe in the premisses, may it please you by the bearer

of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16.

of April.

* * * * *

Another Letter of Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway, in the

behalfe of certaine English Marchants

Magnifico Principi Dom Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiæ illustri, amico suo

charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, dominus Hyberniæ, & dux

Aquitaniæ, salutem cum dilectione sincera. [Sidenote: Northbernæ villa.]

Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostrorum Thomæ de Swyn de Waynfleete, &

Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus, continentem, Quod cùm ipsi nuper

quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis

mercimonijs transmisissent, Thesaurarius vester bona & mercimonia

prædictorum Thomæ & Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum, quæ

seruientes prædicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt, die

Sancti Michælis vltimò præterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari, &

ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè, in ipsorum Thomæ & Simonis

damnum non modicum & depauperationem manifestam. Et quia eisdem

mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus, quatenus suadente iustitia

poterimus in hac parte, vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu, quatenus

audita querela prædictorum Thomæ & Simonis, vel ipsorum atturnatorum super

restitutione bonorum & mercimoniorum prædictorum impendere velitis eisdem

celeris iustitiæ complementum: Ita quod pro defectu exhibitionis iustitiæ

super arestatione prædicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris

prædictis de alio remedio prouidere. Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram

instantiam duxeritis faciendum, rescribere velitis per præsentium

portitorem. Datæ vt supra.

The same in English.

To the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous King of

Norway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of

England, Lorde of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere

loue. Wee receiued the complaint of our welbeloued Merchants Thomas de Swyn

of Waynfleet, and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne: the contents

whereof are, that whereas of late, the saide parties sent certaine of their

seruants to traffike in your kingdome, your Treasurer vpon the feast of S.

Michæl last past, without any iust or reasonable occasion, caused the goods

and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon, to the value of fortie

pound, which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of

Northberne, to be arrested, and as yet also iniurously deteineth the same

vnder the same arrest, to the great damage and impouereshing of the sayd

Thomas and Simon. And forasmuch as our desire is to succour these our

marchants so far foorth as we can, Iustice requiring no lesse in this

behalfe, we doe right earnestly request you, that hauing hearde the

complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon, or of their

Atturneyes, you woulde of your loue and friendship, vouchsafe them speedie

administration of Iustice, about the restitution of their goods and

marchandise aforesaide: least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice

about the foresaid arrest, we be constrained to prouide some other remedie

for our marchants aforesaid. Our request is, that you would by the bearer

of these presents, returne an answere vnto vs, what you are determined to

doe, at this our instant motion. Giuen as aboue.

* * * * *

A third letter of King Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway in the

behalfe of certaine English Marchants.

Magnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiæ illustri, amico

suo charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, dominus Hyberniæ, &

dux Aquitaniæ, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Pro mercatoribus nostris

Lennæ, & partium vicinarum, quos Balliuus & Officiarij vestri ciuitatis

vestræ Bergen dudum ceperunt, & stricto carceri manciparunt, quorum multi

vt iam intelleximus, propter alimentorum subtractionem & duritiam, ac

asperitatem carceris perierunt, vt ipsorum & bonorum suorum deliberationem

præcipere curaretis, vestræ serenitati Regiæ nostras nuper transmisimus

literas speciales. Sed vos, retentis adhuc in carcere nostris mercatoribus

sicut prius, nobis per literas vestras quas audiuimus & intelleximus

diligenter, inter cætera rescripsistis, quod quidam mercatores de regno

vestro de iniurijs, violentijs & arrestationibus, quibus in regno nostro

his diebus sunt vt asserunt, contra iustitiam aggrauati, multipliciter

conqueruntur, adijciendo in vestris literis memoratis, quod quidam

iniquitatis filij in villa Lennæ, ad piscandum vt dicebant halecia

venientes quendam militem Balliuum vestrum, in Vikia vnà cum decem alijs

subditis vestris, in vestris & regni vestri negotijs existentibus

crudeliter occiderunt. Super quibus mens nostra grauatur quàmplurimum &

turbatur, præsertim quum nunquam nostræ fuerit voluntatis, quod iniuriæ,

violentiæ, seu arrestationes aliquæ mercatoribus, vel alijs de regno vestro

per aliquos de regno & potestate nostris fierent indebitè vel iniustè: nec

adhuc intelligere possumus, quod mercatoribus vestris per aliquem vel

aliquos de subditis nostris huc vsque aliter factum fuerit: Scientes pro

certo quod si nobis per inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit huiusmodi

grauamina subditis vestris infra regnum nostrum illata fuisse, nos

sufficientes emendas, & satisfactiones debitas super illis, celerísque

iustitiæ complementum fieri faciemus. Et insuper si malefactores prædicti,

qui præfatum militem, & alios secum existentes, vt præmittitur, occiderunt,

de regnò, seu potestate nostra sint, vel infrà idem regnum vel potestatem

poterunt inueniri, de ipsis iudicium & iustitiam fieri pracipiemus,

secundum Leges & consuetudines regni nostri. [Sidenote: Antiquitas comercij

inter Angliam & Norwegiam.] Et quia inter nos & vos, nostrósque & vestros

subditos hinc inde foueri desideramus mutuam concordiam & amorem; ita quod

mercatores nostri & vestri mercandisas suas in nostris & vestris regnis &

dominijs liberè, & absque impedimento valeant exercere, prout temporibus

progenitorum nostrorum fieri consueuit, & ex dictarum literarum vestrarum

serie collegimus euidenter vos promptos esse similiter, & paratos ad omnia

& singula, quæ pro vobis & vestris subditis super discordijs,

contentionibus, aut grauaminibus inter nostros & vestros subditos

qualitercunque suscitatis pro bono pacis & iustitiæ fuerint æquanimiter

facienda; Nos consimilia pro nobis & nostris, quantum ad nos & ad ipsos

attinet, illius amore, qui pacis author fore dinoscitur, & pro quiete &

commodo populi vtriusque regnorum nostrorum, quatenus ius & ratio

dictitauerint, promittimus nos factoros: Vestram amicitiam requirentes

obnixius & rogantes, quatenus mercatores nostros prædictos, qui adhuc

superstites relinquuntur, quos etiam tempore, quo dicta felonia committi

dicebatur, interclusos tenebat custodia carceralis, iubere velitis nostri

contemplatione, zelóque iustitiæ ab huiusmodi custodia liberari, bona ab

ipsis capta eis prout iustum fuerit restitui faciendo. Et vt deliberatio

mercatorum nostrorum prædictorum, & bonorum suorum eò facilius concedatur,

placeat vobis cum diligentia debita ponderare, quod Galfridus Drewe, &

quidam alijs mercatores nostri de Lenne, quibusdam mercatoribus de regno

vestro occasione eiusdem grauaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris, ad sectam

Tidemanni Lippe infrà regnum nostrum, vt dicebatur, illati, centum libras

sterlingorum persoluerunt, sicut in quodam scripto indentato inter

Ingelramum Lende de Thorenden, & quosdam alios mercatores vestros ex parte

vna, & præfatam Galfridum, & quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter ex

altera confecto, vidimus contineri. Si qui verò de subditis vestris de

aliquibus subditis nostris, de aliqua iniuria ipsis facta querelas in curia

nostra deponere voluerint, & prosequi cum effectu, ipsorum subditorum

vestrorum petitiones admitti, & eis super querelis huiusmodi plenam &

celerem iustitia fieri faciemus. Ita quod ijdem subditi vestri exinde

reputare debebunt meritò se contentos. Et interim de excessibus &

grauaminibus subditis vestris infrà regnum nostrum qualitercunque illatis

inquiri faciemus cum diligentia veritatem. Vestræ igitur voluntatis

beneplacitum in præmissis nobis rescribere velitis per præsentium

portitorem. Datas apud Westminster tertio die Aprilis.

The same in English.

To the mightie Prince king Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of

Norway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king of

England, lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. We

sent of late vnto your royall maiestie our special letters, for the behalfe

of our late marchants of Lenne, and of the coast adioyning (whome your

baily and officers of the citie of Bergen lately apprehended, committing

them to close prison, many of whome, as we vnderstand, are, for want of due

nourishment, and by reason of the extremitie & loathsomnesse of the prison,

quite perished) that you would cause them and their goods to bee released.

Howbeit, you reteining as yet our marchants in durance as before, in your

letters, which we haue diligently heard, and throughly vnderstood, haue,

amongst other matters, returned this answere vnto vs, that certaine

marchants of your kingdome doe make sundrie complaints of iniuries,

violences and arrests, whereby they haue lately (as themselues auouch)

contrary to iustice bene aggrieued and oppressed in our dominions adding

moreouer in your sayde letters, that certaine sonnes of iniquitie of the

towne of Lenne, comming, as they saide, to fish for herings cruelly

murthered a certaine Knight, who was in times past your bayliffe of Vikia,

together with ten others of your subiects, being imployed about the

affaires of your kingdome. In consideration whereof our minde is

exceedingly and aboue measure grieued and troubled, especially sithence it

as neuer any part of our intent, that any iniuries, violences, or arrests

should vniustly be inflicted vpon any marchants, or any others of your

realme by any of our kingdomes: neither can we as yet haue any

intelligence, that any such hard measure hath bene offered vnto any of your

marchants, by any one or moe of our subiects: giuing you for a certaintie

to vnderstand, that if vpon lawfull inquisition we shal be aduertised of

any such grieuances, which haue bene offered vnto your subiects within our

realme, we will cause speedie iustice to be administred, and sufficient

recompence, and due satisfaction to be made in regarde thereof. And

moreouer, if the saide malefactors, which, as it is aforesaid, slewe the

forenamed Knight, and others of his companie, either be appertaining vnto

our kingdome and dominion, or may at any time be found within our saide

kingdome or dominion, we will command iustice and lodgement to be executed

vpon them according to the lawes and customes of our realme. And forasmuch

as our desire is, that mutuall concord and amitie should be mainteined and

cherished between your and our subiects on both parts: so that our and your

marchants may, in both our Realmes and dominions, freely and without

impediment exercise their traffique, as in the times of our progenitors it

hath bene accustomed; [Sidenode: The antiquity of traffique betweene

England and Norway] Whereas also we euidently gathered out of the contents

of your letter, that you are in like sort readie and willing to put all

things in practise, which are by you and your subiects (for the taking away

of discords, contentions, and molestations howsoeuer occasioned, and sprung

vp betweene your and our subiects) louingly to be performed: we also doe

promise for our selues and our subiects so much as in vs and them lieth for

his sake who is knowen to be the author of peace, and for the benefite &

tranquilitie of both our Realmes (as iustice and reason shall moue vs) to

doe the like. Desiring and earnestly requesting at your hands, that of your

loue and friendship, hauing regard of vs, and consideration of iustice, you

would commaund that our foresaide marchants, who as yet remaine aliue, and

who also at the time of the saide felonie committed, were shut vp in close

prison, be deliuered out of the saide thraldome, causing their goods which

haue bene taken from them, to bee, according vnto iustice, restored to them

again. And that the deliuerie of our foresaide marchants and goods, may be

the more easily yeelded vnto, may it please you with diligent obseruation

to consider, that Gefferey Drew, and certaine other of our marchants of

Lenne, vpon occasion of the greiuances offered vnto your marchants within

our Realme, (as the report goeth) at the suite of Tidman Lippe, paide vnto

the same your marchants an hundreth pound sterling: euen as in a certain

Indenture made betweene Ingelram Lende of Thorenden, and some other of your

marchants on the one part, and betweene the foresaide Geffrey, and certaine

of our marchants on the other part, wee sawe conteined. Moreouer, if any of

your subiects be minded to exhibite, and effectually to prosecute their

complaints in our Court, concerning any of our subiects, or of any iniury

done vnto them, we will cause the petitions of those your subiects to be

admitted, and also full and speedie iustice to be administred, vpon any

such like complaints of theirs. Insomuch, that those your subiects shal

thinke themselues right well and sufficiently contented therewithall. And

in the meane space we will cause diligent inquisition of the trueth to be

made, of all excesses and grieuances howsoeuer offered vnto your subiects

within our dominions. May it please you therfore, by the bearer of these

presents, to returne an answere vnto vs, what you are determined to doe in

the premisses. Giuen at Westminster, the third day of April.

* * * * *

De Stapula tenenda in certo loco ordinatio, Anno 13. Edwardi secundi.

Rex collectoribus custumæ lanarum & pellium lanutarum in portu London

salutem. Cùm nos vicesimo die Maij anno regni nostri sexto attendentes

damna & grauamina, quæ mercatoribus de regno nostro diuersimode euenerunt,

ex eo quod mercatores tam indigenæ quàm alienigenæ lanas & pelles lanutas

infra regnum & potestatem nostram ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus

ad vendendum eas ad diuersa loca infra terras Brabantiæ, Flandriæ, & de

Artoys eorum libito voluntatis transtulerint: [Sidenote: Maior & Communitas

stapulæ.] & volentes etiam huiusmodi damnis & grauaminibus quatenus bono

modo possemus prouidere, de consilio nostro ordinauerimus, quod mercatores

indigenæ & alienigenæ lanas & pelles huiusmodi infrà regnum & potestatem

prædictam ementes, & ad terras prædictas ibidem vendendas ducere volentes,

lanas illas & pelles ad certam stapulam infrà aliquam earundem terrarum,

per Maiorem & Communitatem eorundem mercatorum, de regno nostro ordinandam

assignari, ac prout & quando expedire viderint mutandum, & non ad alia loca

in terris illis ducant, seu duci faciant vllo modo: & inter cætera

concesserimus mercatoribus de regno nostro supradicto pro nobis & hæredibus

nostris, quòd ipsi Maior & consilium dictorum mercatorum, qui pro tempore

fuerint, quibuscunque mercatoribus indigenis seu alienigenis, qui contra

dictam ordinationem venerint, & modo rationabili conuicti fuerint, certas

pecuniæ summas pro delictis illis imponant, & quòd illæ huiusmodi summæ de

bonis & mercimonijs mercatorum sic delinquentium, vbicunque ea infra regnum

& potestatem prædictam inueniri contigerit, per ministros nostros ad opus

nostrum leuentur: prout in Charta nostra inde confecta plenius continetur:

[Sidenote: Charta anno regni sexio confecta.] quam quidem Chartam per

singulos comitatus regni nostri super costeras maris fecimus publicari, &

firmiter inhiberi, ne qui mercatores indigenæ seu alienigenæ contra tenorem

Chartæ prædictæ sub poenis contentis in eadem venerint vllo modo: Ac

postmodum dato nobis intelligi, quod quàmplures mercatores tam indigenæ

quàm alienigenæ, lanas & pelles lanutas infrà regnum & potestatem prædictas

ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad alia loca in

dictis terris, quàm ad Stapulam iuxta concessionem nostram prædictam per

Maiorem & communitatem dictorum mercatorum de regno nostro in aliqua

terrarum illarum ordinatam & assignatam transtulerint in nostri contemptum,

& contra Chartam ordinationis, publicationis & inhibitionis prædictarum

assignauerimus quosdam fideles nostros in diuersis partibus regni ad

inquirendum de lanis & pellibus lanutis ad dictas terras alibi quàm ad

Stapulam illam ductis, ita quod emendæ inde ad nos pertinentes, ad opus

nostram leuentur; etiam intellexerimus, quod quasi omnes mercatores tam

indigenæ quàm alienigenæ huiusmodi mercimonia in dicto regno nostro

exercentes sunt culpabiles de præmissis: & quod plures inde indictati, ac

alij timentes inde indictari, lanas suas ac pelles lanutas sub nominibus

aliorum non culpabilium faciunt aduocari, & extra regnum nostrum transmitti

quibusdam alienigenis, sic culpabilibus in dictum regnum forsitan non

reuersuris, vt sic forisfacturas prædictas effugiant, & nos de emenda ad

nos sic pertinente illudant: quæ si permitterentur sic transire in nostri

damnum non modicum redundarent. Nos volentes huiusmodi fraudibus obuiare, &

nostris damnis quatenus bono modo poterimus præcauere, vobis præcipimus

firmiter iniungentes, quod à singulis mercatoribus lanas seu pelles lanutas

per portum prædictum ad partes exteras ducere volentibus corporale

sacramentum ad sancta Dei Euangelia recipiatis, quod ipsi lanas seu pelles

lanutas sub nomine ipsius, cuius propriæ sunt, & non alterius aduocabunt, &

tunc recepta ab illo cuius lanæ & pelles huiusmodi erunt, vel nomine suo

sufficiente securitate pro qua respondere volueritis, de respondendo &

faciendo nobis id quod ad nos pertinet de lanis & pellibus lanutis per

ipsum ductis seu missis ad aliquam dictarum terrarum Flandriæ & Brabantiæ,

& de Artoys contra formam Chartæ, proclamationis, & inhibitionis

supradictarum, si ipsum super hoc conuinci contingat, lanas & pelles illas

lanutas extra portum prædictum, recepta prius custuma debita de eisdem, ad

partes exteras transire pemittatis. Teste Rege apud Doueram decimo octauo

die Iunij, per ipsum Regem & Consilium.

Et postmodùm per breue de priuato sigillo eodem modo mandatum est

collectoribus custumæ prædicts in portubus subscriptis: Videlicet,

In portu villæ Southhampton.

In portu villæ Weymouth.

In portu villæ Sancti Botolphi.

In portu villæ de Kingtone super Hull.

In portu villæ de nouo Castro.

In portu villæ de magna Iernemutha.

In portu villæ de Lenne.

In portu villæ de Gypwico.

The same in English.

An Ordinance of the Staple to bee holden at one certaine place.

The King vnto his Collectors of custome, for wooll and woollen fels, in his

port of London, greeting. Whereas we vpon the 20. of May, in the sixt yeere

of our reigne, considering the damages and grieuances that haue diuersly

happened vnto the marchants of our realme, vpon occasion that the marchants

both of our owne, & of other countreis, buying vp wooll and woollen fels

within our kingdome and dominions, haue, for the better sale thereof, at

their pleasure conueyed theselues, and trasported the said wooll & fels

into sundry places within the prouinces of Brabant, Flanders and Artoys:

and being desirous also, to our power, to prouide a remedie against such

damages and inconueniences, haue ordained by our counsel, that all

marchants, both homeborne and aliens, buying vp such wools and fels, within

our kingdome and dominion aforesaid, and being desirous to transport them

into the foresaid prouinces, there to bee solde, may carrie the saide wools

and fels, or cause them to be caried to some certaine staple, within any of

the saide Prouinces, by the Maior and Communaltie of the said marchants of

our realme, to be appointed and assigned, and when they shall thinke it

expedient, to be changed and remoued, and not vnto any other place within

the saide Prouinces whatsoeuer: and whereas also, amongst other things, we

haue granted vnto the marchants of our foresaid realme, for vs and our

heires, that the Maior and Councel of the saide marchants for the time

being, may impose vpon all marchants, home-borne or aliens whatsoeuer, that

shall transgresse the foresaid ordination, and shall thereof lawfully be

conuicted, certaine summes of money to be paid for their offences, and that

such summes must by our ministers and officers, to our vse, be leuied out

of the goods and wares of the marchants so offending, wheresoeuer they

shall chance to be found within our kingdome and dominions aforesaid,

[Sidenote: A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne.] as in our

Charter made for the same purpose it is more plainly expressed, (which

Charter we haue caused to be published vpon the Sea-coasts, throughout all

the countreys of our realme, and a strong prohibition to be proclaimed,

that no marchants, neither home-borne, nor strangers, may in any wise

transgresse the tenour of the foresaide Charter, vnder the penalties

therein contained) and whereas afterward it beeing giuen vs to vnderstand,

that diuers marchants both homeborne and aliens, bought vp such woolles and

woollen felles within our saide Realme and dominions, and conueyed

themselues with the saide wools and felles for the sale thereof vnto other

places within the foresaide Prouinces, besides the saide Staple, which was,

according to our graunt aforesaide appointed and ordained by the Maior and

communaltie of the said marchants of our Realme, in some one of those

Prouinces, to the contempt of our authoritie, and contrary to the Charter

of the ordination, publication, and inhibition aforesaide, wee assigned

certaine of our faithfull subiects, in diuers parts of our Realme, to make

inquisition for such wools and woollen felles, as were conueyed vnto any

other place of the saide Prouinces, then vnto the Staple, so that by these

meanes, the penalties due vnto vs might bee leuied vnto our vse: and hauing

intelligence also, that in a maner all marchants both home-borne, and

strangers bartering such wares in our kingdome, are culpable of the

premisses, and that many being indicted thereupon, and others fearing to

bee indicted, doe cause their wools and woollen felles to bee auouched

vnder the names of persons not culpable, and to be sent ouer vnto certaine

strangers being also culpable, and not minding perhaps to return any more

into our realme, that they may so escape the foresaid forfeitures, and

defraud vs of the penaltie, appertaining of right vnto vs, (which abuses,

if they were suffered so to goe vnpunished woulde redound vnto our extreame

hinderance:) and beeing likewise desirous to withstand such deceitefull

dealing, and so farre forth as wee can, to preuent our owne losses, we

firmely command, and streightly charge you, that you doe receiue of euery

particular marchant, desirous to conuey any wools, or woollen fels out of

the foresaid port, into any forrein dominions, a corporal oath vpon Gods

holy Euangelists that they shall auouch all those wools and woollen fels

vnder his name vnto whom they doe properly belong, & vnder the name of none

other: and then taking sufficient security from the owner of those wools

and fels, or in his name, in regard whereof you wil vndertake to

warrantize, and make good vnto vs those penalties and forfaitures which

shal vnto vs appertaine, for all wools, and woollen fels conueied or sent

by any of the foresaid merchants vnto any of the said prouinces of

Flanders, Brabant, and Artoys, contrary to the Charter of the Proclamation

and inhibition aboue mentioned (if they shal chance to be conuinced hereof)

that first, our due custome being receiued, you doe permit the said wools

and woollen fels to passe out of the foresaid port into forrein countnes.

Witnes the king at Douer the 18. day of Iune. By the king himselfe and his

Councell.

And afterwarde by a Writte vnder the Kings priuie Seale there was a like

commandement giuen vnto the Collectors of the custome aforesayde in the

portes vnderwritten.

That is to say:

In the port of the Towne of:

Weymouth.

Southhampton.

Saint Botulphs towne, now called Boston.

Kingtone vpon Hull.

Newcastle.

Iernemouth magna, or Yermouth.

Lenne.

Gypwick or Ipswich.

* * * * *

Carta Henrici quarti Anno [Marginal note: 1404] quinto regni sui concessa

mercatoribus Angliæ in partibus Prussiæ, Daciæ, Norwegiæ, Swethiæ, &

Germaniæ, de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo.

Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliæ & Franciæ & Dominus Hiberniæ omnibus, ad

quos præsentes literæ peruenerint, salutem Sciatis quod cum, vt accepimus,

ob defectum boni & sani regiminis & gubernationis, diuersa damna,

dissensiones, grauamina, & angustiæ inter mercatores Regni nostri Angliæ in

partibus Pruciæ, Daciæ, Noruegiæ, Hansæ, & Suethiæ commorantes sæpius ante

hæc tempora mota fuissent & perpetrata, ac maiora, exinde, quod absit,

futuris temporibus verisimiliter euenire formidantur, nisi pro meliori

gubernatione inter eosdem mercatores mutuò habenda manus nostras adiutrices

apponamus: Nos damnis & periculis in hac parte imminentibus præcauere, &

eosdem Mercatores & alios de dicto regno nostro ad partes prædictas

venturos iuste & fideliter regi & pertractari intime desiderantes, volumus

& tenore præsentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus, quod ipsi quoties &

quando eis placuerit in quodam loco competenti & honesto, vbi sibi

placuerit, se congregare & vnire, & certas personas sufficientes & idoneas

in gubernatores suos in eisdem partibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere &

obtinere valeant libere & impune: Dantes vlterius & concedentes huiusmodi

gubernatoribus per prædictos Mercatores sic eligendis, quantum in nobis

est, potestatem & authoritatem speciales, omnes & singulos mercatores

Anglicos ad partes prædictas de cætero venientes & declinantes per se vel

sufficientes loca sua tenentes regendi & gubernandi, ac eis & eorum

cuilibet in suis causis & querelis quibuscunque inter eos in partibus

prædictis motis vel mouendis plenam & celerem iusticiam faciendi &

quascunque quæstiones contentiones, discordias, & debatas inter ipsos

mercatores Anglicos partium prædictarum motas sue mouendas reformandi,

reformationemque petendi, redigendi, sedandi, & pacificandi, & quascunque

transgressiones, damna, mesprisiones, excessus, violencias, & iniurias

mercatoribus partium prædictarum per prædictos mercatores Anglicos factas

seu faciendas redigendi, reparandi, restaurandi, & emendandi, consimilesque

restitutiones, reparationes, restaurationes & emandationes de ipsis

mercatoribus partium prædictarum seu deputatis suis requirendi, petendi, &

recipiendi: Ac de communi assensu mercatorum Anglicorum prædictorum

statuta, ordinationes, & consuetudines, prout pro meliori gubernatione

status eorundem mercatorum Anglicorum in hac parte videbitur expedire,

faciendi & stabiliendi & omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos præfatis

gubernatoribus sic eligendis vel eorum loca tenentibus seu eorum alicui,

aut alicui statutorum, ordinationum & consuetudinum prædictarum contrarios,

rebelles, vel inobedientes iuxta quantitatem delicti sui in hac parte

rationabiliter puniendi. Volentes insuper omnia iusta & rationabilia

statuta, ordinationes & consuetudines per dictos gubernatores sic eligendos

in forma prædicta facienda & stabilienda, nec non omnes iustas &

rationabiles ordinationones per [Marginal note: Nota.] nuper gubernatores

prædictorum mercatorum Anglicorum de communi assensu eorundem mercatorum

pro huiusmodi gubernatione sua in partibus prædictis iuxta priuilegia &

authoritates sibi per magistrum. Pruciæ seu alios dominos partium

prædictarum concessa, factas & stabilitas, sen per prædictos gubernatores

nunc vt præmittitur eligendos iuxta priuilegia prædicta, seu alia

priuilegia eisdem mercatoribus Anglicis per prædictos magistrum & dominos

in posterum concedenda, facienda & stabilienda, rata, firma & accepta

haberi, & pro ratis firmis, & acceptis ibidem fimiter & inuiolabiter

obseruari. Damus autem vniuersis & singulis mercatoribus Anghcis prædictis

tenere præsentium firmiter in mandatis, quod eisdem gubernatonbus sic

eligendis & eorum loca tenentibus in præmissis omnibus & singulis ac alijs

gubernationem & regimen in hac parte qualitercunque concernentibus

intendentes sint, consulentes obedientes & auxiliantes prout decet. Data in

palatio nostro Westmonasterij sub magni sigili nostri testimomo sexto die

Iunij Anno regni nostri quinto.

A Charter of King Henry the fourth graunted in the fift yeere of his reigne

to the English Marchants resident in the partes of Prussia, Denmarke,

Norway, Sweden, and Germanie for the chusing of gouernours among

themselues.

Henry by the grace of God king of England and of France, and lord of

Ireland to all to whom these present letters may come, sendeth greeting.

Know ye, that whereas, according as we are informed, through want of good

and discreete rule and gouernement, sundry damages, strifes, oppressions,

and wrongs oftentimes heretofore haue bene moued and committed among the

Marchants of our kingdome of England remaining in the parties of Prussia,

Denmarke, Norway, the Hans steeds and Sweden, and greater hereafter, which

God forbid, are feared to be like to fall out, vnlesse we put to our

helping hands for the procuring of better gouernement to be maintained

among the said Marchants: wee heartily desiring to preuent the perrils and

dangers which are like to fall out in this case, and that the sayde

Marchants and others which shall trauaile out of our said Realme into the

partes aforesaid may iustly and faithfully be ruled and intreated, we will

and graunt by the tenour of these presents to the said Marchants, that they

may freely and without danger assemble and meete together as often and

whensoeuer they please in some conuenient and honest place where they shall

thinke good, and that they may choose among themselues certaine sufficient

and fit persons for their gouernours in those parts at their good liking.

And furthermore we giue and graunt to the said Gouernours which are in such

sort to be chosen by the aforesaid Marchants, as much as in vs lieth,

speciall power and authoritie to rule and gouerne all and singular the

English Marchants which hereafter shall come or repayre to the parts

aforesaid by themselues or their sufficient Deputies, and to minister vnto

them and euery of them in their causes and quarels whatsoeuer, which are

sprung vp, or shall hereafter fall out among them in the parts aforesaid

full and speedie iustice, and to reforme all maner of questions,

contentious discords, and debates moued or to be moued betweene the English

Marchants remayning in those parts, and to seeke reformation, to redresse,

appease, and compound the same. And further to redresse, restore, repayre

and satisfie all transgressions, damages, misprisions, outrages, violences,

and iniuries done or to be done by the aforesaid English Marchants against

the Marchants of those parts: And to require, demaund and receiue the like

restitutions, reparations, satisfactions and amends of the Marchants of

those parts or of their deputies. And by the common consent of the

aforesaid English Marchants to make and establish statutes, ordinances, and

customes, as shall seeme expedient in that behalfe for the better

gouernement of the state of the said English Marchants: and to punish with

reason according to the quantitie of their fault in that behalfe all and

singular the English Marchants which shall withstand, resist or disobey the

aforesaid gouernours so to be chosen or their deputies, or any of them: or

any of the aforesaid statutes, ordinances, or customes. Moreouer we doe

ratifie, confirme, and approoue, and as ratified, confirmed, and approoued,

wee command firmely and inuiolably there to be obserued all iust, and

reasonable statutes, ordinances, and customes which shalbe made and

established by the said gouernors, so to be chosen, in forme aforesaid, and

also all iust and reasonable ordinances made & established by the late

gouernours of the aforesaid English Marchants with the common consent of

the sayd Marchants for this their gouernement in the parts aforesayd,

according to the priuileges and authorities now granted vnto them by the

Master of Prussia, or other Lords of the partes aforesayd, or which shall

be made and established by the aforesayd gouernours now as is mentioned to

be chosen according to the aforesaid priuileges heretofore graunted, or

other priuileges hereafter to bee granted to the sayde English Marchants by

the aforesayde Master and lords of the Countrey. And furthermore by the

tenor of these presents we straitely commaund all and singular the

aforesaid English Marchants, that they attend, aduise, obey and assist, as

it becommeth them, the sayde gouernours so to bee chosen, and their

deputies in all and singular the premisses and other things, which any way

may concerne in this behalfe their rule and gouernement. Giuen in our

Palace at Westminster vnder the testimonie of our great Seale the sixt day

of Iune in the fift yeere of our reigne.

* * * * *

A note touching the mighty Ships of King Henry the fift, mentioned

hereafter in the treatie of keeping the sea, taken out of a Chronicle in

the Trinitie Church of Winchester.

Eodem anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 1415. & regni sui

Anno tertio, post bellum de Agencourt, conducti a Francis venerunt cum

multis Nauibus recuperaturi Harfletum. Sed Rex Angliæ misit fratrem suum

Iohannem Ducem Bedfordiæ & Andegauiæ, qui pugnauit cum eis & vicit, & Naues

cepit, & quasdam submersit: cæteri fugerunt cum Hispanis nauibus qui

venerant cum eis Anno gratiæ 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redierunt

potentiores, & iterum deuicti perpetuam pacem cum Rege composuerunt, &

propter eorum naues fecit Rex fieri naues quales non erant in mundo. De his

sic conductis a Francis ita metricè scribitur.

[Sidenote: Naues maximæ Henrici quinti.]

Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo

Gallos, Hispanos, Ianos, deuicit, & Vrget,

Vastat; turbantur cætera regna metu.

Nauali bello bis deuicti quoque Iani.

* * * * *

A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the sixt, for the

trade to Norwey, Sweueland, Denmarke, and Fynmarke.

Item because that the kings most deare Vncle, the king of Denmarke, Norway

and Sueueland, as the same our soueraigne Lord the king of his intimation

hath vnderstood, considering the manifold & great losses, perils, hurts and

damage which haue late happened as well to him and his, as to other

foraines and strangers, and also friends and speciall subiects of our said

soueraigne Lord the king of his realme of England, by the going in, entring

& passage of such forain & strange persons into his realme of Norwey &

other dominions, streits, territories, iurisdictions & places subdued and

subiect to him, specially into his Isles of Fynmarke, and elsewhere, aswell

in their persons as their things and goods: for eschuing of such losses,

perils, hurts & damages, and that such like (which God forbid) should not

hereafter happen: our said soueraigne Lord the king hath ordeined and

statuted, that all and singular strangers, as well Englishmen and others

willing to apply by Ship and come into his realme of Norwey and other

dominions, straights, territories, iurisdictions, Isles & places aforesaid

with their ships to the intent to get or haue fish or any other

Marchandises, or goods, shall apply and come to his Towne of Northberne,

where the said king of Denmarke hath specially ordained and stablished his

staple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen, to the

exercise of such Marchandises granting to the said Englishmen that they

shall there inioy in and by all things the same fauour, priuileges and

prerogatiues which they of the Hans did enioy. Therefore our said

soueraigne Lord the king willing the loue, affinitie and amities to be

firmely obserued, which betwixt his said Vncle and his noble progenitors of

good memory, their Realmes, lands, dominions, streites, territories,

iurisdictions and their said places, and the same our soueraigne Lord the

king & his noble progenitours of famous memory, his great men, subiects,

Realmes, lands & dominions hath bene of old times hitherto continued nor

nothing by our said soueraigne Lord the king or his people to be attempted

or done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions, enemities or

discords might be broken: by the aduise of the Lords spintuall & temporall

& of the comons of his said Realme of England, assembled in this present

Parliament, hath ordained, prohibiting that none of his liege people nor

subiects of his Realme of England by audacitie of their follie presume to

enter the Realmes, lands, dominions, straits, terntones, iurisdictions &

places of the said king of Denmarke against the ordinance, prohibition &

interdiction of the same his Vncle aboue remembred, & in contempt of the

same, vpon paine of forfeiture of all their moueable goods & imprisonment

of their persons at the kings will.

* * * * *

Another branch of a statute made in the tenth yeere of the reigne of Henry

the sixt concerning the state of the English Marchants in the dominions

of the king of Denmarke.

Item because that our soueraigne Lord the king at the grieuous complaint to

him made in this Parliament by the commons of his realme of England being

in this Parliament is informed that many of his faithfull liege people be

greatly impouerished, vndone, & in point to be destroyed by the king of

Denmarke & his lieges, which be of the amitie of the king our soueraigne

Lord, because that they do daily take of his said faithfull subiects their

goods, so that they haue taken of marchants of York and Kinston vpon Hul

goods & marchandises to the valour of v. M. li. within a yeere, and of

other lieges & marchants of the realme of England goods & cattals to the

valour of xx. M. li. wherof they haue no remedie of the said king of

Denmarke, nor of none other, forasmuch as none of them commeth within the

Realme of England, nor nothing haue in the same realme of England, & that

the goods be taken out of the same Realme: The king willing to prouide

remedy for his said liege people, hath ordeined & established, that if the

goods of any of the said his lieges be or shalbe taken by the said king of

Denmarke or any of his said lieges, the keeper of the priuie seale for the

time being, shall haue power to make to the partie grieued letters of

request vnder the priuie seale, without any other pursuite to be made to

any for restitution to be had of the goods so taken & to be taken. And if

restitution be not made by such letters, the king our soueraigne lord by

the aduise of his counsel shal prouide to the partie grieued his couenable

remedy, according as the case requireth.

* * * * *

Here beginneth the Prologue of the processe of the Libel of English

policie, exhorting all England to keepe the sea, and namely the narrowe

sea shewing what profite commeth thereof, and also what worship and

saluation to England, and to all English-men.

[Sidenote: Incipit liber de custodia Maris præsertim arcti inter Doueram &

Galisiam.]

The true processe of English policie

Of vtterward to keepe this regne in rest

Of our England, that no man may deny,

Ner say of sooth but it is one of the best,

Is this, that who seeth South, North, East and West,

Cherish Marchandise, keepe the admiraltie,

That wee bee Masters of the narrowe see

For Sigismond the great Emperour,

Wich yet reigneth, when he was in this land [1]

With king Henry the fift, Prince of honour

Here much glory, as him thought, he found,

A mightie land which had take in hand

To werre in France and make mortalitie,

And euer well kept round about the see.

[Footnote 1: It is clear, from these lines, that this poem must have been

written between 1416, when Sigismond was in England, and 1438, when he

died.]

[Sidenote: Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter cæteras Anglie

scilicet Calisiam & Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suos

oculos ait regi: Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros

oculos.]

And to the king thus hee sayd: My brother,

(When hee perceiued two Townes Caleis and Douer)

Of all your Townes to chuse of one and other,

To keepe the sea and soone to come ouer

To werre outwards and your regne to recouer:

Keepe these two Townes sure, and your Maiestee

As your tweyne eyne: so keepe the narrowe see.

For if this sea bee kept in time of werre,

Who can heere passe without danger and woe

Who may escape, who may mischiefe differre

What Marchandie may forby bee agoe:

For needs hem must take trewes euery foe:

Flanders and Spaine, and other, trust to mee,

Or ellis hindred all for this Narrow see.

Therefore I cast mee by a little writing

To shew at eye this conclusion,

For conscience and for mine acquiting

Against God and ageyne abusion,

And cowardise, and to our enemies confusion.

For foure things our Noble [2] sheweth to me,

King, Ship, and Swerd, and power of the see

[Foonote 2: The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuor

considerantur in moneta aurea Anglica, quæ dicitur Nobile: scilicet Rex,

Nauis gladius, & Mare: Quæ designant potestatem Anglicorum super Mare. In

quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores & Flandrenses & alij dicunt

Anglicis: Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem & imponite ouem. Intendentes, quod

sicut quondam à tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris, modo his

diebus sunt vecordes, victi, & ad bellandum & Mare obseruandum velut oues.]

Where ben our ships, where ben our swerds become:

Our enemies bed for the ship set a sheepe.

Alas our rule halteth, it is benome.

Who dare well say that lordship should take keepe:

I will assay, though mine heart ginne to weepe,

To doe this werke, if wee will euer thee,

For very shame to keepe about the see.

Shall any Prince, what so be his name,

Which hath Nobles much leche ours,

Bee Lord of see: and Flemings to our blame,

Stop vs, take vs, and so make fade the flowers

Of English state, and disteyne our honours:

For cowardise alas it should so bee

Therefore I ginne to write nowe of the see.

Of the commodities of Spaine and of Flanders.

The first Chapter

Knowe well all men that profits in certaine

Commodities called comming out of Spaine

And Marchandie, who so will weete what it is,

Bene Figs, Raisins, wine Bastard, and Datis,

And Licoris, Siuill oyle, and graine,

White Pastill Sope, and Waxe is not vayne.

Yron, Wooll, Wadmolle, Gotefell, Kidfell also:

For Poynt-makers full needefull bene they tweyn

Saffron, Quickesiluer, which owne Spaine Marchandy,

Is into Flanders shipped full craftily,

Vnto Bruges as to her staple fayre:

The Hauen of Scluse hir Hauen for her repayre

Which is cleped Swyn tho shippes giding:

Where many vessels and fayre are abiding.

But these marchandes with their shippes great,

And such chaffare as they bye and get

By the weyes must nede take on hand

By the coasts to passe of our England,

Betwixt Douer and Caleis, this is no doubt.

Who can well els such matter bring about?

[Sidenote: Flemish cloth made of English Wooll.]

And when these sayd Marchants discharged bee

Of Marchandie in Flanders nere the see,

Then they bee charged againe with Marchandy,

That to Flanders bougeth full richly.

Fine cloth of Ypre that named is better than ours,

Cloth of Curtrike, [3] fine cloth of all colours,

Much Fustian, and also Linen cloth.

But Flemings, if yee bee not wroth,

The great substance of your cloth at the full

Yee wot ye make it of our English woll.

[Footnote 3: Courtrai.]

[Sidenote: The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders.]

Then may it not sinke in mannis brayne,

But that it must this Marchandy of Spaine

Both out and in by our costes passe:

Hee that sayd nay in witte was like an asse.

Wee should haue peace with the grounds tweyne

Thus if this see were kept, I dare well sayne.

For Spaine and Flanders is as eche other brother,

And neither may well liue without other:

They may not liuen to maintaine their degrees,

Without our English commodities:

Wolle and Tynne: for the woolle of England

Susteineth the Commons Flemings I vnderstand.

Then if England would her wolle restraine

From Flanders, this followeth in certaine,

Flanders of nede must with vs haue peace,

Or els shee is destroyed without lees.

Also if Flanders thus destroyed bee:

Some Marchandy of Spaine will neuer ythee:

For destroyed it is, and as in cheeffe

The wolle of Spaine it commeth not to preeffe,

But if it be costed and menged well

Amongst the English wolle the greter delle.

For Spanish wooll in Flaunders draped is,

And euer hath bee, that men haue minde of this:

And yet Wooll is one of the chiefe Marchandy

That longeth to Spaine: who so will espie,

It is of little value, trust vnto mee,

With English wooll but if it menged bee.

Thus if the sea be kept, than herken hether,

If these two lands comen not together:

So that the Fleete of Flanders passe nought

That in the narrowe see it be not brought

Into the Rochelle to fetch the famose wine,

Ner into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine,

What is then Spaine? What is Flanders also?

As who sayd, nought, the thrift is agoe

For the little land of Flanders is

But a staple to other lands ywis:

And all that groweth in Flanders graine and seede

May not a Moneth finde hem meate and brede.

What hath then Flanders, bee Flemings lieffe or loth,

But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth:

By Drapering of our wooll in substance

Liuen her commons, this is her gouernance,

Without which they may not liue at ease.

Thus must hem sterue, or with vs must haue peace.

Of the commodities of Portugal.

The second Chapter,

The Marchandy also of Portugal

By diuers lands turne into sale.

Portugalers with vs haue troth in hand:

Whose Marchandy commeth much into England.

They ben our friends, with their commodities,

And wee English passen into their countrees.

Her land hath wine, Osey, Waxe, and Graine,

Figges, Reysins, Hony and Cordoweyne:

Dates, and Salt, Hides, and such Marchandy:

And if they would to Flanders passe for by,

They should not bee suffred ones ner twyes,

For supporting of our cruell enemies,

That is to say Flemings with her gyle:

For changeable they are in little while. [Note well.]

Then I conclude by reasons many moe,

If we suffred neither friend nor foe,

What so enemies, and so supporting

Passe for by vs in time of werring,

Seth our friends will not ben in cause

Of our hindring, if reson lede this clause:

Then nede from Flanders peace bee to vs sought,

And other lands should seeke peace, dout nought:

For Flanders is Staple, as men tell mee,

To all nations of Christianitie.

The commodities of pety Britaine,[Footnote: Brittany] with her Rouers on

the sea.

The third Chapter

[Sidenote: The Britons great Rouers and Theeues.]

Furthermore to write I am faine

Somewhat speaking of the little Britayne.

Commoditie thereof there, is and was,

Salt, and wine, crest cloth and canuas.

And the land of Flaunders sickerly

Is the staple of their Marchandy.

Wich Marchandie may not passe away

But by the coast of England, this is no nay.

And of this Britaine, who so trueth louis,

Are the greatest rouers and the greatest theeuis,

That haue bene in the sea many one yeere:

That our Merchants haue bought full dere.

For they haue tooke notable goods of ours,

On this side see, these false pelours

Called, of Saincte Malo, and ellis where:

Which to their Duke none obeysance will bere:

With such colours wee haue bee hindred sore.

And fayned peace is called no werre herefore.

Thus they haue bene in diuers coasts many

Of our England, more then rehearse can I:

In Norfolke coastes, and other places about,

And robbed and brent and slame by many a rowte:

And they haue also ransomed Towne by Towne:

That into the regnes of bost haue run her sowne:

Wich hath bin ruth vnto this Realme and shame:

They that the sea should keepe are much to blame.

For Britayne is of easie reputation;

And Saincte Malo turneth hem to reprobation.

A storie of Edward the third his ordinance for Britayne.

[Sidenote: Historia ostendens quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit

contra de prædicatores marinos Brittaniæ minoris ad debellandum eos &

subiugandum Britannos minores.]

Here bring I in a stone to mee lent,

That a good Squire in time of Parliament

Tooke vnto mee well written in a scrowe:

That I haue commond both with high and lowe,

Of which all men accorden into one,

That it was done not many yeeres agone

But when noble King Edward the third

Reigned in grace, right thus it betyd.

For hee had a maner gelosie

To his Marchants and loued them hartily.

He feld the weyes to rule well the see,

Whereby Marchants might haue prosperitee.

That for Harflew [4] Houndflew [5] did he maken;

And great werre that time were vndertaken,

betwixt the King and the Duke of Britayne:

At last to fall to peace both were they fayne:

Vpon the wich made with conuencion

Our Marchants made hem readie bowne

Toward Britayne to loade their Marchandie,

Wening hem friends they went foorth boldly:

But soone anon our Marchants were ytake,

And wee spedde neuer the better for truce sake.

They lost her good, her nauy and spending:

But their complaint came vnto the king.

Then wext he wroth, and to the Duke he sent,

And complained that such harme was hent;

By conuention and peace made so refused:

Wich Duke sent againe, and him excused,

Rehearsing that the mount of Saincte Michael,

And Sainct Malo would neuer a dell

Be subiect vnto his gouernance,

Nor be vnder his obeysance:

And so they did withouten him that deede.

But when the king anon had taken heede:

Hee in his herte set a iudgement,

Without calling of any Parliament,

Or greate tarry to take long aduise

To fortifie anon he did deuise

Of English Townes three, that is to say,

Dertmouth, Plymouth, the third it is Fowey:

And gaue hem helpe and notable puisance

With insistence set them in gouernance

Vpon pety Bretayne for to werre.

Those good sea men would no more differre,

But bete hem home and made they might not rowte,

Tooke prisoners, and made them for to lowte.

And efte the Duke, an ensample wise,

Wrote to the king as he first did deuise,

Him excusing: But our men wood

With great power passed ouer the floode

And werred foorth into the Dukes londe,

And had ny destroyed free and bond.

But than the Duke knewe that the townes three

Should haue lost all his natiue Countrie,

He vndertooke by suretie true not false,

For mount Michael and Saincte Malo als.

And other parties of the litle Brytaine,

Which to obey, as sayd was, were not fayne

The Duke hymselfe for all did vndertake:

With all his herte a full peace did hee make:

So that in all the life time of the king,

Marchants had peace withouten werring:

[Footnote 4: Harfleur]

[Footnote 5: Honfleur]

[Sidenote: Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis.]

He made a statute for Lombards in this land,

That they should in noe wise take on hande

Here to inhabite, here to chardge and dischardge

But fortie dayes, no more time had they large.

This good king by witte of such appreiffe

Kept his Marchants and the sea from mischiefe.

Of the commodities of Scotland and draping of her wolles in Flanders. The

fourth Chapiter

[Sidenote: Anno Domini 1436. Hen 6. 14.]

Moreouer of Scotland the commodities

Are Felles, Hides, and of Wooll the Fleese.

And all these must passe by vs away

Into Flanders by England, sooth to say.

And all her woolle was draped for to sell

In the Townes of Poperinge and of Bell:

Which my Lord of Glocester with ire

For her falshed set vpon a fire.

And yet they of Bell and Poperinge

Could neuer drape her wool for any thing,

But if they had English woll withall.

Our goodly wooll which is so generall

Needefull to them in Spaine and Scotland als,

And other costes, this sentence is nnot false:

Yee worthy Marchants I doe it vpon yow,

I haue this learned ye wot well where and howe:

Ye wotte the Staple of that Marchandie,

Of this Scotland is Flaunders sekerly.

And the Scots bene charged knowen at the eye,

Out of Flanders with little Mercerie,

And great plentie of Haberdashers Ware,

And halfe her shippes with cart wheeles bare,

And with Barrowes are laden as in substance:

Thus most rude ware are in her cheuesance.

So they may not forbeare this Flemish land.

Therefore if wee would manly take in hand,

To keepe this Sea from Flanders and from Spaine,

And from Scotland, like as from pety Britaine,

Wee should right soone haue peace for all her bosts,

For they must needes passe by our English costs.

Of the commodities of Pruce, and High Dutch men, and Easterlings. The fifth

Chapitle.

Nowe goe foorth to the commodities,

That commeth from Pruce in two maner degrees.

For two maner people haue such vse,

That is to say, High Duch men of Pruse,

And Esterlings, which might not be forborne,

Out of Flanders, but it were verely lorne.

For they bring in the substance of the Beere,

That they drinken feele too good chepe, not dere.

Yee haue heard that two Flemings togider

Will vndertake or they goe any whither,

Or they rise once to drinke a Ferkin full,

Of good Beerekin: so sore they hall and pull.

Vnder the board they pissen as they sit:

This commeth of couenant of a worthie wit.

Without Caleis in their Butter they cakked

When they fled home, and when they leysure lacked

To holde their siege, they went like as a Doe:

Well was that Fleming that might trusse, and goe.

For feare they turned backe and hyed fast,

My Lord of Glocester made hem so agast

With his commimg, and sought hem in her land,

And brent and slowe as he had take on hand:

So that our enemies durst not bide, nor stere,

They fled to mewe, they durst no more appeare,

Rebuked sore for euer so shamefully,

Vnto her vtter euerlasting villany.

Nowe Beere and Bakon bene fro Pruse ybrought

Into Flanders, as loued and farre ysought:

Osmond, Copper, Bow-staues, Steele, and Wexe,

Peltreware and grey Pitch, Terre, Board, and flexe,

And Colleyne threed, Fustian and Canuas,

Card, Bukeram: of olde time thus it was.

But the Flemings among these things dere,

In common louen best Bakon and Beere.

Also Pruse men maken her aduenture

Of Plate of siluer of wedges good and sure

In great plentie which they bring and bye,

Out of the lands of Beame and Hungarie:

Which is increase full great vnto their land,

And they bene laden, I vnderstand,

With wollen cloth all maner of colours

By dyers crafted full diuers, that ben ours.

And they aduenture full greatly vnto the Bay,

for salt that is needefull withouten nay.

Thus if they would not our friends bee,

We might lightly stoppe hem in the see:

They should not passe our streemes withouten leue,

It would not be, but if we should hem greue.

Of the commodities of the Genuoys and her great Caracks. Chap. 6.

The Genuois comen in sundry wies

Into this land with diuers marchandises

In great Caracks, arrayed withouten lacke

With cloth of gold, silke, and pepper blacke

They bring with them, and of crood [6] great plentee,

Woll Oyle, Woad ashen, by vessel in the see,

Cotton, Rochalum, and good gold of Genne.

And then be charged with wolle againe I wenne,

And wollen cloth of ours of colours all.

And they aduenture, as ofte it doth befall,

Into Flanders with such things as they bye,

That is their chefe staple sekerly:

And if they would be our full enemies,

They should not passe our stremes with merchandise.

[Footnote 6: Woad.]

The comodities and nicetees of the Venetians and Florentines, with their

Gallees. Chap. 7.

The great Galees of Venice and Florence

Be well laden with things of complacence,

All spicery and of grossers ware:

With sweete wines all maner of chaffare,

Apes, and Iapes, and marmusets tayled,

Nifles and trifles that little haue auayled:

And things with which they fetely blere our eye:

With things not induring that we bye.

For much of this chaffare that is wastable

Might be forborne for dere and deceiuable.

And that I wene as for infirmities

In our England are such commodities

Withouten helpe of any other lond

Which by witte and practise both yfound:

That all humors might be voyded sure,

With that we gleder with our English cure:

That we should haue no neede of Scamonie,

Turbit, enforbe, correct Diagredie,

Rubarbe, Sene, and yet they ben to needefull,

But I know things al so speedefull,

That growen here, as those things sayd.

Let of this matter no man be dismayde;

But that a man may voyde infirmitie

Without degrees fet fro beyond the sea.

And yet they should except be any thing

It were but sugre, trust to my saying:

He that trusteth not to my saying and sentence,

Let him better search experience.

In this matter I will not ferther prease,

Who so not beleeueth, let him leaue and cease.

Thus these galeys for this licking ware,

And eating ware, bare hence out best chaffare.

Cloth, woll, and tinne, which as I sayd before,

Out of this lond worst might be forbore,

For ech other land of necessitie

Haue great neede to buy some of them three:

And we receiue of hem into this coste

Ware and chaffare that lightly wilbe loste.

And would Iesus, that our Lord is wold

Consider this well both yong and old:

Namely old that haue experience,

That might the yong exhorte to prudence;

What harme, what hurt, and what hinderance

Is done to vs, vnto our great grieuance,

Of such lands, and of such nations:

As experte men know by probations,

By writings as discouered our counsailes,

And false colour alwaies the countertailes

Of our enimies: that doth vs hindering

Vnto our goods, our Relme, and to the king:

As wise men haue shewed well at eye;

And all this is couloured by marchandye.

An example of deceite

Also they bere the gold out of this land,

And sucke the thrift away out of our hand:

As the Waspe souketh honie fro the bee,

So minisheth our commoditee.

Nor wol ye here how they in Cotteswold

Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold

Her woll good as for yere and yere.

Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere:

And in her galies ship this marchandie:

Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye.

Then vtterne there the chaffare by the peise,

And lightly als there they make her reise.

And when the goods beene at Venice sold,

Then to carie her change they this money haue,

They will it profer, their subtiltie to saue,

To English marchants to yeue it out by eschange

To be payed againe they make not strange,

At the receiuing and sight of a letter,

Here in England, seeming for the better,

by foure pence lesse in the noble round:

That is twelue pence in the golden pound.

And if wee wol haue of payment

A full moneth, than must him needes assent

To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine

In the English pound: as eft soone again,

For two moneths twelue pence must he pay.

In the English pound what is that to say,

But shillings three? So that in pound fell

For hurt and harme hard is with hem to dwell.

And when English marchants haue content

This eschange in England of assent,

That these sayd Venecians haue in woone

And Florentines to bere her gold soone

Ouer the see into Flanders againe:

And thus they liue in Flanders sooth to saine,

And in London with such cheuisance,

That men call vsury, to our losse and hinderance.

Another example of deceite.

Now lesten well how they made vs a valeys

When they borrowed at the town of Caleis

As they were wont, their woll that was hem lent,

For yere and yere they should make payment.

And sometimes als two yere and two yeare.

This was fayre [7] loue: but yet will ye heare

How they to Bruges would her woll carie,

And for hem take payment withouten tarie,

And sell it fast for ready money in hand.

For fifty pounds of money of losse they wold not wond

In a thousand pound, and liue thereby

Till the day of payment easily,

Come againe in exchange: making

Full like vsury, as men make vndertaking.

Than whan this payment of a thousand pound

Was well content, they should haue chaffare sound

If they wold fro the Staple full,

Receiue againe three thousand pound in woll.

In Cotteswold also they ride about,

And all England, and buy withouten doubte

What them list with freedome and franchise,

More then we English may gitten many wise

But would God that without lenger delayes

These galees were vnfraught in fortie dayes,

And in fortie dayes charged againe,

And that they might be put to certaine

To goe to oste, as we there with hem doe.

It were expedient that they did right soe,

As we doe there. If the king would it:

Ah what worship wold fall to English wit?

What profite also to our marchandie

Which wold of nede be cherished hertilie?

For I would witte, why now our nauie fayleth, [Note diligently]

When manie a foe vs at our doore assayleth.

[Sidenote: A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come. A storie of

destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants.]

Now in these dayes, that if there come a nede,

What nauie should we haue it is to drede.

In Denmarke were full noble conquerours

In time past, full worthy warriours:

Which when they had their marchants destroyed,

To pouerty they fell, thus were they noyed:

And so they stand at mischiefe at this day.

This learned I late well writon, this no nay.

Therefore beware, I can no better will,

If grace it woll, of other mennis perill.

For if marchants were cherished to her speede,

We were not likely to fayle in any neede.

If they be rich, then in prosperitee

Shalbe our londe, lords, and commontee,

And in worship. Now thinke I on the sonne

Of Marchandy Richard of Whitingdon;

[Sidenote: The prayse of Richard of Whittingdon marchant.]

That load sterre, and chiefe chosen floure:

What hath by him our England of honour,

And what profite hath bin of his riches,

And yet lasteth dayly in worthines?

That pen and paper may not me suffice

Him to describe: so high he was of price

Aboue marchants, that set him one of the best:

I can no more, but God haue him in rest.

[Footnote 7: Or, lone.]

Now the principal matter.

What reason is it that we should goe to oste

In their countries, & in this English coste

They should not so? bat haue more liberty

Then we our selues now also motte I thee.

I would to gifts men should take no heede

That letteth our thing publicke for to speede

For this we see well euery day at eye,

Gifts and fests stopen our policie.

Now see that fooles ben either they or wee

But euer we haue the worse in this countree.

Therefore let hem vnto oste go here,

Or be we free with hem in like manere

In their countrees: and if it will not bee,

Compell them vnto oste, and yee shall see

Moch auantage, and moch profite arise,

Moch more then I can write in any wise.

Of our charge and discharge at her marts.

Conceiue wel here, that Englishmen at martes

Be discharged, for all her craftes and artes,

In Brabant of her marchandy

In fourteene dayes, and ageine hastily

In the same dayes fourteene acharged eft.

And if they bide lenger all is bereft,

Anon they should forfeit her goods all,

Or marchandy: it should no better fall.

And we to martis in Brabant charged beene

With English cloth full good and fayre to seene:

We ben againe charged with mercerie,

Haburdasher ware, and with grosserie:

To which marts, that English men call fayres,

Ech nation oft maketh her repayres:

English, and French, Lombards, Iennoyes,

Catalones, thedre they take her wayes:

Scots, Spaniards, Irishmen there abides,

With great plenty bringing of sale hides.

And I here say that we in Brabant bye,

Flanders and Zeland more of marchandy

In common vse then done all other nations:

This haue I heard of marchants relations:

And if the English ben not in the marts

They ben feeble, and as nought bene her parts.

For they byemore, and fro purse put out

More marchandie then all the other rowte.

Kept then the see, shippes should not bring ne fetch,

And then the carreys wold not thidre stretch:

And so those marts wold full euill thee,

If we manly kept about the see.

Of the commodities of Brabant and Zeland and Henauld and marchandy carried

by land to the martes. Cap. 8.

Yet marchandy of Brabant and Zeland

The Madre and Woad, that dyers take on hand

To dyen with, Garlike and Onions,

And saltfishe als for husband and commons.

But they of Holland at Caleis byen our felles,

And wolles our, that Englishmen hem selles.

And the chaffare that Englishmen doe byen

In the marts, that noe man may denien,

Is not made in Brabant that cuntree:

It commeth from out of Henauld, not by see,

But al by land, by carts, and from France,

Bourgoyne, Colem, Cameret in substance,

Therefore at marts if there be a restraint,

Men seyne plainely that list no fables paynt,

If Englishmen be withdrawen away,

Is great rebuke and losse to her affray:

As though we sent into the land of France

Ten thousand people, men of good puissance,

To werre vnto her hindring multifarie.

So ben our English marchants necessarie.

If it be thus assay, and we shall witten

Of men experte, by whom I haue this written.

[Sidenote: What our marchants bye in that cost more then all other.]

For sayd is that this carted marchandy

Draweth in value as much verily,

As all the goods that come in shippes thider,

Which Englishmen bye most and bring it hither.

For her marts ben febel, shame to say,

But Englishmen thither dresse her way.

A conclusion of this depending of keeping of the sea.

Than I conclude, if neuer so much by land

Were by carres brought vnto their hand,

If well the sea were kept in gouernance

They should by sea haue no deliuerance.

Wee should hem stop, and we should hem destroy,

As prisoners we should hem bring to annoy.

And so we should of our cruell enimies

Make our friends for feare of marchandies,

If they were not suffered for to passe

Into Flanders. But we be frayle as glasse

And also brittle, not thought neuer abiding,

But when grace shineth soone are we sliding,

We will it not receiue in any wise:

That maken lust, enuie, and couetise:

Expone me this; and yee shall sooth it find,

Bere it away, and keepe it in your mind.

Then shuld worship vnto our Noble bee

In feate and forme to lord and Maiestie:

Liche as the seale the greatest of this land

On the one side hath, as I vnderstand,

A prince riding with his swerd ydraw,

In the other side sitting, soth it is in saw,

Betokening good rule and punishing

In very deede of England by the king.

And it is so God blessed mought he bee.

So in likewise I would were on the see

By the Noble, that swerde should haue power,

And the ships on the sea about vs here.

What needeth a garland which is made of Iuie

Shewe a tauerne winelesse, also thriue I?

If men were wise, the Frenchmen and Fleming

Shuld bere no state in sea by werring.

Then Hankin lyons shuld not be so bold

To stoppe wine, and shippes for to hold

Vnto our shame. He had be beten thence

Alas, alas, why did we this offence,

Fully to shend the old English fames;

And the profits of England and their names:

Why is this power called of couetise;

With false colours cast beforn our eyes?

That if good men called werriours

Would take in hand for the commons succours,

To purge the sea vnto our great auayle,

And winne hem goods, and haue vp the sayle,

And on our enimies their liues to impart,

So that they might their prises well departe,

As reson wold, iustice and equitie;

To make land haue lordship of the sea.

[Sidenote: Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were

none other cause. False colouring of goods by Lombards. Alas for bribes &

gift of good feasts & other means that stoppen our policie. This is the

very state of our time.]

Then shall Lombards and other fained friends

Make her chalenges by colour false offends,

And say their chaffare in the shippes is,

And chalenge al. Looke if this be amisse.

For thus may al that men haue bought to sore,

Ben soone excused, and saued by false colour.

Beware yee men that bere the great in hand

That they destroy the policie of this land,

By gifte and good, and the fine golden clothis,

And silke, and other: say yee not this soth is?

But if we had very experience

That they take meede with prime violence,

Carpets, and things of price and pleasance,

Whereby stopped should be good gouernance:

And if it were as yee say to mee,

Than wold I say, alas cupiditie,

That they that haue her liues put in drede,

Shalbe soone out of winning, all for meed,

And lose her costes, and brought to pouerty,

That they shall neuer haue lust to goe to sea.

An exhortation to make an ordinance against colour of maintainers and

excusers of folkes goods

[Sidenote: It is a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of

the land may haue no remedie of so many as take heselues wise men of

gouernance.]

For this colour that must be sayd alofte

And be declared of the great full ofte,

That our seamen wol by many wise

Spoile our friends in steede of our enimies:

For which colour and Lombards maintenance,

The king it needes to make an ordinance

With his Counsayle that may not fayle, I trowe,

That friends should from enimies be knowe,

Our enimies taken and our friends spared:

The remedy of hem must be declared.

Thus may the sea be kept in no sell,

For if ought be spoken, wot yee well,

We haue the strokes, and enemies haue the winning:

But mayntainers are parteners of the finning.

We liue in lust and bide in couetise;

This is our rule to maintaine marchandise,

And policie that wee haue on the sea,

And, but God helpe, it will no other bee.

Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and

conquering of wild Irish: with an incident of Wales. Chap. 9.

I cast to speake of Ireland but a litle:

Commodities of it I will entitle,

Hides, and fish, Salmon, Hake, Herringe,

Irish wooll, and linen cloth, faldinge,

And marterns goode ben her marchandie,

Hertes Hides, and other of Venerie.[8]

Skinnes of Otter, Squirell and Irish hare,

Of sheepe, lambe, and Fox, is her chaffare,

Felles of Kiddes, and Conies great plentie.

So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea,

Because the King cleped is Rex Angliæ,

And is Dominus also Hyberniæ,

Old possessed by Progenitours:

The Irish men haue cause like to ours

Our land and hers together to defend,

That no enemie should hurt ne offend,

Ireland ne vs: but as one commontie

Should helpe well to keepe about the sea:

For they haue hauens great, and goodly bayes,

Sure, wyde and deepe, of good assayes,

At Waterford, and costes many one.

And as men sayne in England be there none

Better hauens, ships in to ride,

No more sure for enemies to abide,

Why speake I thus so much of Ireland?

For all so much as I can vnderstand,

It is fertile for things that there doe growe

And multiplien, loke who lust to knowe,

So large, so good, and so commodious,

That to declare is strange and maruailous.

[Footnote 8: Hunting.]

[Sidenote: Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland.]

For of siluer and golde there is the oore,

Among the wilde Irish though they be poore.

For they are rude can thereon no skill:

So that if we had their peace and good will

To myne and fine, and metal for to pure,

In wilde Irish might we finde the cure,

As in London saith a Iuellere,

Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here,

Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene,

As they touch, no better could be seene.

Nowe here beware and heartily take intent,

As yee will answere at last iudgement,

That for slought and for racheshede

Yee remember with all your might to hede

To keepe Ireland that it be not lost.

For it is a boterasse and a post,

Vnder England, and Wales another:

God forbid, but ech were others brother,

Of one ligeance due vnto the king.

But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing

That I shall say with auisement:

I am aferde that Ireland will be shent:

It must awey, it wol bee lost from vs,

But if thou helpe, thou Iesu gracious,

And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside.

For much thing in my herte is hide,

Which in another treatise I caste to write

Made al onely for that soile and site,

Of fertile Ireland, wich might not be forborne,

But if England were nigh as goode as gone.

God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge

Should be chosen for to bee their kinge,

After her conqueste for our last puissance,

And hinder vs by other lands alliance.

Wise men seyn, wich felin not, ne douten,

That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten

There vpon vs, as likenesse may be

Like as England to sheeris two or three

Of this our land is made comparable:

So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable

Yet to defend, and of none power,

That our ground is there a litle corner,

To all Ireland in true comparison.

It needeth no more this matter to expon.

Which if it bee lost, as Christ Iesu forbed,

Farewel Wales, then England commeth to dred,

For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine,

[Sidenote: This is now to be greatly feared.]

And other moe, as the pety Bretaine,

And so haue enemies enuiron round about.

I beseech God, that some prayers deuout

Mutt let the said apparance probable

Thus disposed without feyned fable.

But all onely for perill that I see

Thus imminent, it's likely for to bee,

And well I wotte, that from hence to Rome,

And, as men say, in all Christendome,

Is no ground ne land to Ireland liche,

So large, so good, so plenteous, so riche,

That to this worde Dominus doe long.

Then mee semeth that right were and no wrong,

To get the lande: and it were piteous

To vs to lese this high name Dommus.

And all this word Dominus of name

Shuld haue the ground obeysant wilde and tame.

That name and people togidre might accord

Al the ground subiect to the Lord.

And that it is possible to bee subiect,

Vnto the king wel shal it bee detect,

In the litle booke that I of spake.

I trowe reson al this wol vndertake,

And I knowe wel howe it stante,

Alas fortune beginneth so to scant,

Or ellis grace, that deade is gouernance.

For so minisheth parties of our puissance,

In that land that wee lese euery yere,

More ground and more, as well as yee may here.

I herd a man speake to mee full late,

Which was a lord [9] of full great estate;

Than expense of one yere done in France

Werred on men well willed of puissance

This said ground of Ireland to conquere.

And yet because England might not forbere

These said expenses gadred in one yeere,

But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here,

Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste,

In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste.

And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne:

Which were it worth yerely, if wee not feyne:

I wol declare, who so luste to looke,

I trowe full plainely in my litle booke.

But couetise, and singularitie

Of owne profite, enuie, crueltie,

Hath doon vs harme, and doe vs euery day,

And musters made that shame is to say:

Our money spent al to litle auaile,

And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile,

That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte

I may vnneth write more for sore of herte.

[Footnote 9: This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this

matter, that he would vndertake it, in pain of losse of al his liuelihood.

But this proffer could not be admitted. Ergo malè.]

An exhortation to the keeping of Wales

Beware of Wales, Christ Iesu mutt vs keepe,

That it make not our childers childe to weepe,

Ne vs also, so if it goe his way,

By vnwarenes: seth that many a day

Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion,

By great tokens and ostentation:

Seche the meanes with a discrete auise,

And helpe that they rudely not arise

For to rebell, that Christ it forbede.

Looke wel aboute, for God wote yee haue neede,

Vnfainingly, vnfeyning and vnfeynt,

That conscience for slought you not atteynt:

Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed,

Or afore God mutte yee ben accused.

Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the

Narrow sea, with an incident of the keeping of Caleis. Chap. 10.

[Sidenote: The trade of Bristow to Island.]

[Sidenote: The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North.]

Of Island to write is litle nede,

Saue of Stock fish. Yet forsooth in deed

Out of Bristowe, and costes many one,

Men haue practised by nedle and by stone

Thider wardes within a litle while,

Within twelue yere, and without perill

Gon and come, as men were wont of old

Of Scarborough, vnto the costes cold.

And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware,

That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare:

Island might not make hem to bee fraught

Vnto the Hawys: thus much harme they caught.

Then here I ende of the commoditees

For which neede is well to kepe the seas:

Este and Weste, South and North they bee.

And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see,

Betweene Douer and Caleis: and as thus

that foes passe none without good will of vs:

And they abide our danger in the length,

What for our costis and Caleis in our strength.

An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis.

And for the loue of God, and of his blisse

Cherish yee Caleis better then it is.

See well thereto, and heare the grete complaint

That true men tellen, that woll no lies paint,

And as yee know that writing commeth from thence:

Doe not to England for slought so great offence,

But that redressed it bee for any thing:

Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing.

For litle wenith the foole who so might chese

What harme it were good Caleis for to lese:

What wo it were for all this English ground.

[Sidenote: The ioy of Sigismund the Emperour that Caleis was English.]

Which wel concerned the Emperour Sigismound,

That of all ioyes made it one of the moste,

That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste.

Him thought it was a iewel most of all,

And so the same in Latine did it call.

And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe,

I cast to write within a litle scrowe,

Like as I haue done before by and by

In other parteis of our policie.

Loke how hard it was at the first to get;

And by my counsell lightly doe not it let.

For if wee lese it with shame of face

Wilfully, it is for lacke of grace.

Howe was Harflew [10] cried vpon, and Rone,[11]

That they were likely for shought to be gone:

Howe was it warned and cried on in England,

I make record with this pen in my hand.

It was warened plainely in Normandie,

And in England, and I thereon did crie.

The world was defrauded, it betyde right so.

Farewell Harflew: lewdly it was a go.

Nowe ware Caleis, I can say no better:

My soule discharge I by this present letter.

[Footnote 10: Harfleur, which was lost in 1449.]

[Footnote 11: Rouen]

After the Chapitles of commodities, of diuers lands, sheweth the conclusion

of keeping of the sea enuiron, by a storie of King Edgar and two

incidents of King Edward the third, and King Henrie the fifth. Chap. 11.

Now see we well then that this round see

To our Noble by pariformitee

Vnder the ship shewed there the sayle,

And our king with royal apparayle,

With swerd drawen bright and extent

For to chastise enimies violent;

Should be lord of the sea about,

To keepe enimies from within and without;

To behold through Christianitee

Master and lord enuiron of the see:

All liuing men such a prince to dreed,

Of such a regne to bee aferd indeed.

Thus proue I well that it was thus of old;

Which by a [*] Chronicle anon shalbe told,

Right curious: but I will interprete

It into English, as I did it gete:

Of king Edgar: O most marueilous

Prince liuing, wittie, and cheualerous:

So good that none of his predecessours

Was to him liche in prudence and honours.

Hee was fortanate and more gracious

Then other before, and more glorious:

He was beneth no man in holines:

Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes.

[Marginal note *: Dicit Chronica, quod iste Edgarus cunctis prædecessoribus

suis fælicior, nulli sanctitate inferior, omnibus morum suauitate

præstantior fuerit Luxit ipse Anglis non minus memorabilis quàm Cyrus

Persis, Carolus Francis, Romulus verò Romanis.]

Of English kings was none so commendable

To English men no lesse memorable:

Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance,

And as great Charles was to them of France,

And as to the Romanes was great Romulus,

So was to England this worthy Edgarus.

I may not write more of his worthines

For lacke of time, ne of his holines:

But to my matter I him exemplifie,

Of conditions tweyne and of his policie:

Within his land was one, this is no doubt,

And another in the see without,

That in time of Winter and of werre,

When boystrous windes put see men into fere;

Within his land about by all prouinces

Hee passed through, perceiuing his princes,

Lords, and others of the commontee,

Who was oppressour, and who to pouertee

Was drawen and brought, and who was clene in life,

And was by mischiefe and by strife

With ouer leding and extortion:

And good and badde of eche condition

Hee aspied: and his ministers als,

Who did trought, and which of hem was fals:

Howe the right and lawes of the land

Were execute, and who durst take in hand

To disobey his statutes and decrees,

If they were well kept in all countrees:

Of these he made subtile inuestigation

Of his owne espie, and other men's relation.

Among other was his great busines,

Well to ben ware, that great men of riches,

And men of might in citie nor in towne

Should to the poore doe non oppression.

Thus was he wont in this Winter tide,

On such enforchise busily to abide.

This was his labour for the publike thing,

Thus was hee occupied: a passing holy King

Nowe to purpose, in the Sommer faire

Of lusty season, whan clered was the aire,

He had redie shippes made before

Great and huge, not fewe but many a store:

Full three thousand and sixe hundred also

Stately inough on our sea to goe.

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica præparauerat naues robustissimas numero tria

millia sexcenta: in quibus redeunte æstate omnem insulam ad terrorem

extraneorum & ad suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu circumnauigare

consueuerat.]

The Chronicles say, these shippes were full boysteous:

Such things long to kings victorious.

In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne

And in custome to be ful redie soone,

With multitude of men of good array

And instruments of werre of best assay.

Who could hem well in any wise descriue?

It were not light for eny man aliue.

Thus he and his would enter shippes great

Habiliments hauing and the fleete

Of See werres, that ioyfull was to see

Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee,

There present in person hem among

To saile and rowe enuiron all along,

So regal liche about the English isle;

To all strangers terrours and perile.

Whose fame went about in all the world stout,

Vnto great fere of all that be without,

And exercise to Knights and his meynee

To him longing of his natall cuntree

For courage of nede must haue exercise,

Thus occupied for esshewin of vice

This knew the king that policie espied;

Winter and Somer he was thus occupied.

Thus conclude I by authoritee

Of Chronike, that enuiron the see

Should bene our subiects vnto the King,

And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing:

For great worship and for profile also

To defend his land fro euery foo.

That worthy king I leue, Edgar by name,

And all the Chronike of his worthy fame:

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica &c. vt non minus quantum ei etiam in hac vita

bononum operum mercedem donauerit: cum aliquando ad maximam eius

festiuitatem, reges, comites multarúmque, prouinciarum protectores

conuenissent, &c.]

Saffe onely this I may not passe away,

A worde of mighty strength till that I say,

That graunted him God such worship here,

For his merites, hee was without pere,

That sometime at his great festiuitee

Kings, and Erles of many a countree,

And princes fele were there present,

And many Lords came thider by assent.

To his worship: but in a certaine day

Hee bad shippes to be redie of aray:

For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list

Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist,

Hee assigned to Erles, Lords, and knights

Many ships right goodly to sights:

And for himselfe and eight kings moo

Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo,

A good shippe, and entrede into it

With eight kings, and downe did they sit;

And eche of them an ore tooke in hand,

At ore hales, as I vnderstand,

And he himselfe at the shippe behinde

As steris man it became of kinde.

Such another rowing I dare well say,

Was not seene of Princes many a day.

Lo than how hee in waters got the price,

In lande, in see, that I may not suffice

To tell, O right, O magnanimitee,

That king Edgar had vpon the see.

An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third.

Of king Edward I passe and his prowes

On lande, on sea yee knowe his worthines:

The siege of Caleis, ye know well all the matter

Round about by land, and by the water,

Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe,

After the battell of Crecye was ydoe:

Howe it was closed enuiron about,

Olde men sawe it, which liuen, this is no doubt.

[Sidenote: Caleis was yeelded to the English 1347.]

Old Knights say that the Duke of Borgoyn,

Late rebuked for all his golden coyne;

Of ship on see made no besieging there,

For want of shippes that durst not come for feare.

It was nothing besieged by the see:

Thus call they it no siege for honestee.

Gonnes assailed, but assault was there none,

No siege, but fuge: well was he that might be gone:

This maner carping haue knights ferre in age,

Expert through age of this maner language.

[Sidenote: King Edward had 700. English ships and 14151. English mariners

before Caleis.]

But king Edward made a siege royall,

And wanne the towne: and in especiall

The sea was kept, and thereof he was Lord.

Thus made he Nobles coyned of record;

In whose time was no nauie on the see

That might withstand his maiestie.

Battell of Scluse,[12] yee may rede euery day,

Howe it was done I leue and goe my way:

It was so late done that yee it knowe,

In comparison within a litle throwe:

For which to God giue we honour and glorie,

For Lord of see the king was with victorie.

[Footnote 12: The battle of L'Ecluse.]

Another incident of keeping of the see, in the time of the marueilous

werriour and victorious Prince, King Henrie the fifth, and of his great

shippes.

[Sidenote: The great ships of Henry the fift, made at Hampton.]

And if I should conclude all by the King

Henrie the fift, what was his purposing,

Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons,

Which passed other great ships of all the commons,

The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost,

And other moe, which as nowe bee lost.

What hope ye was the kings great intent

Of thoo shippes, and what in minde hee meant?

It was not ellis, but that hee cast to bee

Lorde round about enuiron of the see.

And when Harflew had her siege about,

There came caracks horrible great and stoute

In the narrow see willing to abide,

To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride.

[Sidenote: Great caracks of Genoa taken by the Duke of Bedford.]

My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure,

Destroyed they were by that discomfiture.

[Sidenote: 1416.]

This was after the king Harflew had wonne,

Whan our enemies to siege had begonne:

That all was slaine or take, by true relation,

To his worshippe, and of his English nation.

[Sidenote: The French nauie thus ouerthrowen was of fiue hundred saile.]

There was present the kings chamberlaine

At both battailes; which knoweth this in certaine;

He can it tell other wise then I:

Aske him, and witte; I passe foorth hastily

What had this king of his magnificence,

Of great courage of wisedome, and prudence?

Prouision, forewitte, audacitee,

Of fortitude, iustice, and agilitee,

Discretion, subtile auisednesse,

Attemperance, Noblesse, and worthinesse:

Science, prowesse, deuotion, equitie,

Of most estate, with his magnanimitie

Liche to Edgar, and the saide Edward,

As much of both liche hem as in regard.

Where was on liue a man more victorious,

And in so short time prince so marueilous?

By land and sea, so well he him acquitte,

To speake of him I stony in my witte

Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse,

Henry the fift, with whom all my processe

Of this true booke of pure policie

Of sea keeping, entending victorie

I leaue endly: for about in the see

No prince was of better strenuitee.

And if he had to this time liued here,

He had bene Prince named withouten pere:

[Sidenote: The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost]

His great ships should haue ben put in preefe,

Vnto the ende that he ment of in cheefe,

For doubt it not but that he would haue bee

Lord and master about the round see:

And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence,

And wonne vs good, and wisely brought it thence:

That no passage should be without danger,

And his licence on see to moue and sterre.

Of vnitie, shewing of our keeping of the see: with an endly or finall

processe of peace by authoritie. Chap. 12.

[Sidenote: Exhortatio generales in custodiam totius Angliæ per diligentiam

custodiæ circutus maris circa littora eiusdem: quæ debet esse per

vnanimitatem Consilariorum regis, & hominum bonæ voluntatus.]

Now than for loue of Christ, and of his ioy,

Bring it England out of trouble and noy:

Take heart and witte, and set a gouernance,

Set many wits withouten variance,

To one accord and vnanimitee.

Put to good will for to keepe the see.

First for worship and profite also,

And to rebuke of eche euill willed foe.

Thus shall worship and riches to vs long.

Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong,

To beare that coyne in figure and in deede,

To our courage, and to our enemies dreede:

For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste,

Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste.

As this processe hath proued by and by

All by reason and expert policy;

And by stories which proued well this parte:

Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte,

But many londs would seche her peace for nede,

The see well kept: it must be doo for drede.

Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee

And peace with vs: it will non other bee,

Within short while: and ambassadours

Would bene here soone to treate for their succours.

[Sidenote: Tres sunt causæ prædictæ custodiæ scilcet, honor commodum

regnum, & opprobrium inimicis.]

This vnitie is to God pleasance:

And peace after the werres variance.

The ende of battaile is peace sikerly,

And power causeth peace finally.

Kept than the sea about in speciall,

Which of England is the towne wall.

As though England were likened to a citie,

And the wall enuiron were the see

Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England:

And than is England kept by Goddes hande;

That as for any thing that is without,

England were at ease withouten doubt,

And thus should euery lond one with another

Entercommon as brother with his brother

And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie,

Without rancour in very charitie,

In rest and peace, to Christes great pleasance,

Without strife, debate and variance.

Which peace men should enserche with businesse,

And knit it saddely holding in holinesse.

[Sidenote: Ephes. 4. Solliciti sitis seruare vnitatem spiritus in vinculo

pacis.]

The Apostle seith, if ye list to see,

Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee

Of the spirit in the bond of peace.

Which is nedeful to all withouten lese.

The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire

To pursue it, this is holy desire.

Our Lord Iesu saith, Blessed motte they bee

That maken peace; that is tranquillitee.

[Sidenote: Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur.]

For peace makers, as Matthew writeth aright,

Should be called the sonnes of God almight.

God giue vs grace, the weyes for to keepe

Of his precepts, and slugly not to sleepe

In shame of sinne: that our verry foo

Might be to vs conuers, and turned so.

[Sidenote: Cum placuerint Domino viæ hominis eius inimicos ad pacem

conuertet]

For in the Prouerbs is a text to this purpose

Plaine inough without any glose:

When mens weyes please vnto our Lord,

It shall conuert and bring to accord

Mans enemies vnto peace verray,

In vnitie, to liue to Goddis pay,

With vnitie, peace, rest and charitie.

Hee that was here cladde in humanitie,

That came from heauen, and styed vp with our nature,

Or hee ascended, he gaue to vs cure,

And left with vs peace, ageyne striffe and debate,

Mote giue vs peace, so well irradicate

Here in this world: that after all this feste

[Sidenote: Vrbs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio.]

Wee may haue peace in the land of beheste

Ierusalem, which of peace is the sight,

With his brightnes of eternall light,

There glorified in rest with his tuition,

The Deitie to see with full fruition:

Hee second person in diuinenesse is,

Who vs assume, and bring vs to the blis. Amen

Here endeth the true procease of the Libel of English policie, exhorting

all England to keepe the sea enuiron: shewing what profit and saluation,

with worship commeth thereof to the reigne of England.

Goe forth Libelle, and meekely shew thy face;

Appearing euer with humble countenance:

And pray my Lords to take in grace,

In opposaile and cherishing the aduance.

To hardines if that not variance

Thou hast fro trought by full experience

Authors and reasons: if ought faile in substance

Remit to hem that yafe thee this science;

That seth it is soth in verray fayth,

[Sidenote: The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke.]

That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford

Hath thee ouerseene, and verely he saith

That thou art true, and thus he doeth record,

Next the Gospel: God wotte it was his worde,

When hee thee redde all ouer in a night.

Goe forth trew booke, and Christ defend thy right.

_Explicit libellus de Politia conseruatiua maris_.

* * * * *

Breuis Commentarius de Islandia: quo Scriptorum de hac Insula errores

deteguntur, & extraneorum quorundam conuitijs, ac calumnijs, quibus

Islandis liberiùs insultare solent, occurritur: per Arngrimum Ionam

Islandum. Serenissimo Principi ac Domino, domino Christiano IIII, Daniæ,

Noruegiæ, Vandalorum, Gothorúmque, Regi electo: Slesuici, Holsatiæ,

Stormariæ & Dithmarsiæ Duci: Comiti in Oldenburg & Delmenhorst: Domino

suo clementissimo.

Præclaram sanè apud Historicos meretur laudem, Sereniss. Princeps, Anchuri

illius Midæ regis filij ausus plusquam humanus, & in patriam pietas, ferè

exemplo carens, quòd ad occludendum ingentem circa Celænam Phrygiæ oppidum,

terræ hiatum, quotidie homines haud exiguo numero, & quicquid in propinquo

erat, absorbentem, sese vltrò obtulerit. Cum enim ab oraculo Midas pater

accepisset, non prius conclusum iri istam voraginem, quam res eò

preciosissimæ immitterentur: Anchurus existimans, nihil esse anima

pretiosius, sese viuum in illud profundissimum chasma præcipitem dedit:

ídque tanto animi cum feruore, vt neque parentis desiderio, neque

dulcissimæ coniugis amplexu vel lachrymis, ab isto proposito se retrahi

passus sit.

Nec inferiorem multò consecuti sunt gloriam Sperthius & Bulis, Lacedæmonij,

qui ad auertendam potentissimi Regis Persarum Xerxis, ob occisos à

Lacedemonijs Darij patris legatos, vltionem, ad Regem profecti sunt, & vt

legatorum necem in se, non in patria vlcisceretur, erectis & constantibus

animis sese obtulerunt.

Quæ verò res, Sereniss. Princeps, illos ac alios complures mouit, vt patriæ

flagrantes amore, nullum pro ea periculum, nullas molestias, imò ne mortem

ipsam recusarint, ea profectò me quoque impulit, non quidem, vt quemadmodum

illi, mortem sponte oppeterem, aut me mactandum vltro offerrem, sed tamen,

vt id quòd solum possem, in gratiam patriæ tentarem: Hoc est, vt scriptorum

de ea errores colligerem & rumusculos vanos refellerem: Ac ita rem profectò

periculosam, & multorum forsan sinistro obnoxiam iudicio, aggrederer.

In eo proposito me etiam Cn. Pompeij exemplum confirmauit: Quem rei

frumentariaæ apud Romanos procuratorem, cum in summa Vrbis annonæ

charitate, in Sicilia, Sardinia & Africa frumentum collegisset, maiorem

patriæ, quàm sui, tradunt rationem habuisse. Cum enim Romam versus

properaret, & ingenti ac periculosa oborta tempestate, Naucleros trepidare,

nec se ventorum aut maris sævitiæ committere velle animaduerteret, ipse

nauim primus ingressus, anchoras tolli iussit, in hæc verba exclamans: Vt

nauigemus vrget necessitas: vt viuamus, non vrget. Quibus vir

prudentissimus innuisse videtur, patriæ periclitantis maiorem habendam

rationem, quàm priuatæ incolumitatis.

Hunc ego sic imitor,

(Si parua licet componere magnis, & muscam Elephanto conferre) vt collectis

ac comportatis ijs, quibus ad succurrendum gentis nostræ nomini ac famæ,

apud extraneos, ex maleuolorum quorundam inuidia iam diu laboranti vterer;

paucula hæc in lucem emittere, méque pelago huic quantumuis turbulento

committere, lintea ventis tradere, cúmque illo exclamare non dubitem: Vt

scribamus, vrget necessitas: Vt verò scriptum nostrum, cuiusuis, delicato

palato, vbíque satisfaciat, aut omnem Momi proteruiam effugiat, non vrget.

Institutum meum complures probaturos spero: successum forsan non itidem

omnes probabunt. Nihiiominus tamen maiorem habendam rationem patriæ,

multorum hactenus opprobria & contumelias sustinentis, quàm siue laudis,

siue vituperationis, ad me ipsum hinc forsan redituræ, existimabam. Quid

enim causæ esse potest, cur nonnullorum odium & inuidentiam, cum hoc

patriæ, benefaciendi seu gratificandi studio fortè coniunctam recusem?

Quodsi scriptorum errores liberius notare, si quorundam calumnias durius

perstringere videbor, eos tamen æquos me habiturum censores confido, qui

paulò diligentius animaduertere volent, quam parùm tolerabiles sint

scriptorum de nostra gente errores: quot etiam & quàm graues quorundam in

nos calumniæ, quibus nationem nostram varijs modis laccssiuere, & etiamnum

lacessere non desistunt. Dandum etiam aliquid omnibus congenito soli

natalis amori est; Dandum iusto, ob hanc patriæ illatam iniuriam, dolori.

Et ego quidem, quantum fieri potuit, vbíque mihi temperaui, ac à conuitijs

abstinere volui: quòd si quid videatur mollius dicendnm fuisse, id prædicta

ratione veniam, spero, merebitur.

Cum igitur hæc mihi subeunda sit alea, quod omnibus scriptum aliquod

edituris in more positum animaduerto, id mihi hoc tempore solicitè curandum

est: Nempè vt patronum & mecænatem aliquem huic meo commentariolo quæram,

sub cuius nomine & numine, tutius in vulgi manus exeat.

Eam igitur ad rem nihil poterit contingere optatius, vestra, clementissime

Princeps Sereniss. Maiestate: Et enim nos ei, qui vitam & fortunas nostras

in suam potestatem & tutelam accepit, ei inquam, nomen quoque gentis nostræ

innocenter contaminatum, curæ vt sit, supplices rogamus.

Imò verò, Rex clementiss. non solùm ad hanc rem, S. Maiestatis V. clemens

implorare auxilium necessum habemus; Sed ad multa quoque alia, quæ in

nostra patria desiderantur, aut quæ alioqui ad huius vtilitatem & salutem

communem spectant: quæque non per me, sed per summorum nostræ gentis

viroram libellos supplices hoc tempore exponuntur, aut certè breui

exponentur. Nihil enim dubitamus quin S. V. Maiestas, Christianissimorum

maiorum exemplo, etiam nostram patriam, inter reliquas imperij sui Insulas,

sua cura & protectione regia dignari velit. Nam quæ nostra est ad S.

Maiestatem V. confugiendi necessitas, ea est S. Maiestatis V. in nobis

subleuandis, curandis & protegendis, gloria: Et ob nutritam extremi ferè

orbis Arctoi ecclesiam, in remotissimis M. V. imperij finibus, quæ

tranquillitatem & tuta singulari Dei beneficio halcyonia habet, præmium, ac

reposita in coelis immarcessibilis vitæ æternæ corona.

Cæterum cùm illa huius loci non sint, id quod mei est propositi subiungo: &

à S. Maiestate V. ea, qua par est, amimi submissione peto, vt huic meæ

opellæ & studio in patriam collato, fauere, & patroni benigni esse loco,

clementer dignetur. Quod superest, Sereniss. Princeps, Dom. clementissime,

Maiestatem V. sapientiæ & prudentiæ, omniúmque adeò virtutnm heroicarum

indies incrementa sumentem, ad summum imperij fastigium, summas ille

regnorum, omniúmque adeò rerum humanaram dispensator, Deos opt. max.

euehat: Euectam, omni rerum foelicissimo successu continuè beet: Beatámque

hoc modo, vt summum horum regnorum ornamentum, columen, præesidium,

Ecclesiæ clypeum & munimen, quàm diutissimè conseruet: Ac tandem in altera

vita, in solido regni coelestis gaudio, cùm præcipuis ecclesiæ Dei

nutritijs, syderis instar, illustrem fulgere faciat. Faxit etiam idem Pater

clementis. vt hæc vota, quanto sæpius, in amplissimorum Maiestatis V.

regnorum & Insularem quouis angulo, quotidiè repetuntur ac ingeminantur,

tantò rata magis & certiora, maneant.

Haffniæ 1593. Mense Mart.

S. M. V. humiliter subiectus:

Aragrimos Ionas Islandus.

The same in English.

A briefe commentarie of Island: wherein the errors of such as haue written

concerning this Island, are detected, and the slanders, and reproches of

certaine strangers, which they haue vsed ouer-boldly against the people

of Island are confuted.

By Arngrimus Ionas, of Island.

To the most mighty Prince and Lord, Lord Christian the 4. [Footnote:

Christian IV. was the last elective king of Denmark and Norway. Frederick

III. in 1665 changed the constituion to an hereditary monarchy, vested in

his own family.] of Denmarke, Norway, and of the Vandals and Gothes, King

elect: of Sleswic, Holste, Stormar, and Dithmarse Duke: Earle of

Oldenburg, and Delmenhorst: His most gratious Lord.

That heroical attempt of Anchurus, sonne of King Midas (most gratious

prince) and that pietie towards his countrey in maner peerelesse, deserueth

highly to be renowmed in histories: in that freely and couragiously he

offered his owne person, for the stopping vp of an huge gulfe of earth,

about Celoena, a towne in Phrigia, which daily swallowed multitudes of men

and whatsoeuer else came neere vnto it. For when his father Midas was

aduertised by the Oracle, that the said gulfe should not be shut vp, before

things most precious were cast into it; Anchurus deeming nothing to be more

inualuable then life plunged himselfe aliue downe headlong into that

bottomless hole; and that with so great vehemencie of mind, that neither by

his fathers request nor by the allurements and teares of his most amiable

wife, he suffered himselfe to be drawne backe from this his enterprise.

[Footnote: It is added that Midas raised an altar to Jupiter on the spot.]

Sperthius also and Bulis, two Lacedemonians, were not much inferiour to the

former, who to turne away the reuenge of Xerxes that most puissant King of

the Persians, entended against the Lacedemonians, for killing the

ambassadors of his father Darius, hyed them vnto the sayd king and that he

might auenge the ambassadours death vpon them, not vpon their countrey,

with hardy, and constant mindes presented themselues before him.

The very same thing (most gracious prince) which moued them and many others

being enflamed with the loue of their countrey, to refuse for the benefite

thereof, no danger, no trouble, no nor death it selfe, the same thing (I

say) hath also enforced me, not indeed to vndergoe voluntarie death, or

freely to offer my selfe vnto the slaughter, but yet to assay that which I

am able for the good of my countrey: namely, that I may gather together and

refute the errors, and vaine reports of writers, concerning the same: and

so take vpon me a thing very dangerous, and perhaps subiect to the sinister

iudgement of many.

In this purpose the example of Cneius Pompeius hath likewise confirmed me:

who being chosen procurator for corne among the Romanes, and in an extreme

scarcetie and dearth of the citie hauing taken vp some store of grains in

Sicilia, Sardinia, and Africa, is reported to haue had greater regard of

his countrey, then of himselfe. For when he made haste towards Rome, and a

mighty and dangerous tempest arising, he perceiued the Pilots to tremble,

and to be vnwilling to commit themselues to the rigor of the stormie sea,

himselfe first going on boord, and commanding the anchors to be weighed,

brake foorth into these words: That we should sayle necessitie vrgeth: but

that we should liue, it vrgeth not. In which words he seemeth wisely to

inferre, that greater care is to be had of our countrey lying in danger,

then of our owne priuate safetie.

This man doe I thus imitate,

If small with great as equals may agree:

And Flie with Elephant compared bee.

Namely that gathering together and laying vp in store those things which

might be applied to succour the fame and credite of our nation, hauing now

this long time bene oppressed with strangers, through the enuie of certeine

malicious persons, I boldly aduenture to present these fewe meditations of

mine vnto the viewe of the world, and so hoysing vp sailes to commit my

selfe vnto a troublesome sea, and to breake foorth into the like speeches

with him: That I should write necessitie vrgeth: but that my writings in

all places should satisfie euery delicate taste, or escape all peeuishnes

of carpers it vrgeth not. I doubt not but many will allow this my

enterprise: the successe perhaps all men will not approue. Neuertheles, I

thought that there was greater regard to be had of my countrey, sustaining

so many mens mocks and reproches, then of mine owne praise or dispraise,

redounding perhaps vnto me vpon this occasion. For what cause should moue

me to shunne the enuie and hate of some men, being ioyned with an endeuour

to benefite and gratifie my countrey?

[Sidenote: The errors of the writers of Island intolerable.]

But if I shall seeme somewhat too bold in censuring the errors of writers,

or too seuere in reprehending the slanders of some men: yet I hope all they

will iudge indifferently of me, who shall seriously consider, how

intolerable the errors of writers are, concerning our nation: how many also

and how grieuous be the reproches of some, against vs, wherewith they haue

sundry wayes prouoked our nation, and as yet will not cease to prouoke.

They ought also to haue me excused in regard of that in-bred affection

rooted in the hearts of all men, towards their natiue soile, and to pardon

my iust griefe for these iniures offered vnto my countrey. And I in very

deed, so much as lay in me, haue in all places moderated my selfe, and haue

bene desirous to abstaine from reproches but if any man thinke, we should

haue vsed more temperance in our stile, I trust, the former reason will

content him.

Sithens therefore, I am to vndergo the same hazard, which I see is commonly

incident to all men that publish any writings: I must now haue especiall

regarde of this one thing: namely, of seeking out some patron, and Mecoenas

for this my briefe commentary, vnder whose name and protection it may more

safety passe through the hands of all men.

But for this purpose I could not finde out, nor wish for any man more fit

then your royal Maiestie, most gratious prince For vnto him, who hath

receiued vnder his power & tuition our liues and goods, vnto him (I say)

doe we make humble sute, that he would haue respect also vnto the credit of

our nation, so iniuriously disgraced.

Yea verily (most gracious King) we are constreined to craue your Maiesties

mercifull aide, not only in this matter, but in many other things also

which are wanting in our countrey, or which otherwise belong to the

publique commoditie and welfare thereof which not by me, but by the letters

supplicatory of the chiefe men of our nation, are at this time declared, or

will shortly be declared. For we doubt not but that your sacred Maiesties,

after the example of your Christian predecessors, will vouchsafe vnto our

countrey also, amongst other Islands of your Maiesties dominion, your

kingly care and protection. For as the necessitie of fleeing for redresse

vnto your sacred Maiestie, is ours so the glory of relieuing, regarding,

and protecting vs, shal wholy redound vnto your sacred Maiestie: as also,

there is layd vp for you, in respect of your fostering and preseruing of

Gods church, vpon the extreme northerly parts almost of the whole earth,

and in the vttermost bounds of your Maiesties dominion (which by the

singular goodnes of God, enioyeth at this present tranquillitie and quiet

safetie) a reward and crowne of immortall life in the heauens.

But considering these things are not proper to this place, I wil leaue

them, and returne to my purpose which I haue in hand: most humbly

beseeching your S. M. that yon would of your clemencie vouchsafe to become

a fauorer, and patron vnto these my labours and studies, for the behalfe of

my countrey.

It now remaineth (most gracious and mercifull souereigne) for vs to make

our humble prayers vnto almighty God, that king of kings, and disposer of

all humane affaires, that it would please him of his infinite goodnes, to

aduance your Maiestie (yearely growing vp in wisedome & experience, and all

other heroicall vertues) to the highest pitch of souereigntie: and being

aduanced, continually to blesse yon with most prosperous successe in all

your affaires: and being blessed, long to preserue you, as the chief

ornament, defence and safegarde of these kingdomes, and as the shield and

fortresse of his church: and hereafter in the life to come, to make you

shine glorious like a starre, amongst the principall nurcing fathers of

Gods Church, in the perfect ioy of his heauenly kingdome. The same most

mercifull father likewise grant, that these praiers, the oftener they be

dayly repeated and multiplied in euery corner of your Maiesties most ample

territories & Islands, so much the more sure and certain they may remaine,

Amen. At Haffnia, or Copen Hagen 1593. in the moneth of March. Y. S. M.

most humble subiect,

Arngrimus Ionas, Islander. [Footnote: A celebrated Icelandic astronomer,

disciple of Tycho Brahe, and coadjutor of the Bishop of Holen, died in 1649

at the great age of 95. His principal works, besides his Description and

History of Iceland, (published at Amsterdam in 1643, 4to), are _Idea Vera

Magistratus_ (Copenhagen, 1689, 8vo); _Rerum Islandicarum libri tres_

(Hamburg, 1630, 4to); _The Life of Gundebrand de Thorlac_, etc. He is

remembered amongst the peasantry of Iceland as the only instance known in

that country of a man of ninety-one marrying a girl in her teens.]

Benigno & pio Lectori salutem.

In lucem exijt circa annum Christi 1561. Hamburgi foetus valdè deformis,

patre quodam Germanico propola: Rhythmi videlicet Germanici, omnium qui

vnquam leguntur spurcissimi & mendacissimi in gentem Islandicam. Nec

sufficiebat sordido Typographo sordidum illum foetum semel emisisse, nisi

tertiùm etiam aut quartùm publicasset, quo videlicet magis innocenti genti

apud Germanos & Danos, aliósque vicinos populos summam & nunquam delendam

ignominiam, quantum, in ipso fuit, inureret. Tantum Typographi huius odium

fuit, & ex re illicita lucri auiditas. Et hoc in illa ciuitate, quæ

plurimos annos commercia sua magno suorum cùm lucro in Islandia exercuit,

impunè fecit. Ioachimus Leo nomen illi est, dignus certè qui Leones pascat.

Reperiuntur præterea multi alij scriptores, qui cum miracula naturæ, quæ in

hac Insula creduntur esse plurima, & gentis Islandicæ mores ac instituta

describere se velle putant, à re ipsa & veritate prorsus aberrarunt,

nautarnm fabulas plusquam aniles, & vulgi opiniones vanissimas secuti. Hi

Scriptores etsi non tam spurca & probrosa reliquerunt, quàm sordidus iste

Rhythmista: multa tamen sunt in illorum scriptis, quæ illos excusare non

possunt, aut prorsus liberare, quo minus innocentem gentem suis scriptis

deridendam alijs exposuerint. Hæc animaduertens, legens, expendens, subinde

nouis, qui Islandorum nomen & æstimationem læderent, scriptoribus ortis,

alienorum laborum suffuratoribus impudicis, qui etiam non desinunt gentem

nostram nouis conspurcare mendacijs, lectorésque noua monstrorum

enumeratione & descriptionibus fictis deludere, sæpe optabam esse aliquem,

qui ad errata Historicorum, & aliorum iniquorum censorum responderet,

quíque aliquo scripto innocentem gentem à tot conuicijs si non liberaret,

certè aliquo modo apud pios & candidos Lectores defenderet. Quare hoc

tempore Author eram honesto studioso, _Arngrimo Ionæ_ F. vt reuolutis

scriptorum monumentis, qui de Islandia aliquid scripserunt, errores &

mendacia solidis rationibus detegeret. Ille etsi primò reluctabatur, vicit

tamen demum admonitio, amórque communis patriæ, ita vt hunc qualemcunque

commentariolum conscriberet, non ex vanis vulgi fabulis, sed & ex sua &

multorum fide dignorum experientia, comprobationibus sumptis.

Ille verò, qui hanc rem meo est aggressus instinctu, vicissim à me suo

quasi iure flagitabat, vt in has pagellas, vel tribus saltem verbis

præfarer: existimans aliquid fidei vel authoritatis opusculo inde

conciliatum iri. Quare vt mentem breuiter exponam: Ego quidem & honestam &

necessariam quoque operam nauasse eum iudico, qui non modò scriptorum

varias sententias de rebus ignotis perpendere, & inuicem conferre, nec non

ad veritatis & experientiæ censuram exigere: Sed etiam patriam à venenatis

quorundam sycophantarum morsibus vindicare conatus sit. Æquum est igitur,

Lector optime, vt quicquid hoc est opusculi, velut sanctissimo veritatis &

patriæ amore aduersus Zoilorum proteruiam munitum & muniendum excipias.

Vale.

Gudbrandus Thorliacus Epìscopus

Holensis in Islandia.

Anno 1592. Iul. 29.

[Footnote: In the _original_ edition of the description of Iceland by

Arngrimus, follow these lines:

¶ Authoris ad Lectorem.

Imbute Lector suauis arte Palladis,

Lector benigne, humane, multùm candide,

Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria:

Has videris si fortè quando paginas

Non lectione síque dedignabere,

Fac, nos tuo candori vt hæc committimus

Et æquitati, fronte sic non tetrica,

Vultu legas nec ista quando turbido:

Communis vnquam sortis haud sis immemor,

Infirmitas quam nostra nobis contulit.

Obnoxius nam non quis est mortalium

Erroribus næuísque semper plurimis?

Quod si diu multúmque cogitauens,

Nostris eris conatibus paulò æquior,

Tuis & isto rite pacto consules:

Candore nam quo nostra arctans vtere,

En te legentes rursus vtentur pari:

Sic ipse semper alteri quæ feceris.

Æqualitatis lege & hæc fient tibi.

De gente multis prædicata Islandica

Authoribus quamuis probata maximis,

Nostro periclo hucúsque vulgò credita,

Licere nobis credimus refellere,

Non vt notam scriptorum muram nomini,

Nostrum sed à nota probosa vindicem:

Hoc institutum iúsque fásque comprobant:

Hoc nostra consuetudo léxque comprobant:

Hoc digna lectu exempla denique comprobant.

Ergo faue: nostris faue conatibus,

Sis mitis indulgens et æquus arbiter,

O lector arte imbute suauis Palladis,

Lector benigne, amice, multum candide,

Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria.]

The same in English.

To the courteous and Christian reader Gudbrandus Thorlacius, Bishop of

Holen in Island, wisheth health.

There came to light about the yeare of Christ 1561, a very deformed impe,

begotten by a certain Pedlar of Germany: namely a booke of German rimes of

al that euer were read the most filthy and most slanderous against the

nation of Island. Neither did it suffice the base printer once to send

abroad that base brat, but he must publish it also thrise or foure times

ouer: that he might thereby, what lay in him, more deepely disgrace our

innocent nation among the Germans, & Danes, and other neighbour countries,

with shamefull, and euerlasting ignominie. So great was the malice of this

printer, & his desire so greedy to get lucre, by a thing vnlawfull. And

this he did without controlment, euen in that citie, which these many yeres

hath trafficked with Island to the great gaine, and commodity of the

citizens. His name is Ioachimus Leo, a man worthy to become lions foode.

[Sidenote: Great errors grow vpon mariners fabulous reports.]

Moreouer, there are many other writers found, who when they would seeme to

describe the miracles of nature, which are thought to be very many in this

Island, & the maners, & customs of the Islanders, haue altogether swarued

from the matter and truth it selfe, following mariners fables more trifling

than old wiues tales, & the most vain opinions of the common sort. These

writers, although they haue not left behind them such filthy and reprochful

stuffe as that base rimer: yet there are many things in their writings that

wil not suffer them to be excused, & altogether acquited from causing an

innocent nation to be had in derision by others. Wherefore marking,

reading, & weighing these things with my selfe, & considering that there

dayly spring vp new writers, which offer iniury to the fame & reputation of

the Islanders, being such men also as do shamelesly filtch out of other

mens labours, deluding their readers with feined descriptions, & a new

rehearsal of monsters, I often wished that some one man would come forth,

to make answere to the errors of historiographers & other vniust censurers:

and by some writing, if not to free our innocent nation from so many

reproches, yet at leastwise, in some sort to defend it, among Christian &

friendly readers. And for this cause I haue now procured an honest and

learned young man one Arngrimus Fitz-Ionas, to peruse the works of authors,

that haue written anything concerning Island, and by sound reasons to

detect their errors, & falshoods. And albeit at the first he was very loth,

yet at length my friendly admonition, & the common loue of his countrey

preuailed with him so farre, that he compiled this briefe commentary,

taking his proofes, not out of the vaine fables of the people, but from his

owne experience, and many other mens also of sufficient credit.

Now, he that vndertooke this matter at my procurement, did againe as it

were by his owne authority chalenge at my hands, that I should in two or

three words at least, make a preface vnto his booke; thinking it might

gaine some credit, and authority thereby. Wherfore to speake my minde in a

word: for my part, I iudge hin to haue taken both honest & necessary

paines, who hath done his indeuour not onely to weigh the diuers opinions

of wrighters concerning things vnknowen, and to examine them by the censure

of trueth, and experience, but also to defend his countrey from the

venemous bitings of certaine sycophants. It is thy part therefore (gentle

reader) to accept this small treatise of his, being as it were guarded with

the sacred loue of truth, and of his countrey, against the peruersnes of

carpers. Farewel.

Anno 1592. Iulii 19.

COMMENTARII DE ISLANDIA INITIUM.

Quemadmodum in militia castrensi, alios nulla æqua ratione adductos, sed

ambitione, inuidia & auaritia motos, Martis castra sequi animaduertimus:

Alios verò iustis de causis arma sumere; vt qui vel doctrinæ coelestis

propagandæ aut seruandæ ergo bella mouent, vel aliquo modo lacessiti

paratam vim ac iniuriam repellunt, vel saltem non lacessiti, propter

obsidentem hostem metu in armis esse coguntur: Non secus Apollini

militantes: alij animo nequaquam bono, Philosophico seu verius Christiano,

ad scribendum feruntur: puta qui gloriæ cupiditate, qui liuore ac odio, qui

affectata ignorantia alios sugillant, vt ipsi potiores habeantur, nunc in

personam, nomen ac famam alicuius, nunc in gentem totam stylum acuentes,

atque impudenter quasi mentiendo, insontem nationem & populos

commaculantes: Alij verò contrà, animo ingenuo multa lucubrando inuestigant

& in lucem emittunt; vt qui scientiam Theologicam & Philosophicam scriptis

mandarunt, quique suis vigilijs veterum monumenta nobis explicuerunt: qui

quicquid in illis obscurum, imperfectum, inordinatum animaduerterunt, vsu &

experientia duce illustrarunt, explerunt, ordinarunt: qui mundi historias,

bona fide, æternæ memoriæ consecrarunt: qui linguarum cognitionem suis

indefessis laboribus iuuerunt: denique qui aliorum in se suamue gentem vel

patriam, licentiosam petulantiam reprimere, calumnias refellere, & quandam

quasi vim iniustam propulsare annixi sunt.

Et quidem ego, cui literas vix, ac ne vix quidem videre contigit, omnium

qui diuinæ Palladi nomen dederunt, longè infimus (vt id ingenuè de mea

tenuitate confitear) facere certè non possum, quin me, in illorum aciem

conferam, qui gentis suæ maculam abluere, veritatem ipsam asserere, &

conuitiantium iugum detrectare studuerunt: Maiora ingenio sors denegauit:

Id quoquo modo tentare compellit ipsius veritatis dignitas, & innatus amor

patriæ, quam extraneos nonnullos falsis rumoribus deformare, varijs

conuitijs, magna cum voluptate proscindere, aliísque nationibus deridendam

propinare comperimus. Quorum petulantiæ occurrere, & criminationes falsas,

detectis simul scriptorum de hac Insula erroribus, apud bonos & cordatos

viros, (Nam vulgus sui semper simile, falsi & vani tenacissimum, non est

quòd sperem me ab hac inueterata opinione abducere posse) diluere hoc

commentariolo decreui.

Etsi autem Islandia multos habet, vt ætate, ita ingenio & eruditione me

longe superiores, ideóque ad hanc causam patriæ suscipiendam multò magis

idoneos: Ego tamen optimi & clarissimi viri, Dom. Gudbrandi Thorlacij,

Episcopi Holensis, apud Islandos, sollicitationibus motus communi causæ,

pro viribus, nequaquam deesse volui, tum vt æquissimæ postulationi ipsius

parerem, atque amorem & studium debitum erga patriam declararem, tum vt

reliquos sympatriotas meos, in bonarum literarum scientia foelicius

versatos, atque in rerum plurimarum cognitione vlterius progresses, ad hoc

gentis nostræ patrocinium inuitarem: Tantum abest, vt ijs qui idem

conabuntur, obstaculo esse voluerim.

Cæterum vt ad rem redeamus, quoniam illi quicunque sunt nostræ gentis

obtrectatores, testimonio scripto se vti ac niti iactitant: videndum omnino

est, quidnam de Islandia, & quàm vera scriptores prodiderint, vt si fortè

isti, alijs in nos dicendi aliquam occasionem dederint, patefactis ipsorum

erroribus (nolo enim quid durius dicere) quàm meritò nos calumnientur,

reliquis planum fiat, Porrò, quamuis vetustiorum quorundam scripta de hac

Insula, ad veritatis & experientiæ normam exigere non verear: Tamen nobis

eorundem alioqui sacra est memoria, reuerenda dignitas, suspicienda

eruditio, laudanda voluntas & in Rempub. literariam studium; Nouitij verò,

si qui sunt id genus scriptores, aut verius pasquilli, cum ijs longè

veriora quàm scripserant, audire & nosse de Islandia licuerit, sua leuitate

& ingenio malè candido, nihil nisi inuidiæ & calumniæ maculam lucrati esse

videbuntur.

[Sidenote: Commentarij duæ partes.]

Atque vt Commentarius hic noster aliquid ordinis habeat, duo erunt

propositæ orationis capita, vnum de Insula, de incolis alterum: quantum

quidem de his duobus capitibus Scriptores qui in nostris manibus versantur,

annotatum reliquerunt: Quoniam vltra has metas vagari, vel plura quàm hæc

ipsa, & quæ huc pertinere videbuntur attingere nolo. Non enim ex professo

Historicum vel geographum sed disputatorem tantùm agimus. [Sidenote: Primæ

partis tractatio.] Itaque omissa longiore præfatione partem primam, quæ est

de situ, nomine, miraculis & alijs quibusdam adiunctis Insulæ, aggrediamur.

The same im English.

HERE BEGINNETH THE COMMENTARY OF ISLAND.

Euen as in war, dayly experience teacheth vs, that some vpon no iust &

lawful grounds (being egged on by ambition, enuie, and couetise) are

induced to follow the armie, and on the contrary side, that others arme

themselues vpon iust and necessary causes: namely such as go to battell for

the defence and propagation of the Gospel, or such as being any way

prouoked thereunto, doe withstand present violence and wrong, or at least

(not being prouoked) by reason of the enemie approching are constrained to

be vp in armes right so, they that fight vnder Apolloes banner. Amongst

whom, a great part, not vpon any honest, philosophical, or indeede

Christian intention, addresse themselues to wright: especially such as for

desire of glory, for enuy and spight, or vpon malicious and affected

ignorance, carpe at others: and that they may be accompted superiours,

sometimes whette their stiles against the person, name and fame of this or

that particular man, sometimes inueighing against a whole countrey, and by

shamelesse vntrueths disgracing innocent nations and people. Againe, others

of an ingenuous minde, doe by great industry, search and bring to light

things profitable: namely, they that write of Diuinity, Philosophy, History

and such like: and they who (taking vse and experience for their guides) in

the said Sciences haue brought things obscure to light, things maimed to

perfection, and things confused to order: and they that haue faithfully

commended to euerlasting posteritie, the stories of the whole world: that

by their infinite labours haue aduaunced the knowledge of tongues: to be

short, that endeuour themselues to represse the insolencie, confute the

slanders, and withstand the vniust violence of others, against themselues,

their Nation or their Countrey:

And I for my part, hauing scarce attained the sight of good letters, and

being the meanest of all the followers of Minerua (that I may freely

acknowledge mine owne wants) can do no lesse then become one of their

number, who haue applied themselues to ridde their countrey from dishonor,

to auouch the trueth, and to shake off the yoke of railers & reuilers. My

estate enabled me onely to write; howbeit the excellencie of trueth and the

in bred affection I beare to my countrey enforceth me to do the best I can:

sithens it hath pleased some strangers by false rumours to deface, and by

manifolde reproches to iniurie my sayd countrey, making it a by word, and a

langhing-stocke to all other nations. To meet with whose insolencie and

false accusations, as also to detect the errours of certeine writers

concerning this Island, vnto good and well affected men (for the common

people will be alwayes like themselues, stubbornly mainteining that which

is false and foolish, neither can I hope to remooue them from this

accustomed and stale opinion) I haue penned the treatise following.

And albeit Island is not destitute of many excellent men, who, both in age,

wit, and learning, are by many degrees my superiors, and therefore more fit

to take the defence of the countrey into their hands: notwithstanding,

being earnestly perswaded thereunto, by that godly & famous man Gudbrandus

Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island, I thought good (to the vtmost of mine

ability) to be no whit wanting vnto the common cause: both that I might

obey his most reasonable request, and also that I might encourage other of

my countreymen, who haue bene better trained vp in good learning, and

indued with a greater measure of knowledge then I my selfe, to the defence

of this our nation: so farre am I from hindering any man to vndertake the

like enterprise.

But to returne to the matter, because they (whatsoeuer they be) that

reproch and maligne our nation, make their boast that they vse the

testimonies of writers: we are seriously to consider, what things, and how

true, writers haue reported of Island, to the end that if they haue giuen

(perhaps) any occasion to others of inueying against vs, their errours

being layd open (for I will not speake more sharpely) all the world may see

how iustly they do reproch vs. And albeit I nothing doubt to examine some

ancient writers of this Island, by the rule of trueth and experience: yet

(otherwise) their memory is precious in our eyes, their dignity reuerend,

their learning to be had in honour, and their zeale and affection towards

the whole common wealth of learned men, highly to be commended: but as for

nouices (if there be any such writers or rather pasquilles) when they shall

heare and know truer matters concerning Island, then they themselues haue

written, they shall seeme by their inconstancie and peruerse wit to haue

gained nought else but a blacke marke of enuy and reproch.

And that this commentarie of mine may haue some order, it shall be diuided

into two general parts: the first of the Island, the second of the

inhabitants: and of these two but so farfoorth as those writers which are

come to our hands haue left recorded: because I am not determined to wander

out of these lists, or to handle more then these things and some other

which perteine vnto them. For I professe not my selfe an Historiographer,

or Geographer, but onely a Disputer. Wherefore omitting a longer Preface,

let vs come to the first part concerning the situation, the name, miracles,

and certaine other adiuncts of this Iland.

SECTIO PRIMA.

[Sidenote: Munst. lib. 4. Cosmograph.] Insula Islandiæ, quæ per immensum à

cæteris secreta longè sita est in Oceano, vixque à nauigantibus

agnoscitur, &c.

Et si hæc tractare, quæ ipsam terram vel illius adiuncta seu proprietates

concernunt, ad gentem vel incolas à calumniantium morsu vindicandos parùm

faciat: tamen id nequaquam omittendum videtur. Sed de his primùm, & quidem

prolixiùs aliquantò agendum est, vt perspecto, quàm vera de hac re tradant

illi Islandiæ scriptores, facilè inde candidus Lector, in ijs quæ de

Incolis scripta reliquerant, quæque ab illis alij, tanquam Dijs

prodentibus, acceperunt, vnde sua in gentem nostram ludibria depromi aiunt,

quantum fidei mereantur, iudicet.

Primum igitur distantiam Islandiæ à reliquis terris non immensam esse, nec

tantam, quanta vulgò putatur, si quis insulæ longitudinem & latitudinem

aliquo modo cognitam haberet, facilè demonstrari posset. Non enim id alio,

quàm isto cognosci exactè posse modo existimarim, cum nulli dubium sit,

quàm semper nautarum vel rectissimus, vt illis videtur, cursus aberret.

Quare varias authorum de situ Islandiæ sententias subiungam, vt inde quiuis

de distantia id colligat, quod maximè verisimile videbitur, donec fortè

aliquando propria edoctus experientia, meam quoque sententiam si non

interponam, tamen adiungam.

Longit. Latitud.

Munsterus Islandiam collocat sub

gradibus ferè 20 68

Gerardus Mercator 352 68

Gemma Frisius:

Medium Islandiæ: 7 0 65 30

Hersee: 7 40 60 42

Thirtes: 5 50 64 44

Nadar: 6 40 57 20

Iacobi Ziegleri:

Littus Islandiæ Occident. 20 63

Chos promontorium: 22 46 63

Latus orientale extenditur contra

Septentrionem: & finis extensionis

habet 30 68

Latus septentrionale contra occidentem

extenditur, & finis extensionis

habet 28 69

Lateris Occidentalis descriptio.

Heckelfel promontorium 25 67

Madher promontorium 21 20 65 10

Ciuitates in ea mediterraneæ sunt

Holen Episcopalis 28 67 50

Schalholten Episcopalis 22 63 30

Reinholdus.

Per Holen Islandiæ 68

Ioh. Myritius.

Per Med. Islandiæ 69

Neander.

Islandia tribus gradibus in circulum

vsque Arcticum ab æquinoctiali

excurrit, adeò ferè, vt

mediam circulus ille secet, &c.

Et si qui sunt præterea, qui vel in mappis, vel alioqui suis scriptis

Insulæ situm notarunt, quorum plures sententias referre nihil attinet, cùm

quò plures habeas, eò magis dissidentes reperias. Ego quamuis verisimiles

coniecturas habeo, cur nullæ citatæ de Islandiæ situ sententiæ assentiar,

quin potius diuersum quippiam ab ijs omnibus statuam, tamen id ipsum in

dubio relinquere malo, quàm quicquam non exploratum satis affirmare, donec,

vt dixi, fortè aliquando non coniecturam, sed obseruationem & experientiam

propriam afferre liceat.

[Sidenote: Bidui nauigatio ab Islandia ad Noruagiam desertam.]

Distantiam ab ostio Albis ad portum Istandiæ meridionalis Batzende, quidam

scripserat esse circiter 400. milliarium: Vnde si longitudinis differentiam

ad meridianum Hamburgensem supputaueris, nullam modò positarum longitudinum

habebit illo in loco Islandia. Ego ternis Hamburgensium nauigationibus

docere possum, septimo die Hamburgum ex Islandia peruentum esse. Præterea

etiam, Insulæ quæ ab ouium multitudine Færeyjar, seu rectius Faareyjar

dictæ sunt, bidui nauigatione, vt & littora Noruagiæ deserta distant.

Quatridui verò nauigatione in Gronlandiam habitabilem, & pari ferè temporis

interuallo, ad prouinciam Noruagiæ Stad. inter opida Nidrosiam & Bergas

sitam peruenitur, quemadmodum in harum nationum vetustis codicibus

reperimus.

The same in English.

THE FIRST SECTION.

[Sidenote: Munsterus lib. 4. cosmographiæ] The Isle of Island being seuered

from other countreys an infinite distance, standeth farre into the Ocean,

and is scarse knowen vnto Sailers.

Albeit a discourse of those things which concerne the land, and the

adiuncts or properties thereof be of little moment to defend the nation or

inhabitants from the biting of slanderers, yet seemeth it in no case to be

omitted, but to be intreated of in the first place; that the friendly

reader perceiuing how truely those writers of Island haue reported in this

respect, may thereby also easily iudge what credit is to be giuen vnto them

in other matters which they haue left written concerning the inhabitants,

and which others haue receiued from them as oracles, from whence (as they

say) they haue borrowed scoffes and taunts against our nation.

First therefore, that the distance of Island from other countreys is not

infinite, nor indeed so great as men commonly imagine, it might easily be

prouided, if one did but in some sort know the true longitude & latitude of

the said Iland. For I am of opinion that it cannot exactly be knowen any

other way then this, whenas it is manifest how the Mariners course (be it

neuer so direct, as they suppose) doth at all times swerue. In the meane

while therfore I will set downe diuers opinions of authors, concerning the

situation of Island, that from hence euery man may gather that of the

distance which seemeth most probable, vntil perhaps my selfe being one day

taught by mine owne experience, may, if not intrude, yet at least adioin,

what I shal thinke true as touching this matter. [Footnote: The real

position of Iceland is 700 miles west of Norway, 200 miles east of

Greenland, and 320 miles north-west of the Faroe Islands. It lies between

latitude 63° 25 and 66° 32 north and longitude 13° 30' and 24° 30' west;

length east to west 280 miles; breadth 210 miles. It will be thus seen that

while Frisius is nearly right in his latitude, Gerard Mercator is

considerably out. As regards the longitude, whilst Munster's estimate is

converted to the standard of Greenwich, Mercator's reckoning is from

Copenhagen or Hamburg, and Frisius has reckoned east of Reikiavik or

Skallholt.]

Longit. Latitud.

deg min. deg min.

Munster placeth Island almost in 20 68

Gerardus Mercator 325 68

Gemma Frisius placeth the midst

of Island 7 0 65 30

Hersee 7 40 60 42

Thirtes 5 50 64 44

Nadar 6 40 57 10

Iacobus Zieglerus

The West shore of Island 20 0 63 0

The promontorie of Chos 22 46 63 0

The East shore is extended

Northward, and hath bounds

of extension in 30 0 68 0

The North shore is extended

Westward and hath bounds of

extension in 28 0 69 0

The description of the West side

The promontorie of Heckelfell 25 0 67 0

The promontorie of Madher 21 20 65 10

The inland cities of Island

Holen the seat of a bishop 28 0 67 50

Schalholten the seat of a bishop 22 63 30

Reinholdus

By Holen in Island 68

Iohannes Miritius

By Mid-Island 69-1/2

Neander

Island stretcheth it selfe 3 degrees

within the circle arctic from the

equinoctial, insomuch that the

said circle arctic doeth almost

diuide it in the midst &c.

There be others also, who either in their maps, or writings haue noted the

situation of Island: notwithstanding it is to no purpose to set downe any

more of their opinions, because the more you haue, the more contrary shall

you finde them. For my part, albeit I haue probable coniectures perswading

me not to beleeue any of the former opinions, concerning the situation of

Island, but to dissent from them all: yet had I rather leaue the matter in

suspense then affirme an vncerteinty, vntill (as I haue sayd) I may be able

perhappes one day not to gesse at the matter, but to bring forth mine owne

obseruation, and experience.

[Sidenote: Seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburg Island but two dayes

sailing distant from Faar-Islands & from the desert shores of Norway.]

A certeine writer hath put downe the distance betweene the mouth of Elbe &

Batzende in the South part of Island to be 400 leagues: from whence if you

shall account the difference of longitude to the meridian of Hamburgh,

Island must haue none of the forenamed longitudes in that place. I am able

to proue by three sundry voyages of certaine Hamburgers, that it is but

seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburgh. Besides all those Islands,

which by reason of the abundance of sheepe, are called Fareyiar or more

rightly Faareyiar,[Footnote: Faroe Islands.] as likewise the desert shores

of Norway, are distant from vs but two dayes sailing. We haue foure dayes

sailing into habitable Gronland; and almost in the same quantitie of time

we passe ouer to the prouince of Norway, called Stad, lying betweene the

townes of Nidrosia or Trondon, [Footnote: Trondheim.] and Bergen, as we

finde in the ancient records of these nations.

SECTIO SECUNDA.

[Sidenote: Munsterus, Olaus magnus & reliqui.] In hac, æstiuo solstitio,

sole signum Cancri transeunte, nox nulla, brumali Solstitio proinde

nullus dies. Item, Vadianus. In ea autem Insula quæ longe Supra Arcticum

circulum in amplissimo Oceano sita est, Islandia hodie dicta, & terris

congelati maris proxima, quas Entgronlandt vocant, menses sunt plures

sine noctibus.

Nullum esse hyemali solstitio diem, id est, tempus quo sol supra horizontem

conspicitur in illo tantum Islandiæ angulo, si modò quis est, fatemur, vbi

polus ad integros 67. gradus attollitur. Holis autem, quæ est sedes

Episcopalis Borealis Islandiæ, sita etiam in angustissima & profundissima

conualle, latitudo est circiter grad. 65. 44. min. vt à Domino Gudbrando

eiusdem loci Episcopo accepimus, & illic diem breuissimum habemus ad

minimum duarum horarum, in meridionali autem Islandia longiorem, vt ex

artificum tabulis videre est. Vnde constat nec Islandiam vltra Arcticum

circulum positam esse, nec menses plures noctibus in æstiuo, vel diebus in

brumali solstitio carere.

The same in English.

THE SECOND SECTION.

[Sidenote: Munsterus, Olaus Magnus and others.] In this Iland, at the

Summer solstitium, the Sun passing thorow the signe of Cancer, there is

no night, and therefore at the Winter solstitium there is no day. Also:

Vadianus. But in that Iland, which farre within the artic circle is

seated in the maine Ocean, at this day called Island, and next vnto the

lands of the frozen sea, which they call Engrontland, there be many

moneths in the yere without nights.

At the solstitium of winter, that there is no day (that is to say, no time,

wherein the Sunne is seene aboue the horizon) we confesse to be true onely

in that angle of Island (if there be any such angle) where the pole is

eleuated full 67. degrees. But at Holen (which is the bishops seat for the

North part of Island, and lieth in a most deepe valley) the latitude is

about 65. degrees and 44. minutes, as I am enformed by the reuerend father,

Gudbrand, bishop of that place: and yet there, the shortest day in all the

yere is at least two houres long, and in South-Island longer, as it

appeareth by the tables of Mathematicians. [Sidenote: Island is not within

the circle arctic.] Heerehence it is manifest, first that Island is not

situate beyond the arctic circle: [Footnote: This is true, except for the

very small portion of Iceland round about Cape North.] secondly, that in

Island there are not wanting in Summer solstitium many nights, nor in

Winter solstitium many dayes.

SECTIO TERTIA.

[Sidenote: Musterus Saxo.] Nomen habet à glacie quæ illi perpetuo ad Boream

adheret Item. A latere Occidentali Noruagiæ Insula, quæ Glacialis

dicitur, magno circumfusa Oceano repentur, obsoletæ admodum habitationis

tellus, &c. Item, Hæc est Thyle, nulli veterum non celebrata.

Nomen habet à glacie) Tria nomina consequenter sortita est Islandia.

[Sidenote: Snelandia.] Nam qui omnium primus eius inuentor fuisse creditur

Naddocus genere Noruagus, cum versus insulas Farenses nauigaret tempestate

valida, ad littora Islandiæ Orientalis fortè appulit: vbi cum fuisset

aliquot septimanas cum socijs commoratus, animaduertit immodicam niuium

copiam, montium quorundam cacumina obtegentem, atque ideò à niue nomen

Insulæ Snelandia indidit. Hunc secutus alter, Gardarus, fama quam de

Islandia Naddocus attulerat impulsus, Insulam quæsitum abijt, reperit, &

nomen de suo nomine Gardarsholme id est, Gardars Insula imposuit. Quin &

plures nouam terram visendi cupido incessit: nam & post illos duos adhuc

tertius quidam Noruagus (Floki nomen habuit) contulit se in Islandiam,

illique à glacie qua viderat ipsam cingi nomen fecit.

Obsoletæ admodum) Ego ex istis verbis Saxonis hanc sententiam nequaquam

eruo, vt quidam, quòd inde ab initio habitatam esse Islandiam, seu vt verbo

dicam, Islandos autocthonas dicat, cum constet vix ante annos 718. incoli

coeptam.

Hæc est Thyle) Grammatici certant & adhuc sub iudice lis est. Quam tamen

facilè dirimi posse crediderim, si quis animaduertat, circa annum Domini

874. primùm fuisse inhabitatam. Nisi quis dicere velit Thulen illum Ægypti

Regem, quem hoc ipsi nomen dedisse putant, ad Insulam iam tum incultam &

inhabitatam penetrasse. Illud verò rursus si quis neget, per me sanè

licebit, vt illud sit quaddam quasi spectaculum, dum ita in contrarias

scinduntur sententias. Vnus affirmat esse Islandiam. Alter quandam insulam,

vbi arbores bis in anno fructificant. Tertius vnam ex Orcadibus, siue

vitimam in ditione Scoti, vt Ioannes Myritius & alij, qui nomen illius

referunt, Thylensey, quod etiam Virgilius per suam vltimam Thylen sensisse

videtur. Siquidem vltra Britannos, quo nomine Angli hodie dicti & Scoti

veniunt, nullos populos statueret. Quod vel ex illo Virgilij Eclog I.

apparet:

Et penitus toto diuisos orbe Britannos.

Quartus vnam ex Farensibus. Quintus Telemarchiam Noruagiæ. Sextus

Schrichfinniam.

Perpetuò ad Boream adhæret.) Illud verò, Glaciem Insulæ perpetuò, vel vt

paulò post asserit Munsterus: Octo continuis mensibus adhærere: neutrum

verum est. [Sidenote: Glacies Aprili aut Maio soluitur.] Nam vt plurimum in

mense Aprili aut Maio soluitur, & Occidentem versus propellitur, nec ante

Ianuarium aut Februarium sæpissimè etiam tardius redit. Quid? quòd plurimos

annos numerare licet, quibus glaciem illam huius nationis immite flagellum,

ne viderit quidem Islandia: Quod etiam hoc anno 1592. compertum est. Vnde

constat quàm verè à Frisio scriptum sit, nauigationem ad hanc insulam

tantùm quadrimestrem patere, propter glaciem & frigora, quibus

intercludatur iter, Cùm Anglicæ naues quotannis nunc in Martio, nunc in

Aprili, quædam in Maio, Germanorum & Danorum in Maio & Iunio, plærumque ad

nos redeant, & harum quædam non ante Augustum iterum hinc soluunt.

Superiore autem anno 1591. quædam nauis Germanica, cupro onusta, portum

Islandiæ Vopnafiord 14. dies circiter in Nouembri occupauit, quibus lapsis

inde foeliciter soluit Quare cum glacies Islandiæ, nec perpetuò, neque octo

mensibus adhæreat, Munsterus & Frisius manifestè falluntur.

The same in English.

THE THIRD SECTION.

It is named of the ice which continually cleaueth vnto the North part

thereof. [Sidenote: Munsterus Saxo] Another writeth: From the West part

of Norway there lieth an Iland which is named of the ice, enuironed with

an huge sea, and being a countrey of ancient habitation, &c. Zieglerus.

This is Thyle [Footnote: Thule] whereof most of the ancient writers haue

made mention.

It is named of ice, &c. Island hath beene called by three names, one after

another. [Sidenote: Island first discouered by Naddocus in a tempest.] For

one Naddocus a Noruagian borne, who is thought to be the first Discouerer

of the same, as he was sailing towards the Faar-Ilands, [Footnote: Faroe

Islands.] through a violent tempest did by chance arriue at the East shore

of Island; [Sidenote: Sneland.] where staying with his whole company

certaine weeks, he beheld abundance of snow couering the tops of the

mountaines, and thereupon, in regard of the snow, called this Iland

Sneland. [Sidenote: Gardarsholme] After him one Gardarus, being mooued

thereunto by the report which Naddocus gaue out concerning Island, went to

seeke the sayd Iland who when he had found it, called it after his owne

name Gardars-holme, that is to say, Gardars Ile. There were more also

desirous to visit this new land. [Sidenote: Island.] For after the two

former a certaine third Noruagian, called Flok, went into Island, and named

it of the ice, wherewith he saw it enuironed.

Of ancient habitation &c. I gather not this opinion out of these wordes of

Saxo (as some men do) that Island hath bene inhabited from the beginning or

(to speake in one word) that the people of Island were autochthones, that

is, earth-bred, or bred out of their owne soile like vnto trees and herbs:

sithens it is euident that this Island scarse began to be inhabited no

longer agoe then about 718 yeres since. [Footnote: The Viking Naddodr is

said to have discovered Iceland in 860, and it was colonised by Ingulf, a

chieftain from the west coast of Norway.]

This is Thyle, &c. Grammarians wrangle about this name, and as yet the

controuersie is not decided. Which notwithstanding, I thinke might easily

grow to composition, if men would vnderstand that this Iland was first

inhabited about the yeere of our Lord 874. Vnlesse some man will say that

Thule King of Ægypt (who, as it is thought, gaue this name thereunto)

passed so farre vnto an Iland, which was at that time vntilled, and

destitute of inhabitants. Againe, if any man will denie this, he may for

all me, that it may seeme to be but a dreame, while they are distracted

into so many contrary opinions. One affirmes that it is Island: another,

that it is a certeine Iland, where trees beare fruit twise in a yeere: the

third, that it is one of the Orcades, or the last Iland of the Scotish

dominion, as Iohannes Myritius and others, calling it by the name of

Thylensey, which Virgil also seemeth to haue meant by his vltima Thyle. If

beyond the Britans (by which name the English men and Scots onely at this

day are called) he imagined none other nation to inhabit. Which is euident

out of that verse of Virgil in his first Eclogue:

And Britans whole from all the world diuided.

The fourth writeth, that it is one of the Faar-Ilands: the fift, that it is

Telemark in Norway: the sixt, that it is Scrichfinnia.

[Sidenote: The ice of Iseland sets always to the West.] Which continually

cleaueth to the North part of the Iland. That clause that ice continually

cleaueth &c. or as Munster affirmeth a little after, that it cleaueth for

the space of eight whole moneths, are neither of them both true, when as

for the most part the ice is thawed in the moneth of April or May, and is

driuen towards the West: neither doth it returne before Ianuarie or

Februarie, nay often times it commeth later. [Sidenote: No ice at all some

yeres in Island.] What if a man should recken vp many yeeres, wherein ice

(the sharpe scourge of this our nation) hath not at all bene seene about

Island? which was found to be true this present yeere 1592. Heereupon it is

manifest how truely Frisius hath written that nauigation to this Iland

lieth open onely for foure moneths in a yeere, and no longer, by reason of

the ice and colde, whereby the passage is shut vp, when as English ships

euery yere, sometimes in March, sometimes in April, and some of them in

May; the Germans and Danes, in May and Iune, doe vsually returne vnto vs,

and some of them depart not againe from hence till August. [Sidenote:

Nauigation open to Island from March till the midst of Nouember.] But the

last yere, being 1591, there lay a certeine shippe of Germanie laden with

Copper within the hauen of Vopnafiord in the coast of Island about

fourteene dayes in the moneth of Nouember, which time being expired, she

fortunately set saile. Wherefore, seeing that ice, neither continually, nor

yet eight moneths cleaueth vnto Iland, Munster and Frisius are much

deceiued. [Footnote: The mean temperature of Iceland is said to be 40

degrees.]

SECTIO QUARTA

[Sidenote: Kranzius. Munsterus.] Tam grandis Insula, vt populos multos

contineat. Item, Zieglerus. Situs Insulæ extenditur inter austrum &

boream ducentorum prope Schænorum longitudine.

Grandis.) Wilstenius quidam, rector Scholæ OLDENBVRGENSIS Anno 1591. ad

auunculum meum in Islandia Occidentali misit breuem commentarium, quem ex

scriptorum rapsodijs de Islandia collegerat. Vbi sic reperimus Islandia

duplo maior Sicilia,&c. Sicilia autem secundum Munsterum 150. milliaria

Germanica in ambitu habet. [Sidenote: Magnitudo Islandiæ.] Nostræ verò

Insulæ ambitus etsi nobis non est exactè cognitus, tamen vetus & constans

opinio, & apud nostrates recepta 144. milliaria numerat per duodecim

videlicet promontoria Islandiæ insigniora, quæ singula 12. inter se

milliaribus distent, aut circiter, quæ collecta prædictam summam ostendunt.

Populos multos.) Gysserus quidam, circa annum Domini 1090, Episcopus

Schalholtensts in Islandia, omnes Insulæ colonos seu rusticos qui tantas

facultates possiderent, vt regi tributum soluere tenerentur (reliquis

pauperibus cum foeminis & promiscuo vulgo omissis) lustrari curauit,

reperítque in parte Insulæ Orientali 700, meridionali 1000, Occidentali

1100, Aquilonari 1200. Summa 4000. colonorum tributa soluentium. Iam si

quis experiatur, inueniet Insulam plus dimidio fuisse inhabitatam.

The same in English.

THE FOURTH SECTION.

[Sidenote: Krantzius. Munsterus.] The Iland is so great that it conteineth

many people. Item Zieglerus sayth: The situation of the Iland is extended

betweene the South and the North almost 200 leagues in length.

So great, &c. One Wilstenius schoolemaster of Oldenburg, in the yere 1591,

sent vnto mine Vncle in West Island, a short treatise which he had gathered

out of the fragments of sundrie writers, concerning Island. Where we found

thus written: Island is twise as great as Sicilie, &c. But Sicilie,

according to Munster, hath 150. Germaine miles in compasse. [Sidenote: 144.

Germaine miles in compasse.] As for the circuit of our Iland, although it

be not exactly knowen vnto vs, yet the ancient, constant, and receiued

opinion of the inhabitants accounteth it l44 leagues; namely by the 12

promontories of Iland, which are commonly knowen, being distant one from

another 12 leagues or thereabout, which two numbers being mulitplied,

produce the whole summe. [Footnote: The exact area is 39,737 square miles.]

Many people, &c. One Gysserus about the yere of our Lord 1090, being bishop

of Schalholten in Island, caused all the husbandmen, or countreymen of the

Iland, who, in regard of their possessions were bound to pay tribute to the

king, to be numbred (omitting the poorer sort with women, and the meaner

sort of the communally) and he found in the East part of Island 700, in the

South part 1000, in the West part 1100, in the North part 1200, to the

number of 4000. inhabitants paying tribute. Now if any man will trie, he

shall finde that more then halfe the Iland was at that time vnpeopled.

[Footnote: In 1875 the population was 69,800.]

SECTIO QUINTA.

[Sidenote: Munst. Frisius, Ziegler] Insula multa sui parte montosa est &

inculta. Qua parte autem plana est præstat plurimum pabulo, tam læto, vt

pecus depellatur à pascuis, ne ab aruina suffocetur.

Id suffocationis periculum nullo testimomo, nec nostra nec patrum

nostrorum, vel quàm longè retro numeraris, memoria confirmari potest.

The same in English.

THE FIFTH SECTION.

[Sidenote: Munster. Frisius. Zieglerus.] The Iland, most part thereof, is

mountainous and vntilled But that part which is plaine doth greatly

abound with fodder, which is so ranke, that they are faine to driue their

cattell from the pasture, least they surfet or be choaked.

That danger of surfetting or choaking was neuer heard tell of, in our

fathers, grandfathers, great grandfathers or any of our predecessours

dayes, be they neuer so ancient. [Footnote: In the tenth and eleventh

centuries, corn and other crops seem to have been raised in considerable

quantities, but at present only small crops of potatoes, turnips, and

cabbages are grown. The pastures are good, and many horses, cattle, and

sheep are reared.]

SECTIO SEXTA.

[Sidenote: Munst. Frisius.] Sunt in hac Insula montes elati in coelum,

quorum vertices perpetua niue candent, radices sempiterno igne æstuant.

Primus Occidentem versus est, qui vocatur Hecla, alter crucis, tertius

Helga. Item Zieglerus. Rupes siue promontorium Hecla æstuans perpetuis

ignibus. Item Saxo. In hac itidem Insula mons est, qui rupem sideream

perpetuæ flagrationis æstibus imitatus, incendia sempiterna iugi

flammarum eructatione continuat.

Miracula Islandiæ Munsterus & Frisius narraturi mox in vestibulo, magno suo

cum incommodo impingunt. Nam quod hic de monte Hecla asserunt, etsi aliquam

habet veritatis speciem, tamen quod idem de duobus alijs montibus perpetuo

igne æstuantibus dicunt, manifestè erroneum est. Illi enim in Islandia non

extant, nec quicquam, quod huic tanto scriptorum errori occasionem dederit,

imaginari possumus. Facta tamen est, sed nunc demum Anno 1581. ex monte

quodam australis Islandiæ, maritimo, perpetuis niuibus & glacie obducto

memorabilis fumi ac flammæ eruptio, magna saxorum ac cineris copia eiecta.

Cæterum ille mons longe est ab his tribus, quos authores commemorant,

diuersissimus. Porro etsi hæc de montibus ignitis maximè vera narrarent,

annon naturaliter ista contingerent? An ad extruendam illam, quæ mox in

Munstero, Zieglero & Frisio sequitur, de orco Islandico opinionem aliquid

faciunt? Ego sanè nefas esse duco, his vel similibus naturæ miraculis ab

absurda asserenda abuti, vel hæc tanquam impossibilia cum quadam impietate

mirari. Quasi verò non concurrant in huiusmodi incendijs causæ ad hanc rem

satis validæ. Est in horum montium radicibus materia vri aptissima, nempe

sulphurea & bituminosa. Accedit aër per poros ac cauernas in terræ viscera

ingressus, ac illum maximi incendij fomitem exsufflans vnà cum nitro, qua

exsufflatione tanquam follibus quibusdam, ardentissima excitatur flamma.

Habet siquidem ignis, his ita conacnientibus, quæ tria ad vrendum sunt

necessaria, materiam scilicet, motum, & tandem penetrandi facultatem:

Materiam quidem pinguem & humidam ideoque flammas diuturnas alentem: Motum

præstat per terræ cauernas admissus aër: Penetrandi facultatem facit ignis

vis inuicta, sine respiraculo esse nescientis, & incredibili conatu

violenter erumpentis, atque ita (non secus ac in cuniculis machinisue seu

tormentis bellicis, globi è ferro maximi, magno cum fragore ac strepitu, à

sulphure & nitro, è quibus pyrius puluis conficitur, excitato, eijciuntur)

lapides & Saxa in ista voragine ignita, ceu quodam camino, collique facta

cum immodica arenæ & cinerum copia, exspuentis & eiaculantis, idque vt

plurimum, non sine terræmotu: qui si secundum profunditatem terræ fiat,

succussio à Possidoneo appellatur vel hiatus erit, vel pulsus. Hiatu terra

dehiscit: pulsu eleuatur intumescens, & nonunquam, vt inquit Plinius

[Sidenote: Lib. 2. cap. 20.], motes magnas egerit: Cuiusmodi terræmotus iam

mentionem fecimus, maritima Islandiæ Australis Anno 1581 infestantis quíque

à Pontano his verbis scitissimè describitur.

Ergo incerta ferens raptim vestigia, anhelus

Spiritus incursat, nunc huc, nunc percitus illuc,

Explorátque abitum insistens, & singula tentat,

Si qua forte queat victis erumpere claustris.

Interea tremit ingentem factura ruinam

Terra, suis quatiens latas cum moenibus vrbes:

Dissiliunt auulsa iugis immania saxa, &c.

Hæc addere libuit, non quòd cuiquam hæc ignota esse existimemus; sed ne nos

alij ignorare credant, atque ideo ad suas fabulas, quas hinc extruunt,

confugere velle.

Cæterum video quid etiamnum admirationem non exiguam scriptoribus moueat,

in his, quos ignoranter fingunt, tribus Islandiæ montibus, videlicet cum

eorum basin semper ardere dicant, summitates tamen nunquam niue careant.

Porrò id admirari, est præter authoritatem tantorum virorum, quibus Ætnæ

incendium optimè notum erat, quæ, cùm secundum Plinium hybernis temporibus

niualis sit, noctibus tamen, eodem teste, semper ardet. Quare etiam

secundum illos, ille mons, cum adhac niuium copia obducitur, & tamen ardeat

sordidarum animarum quoque erit receptaculum: id quod Heclæ propter niues

in summo vertice & basin æstuantem, adscribere non dubitarunt. [Sidenote:

Cardanus.] Vix autem mirum esse potest, quòd ignis montis radicibus latens,

& nunquam, nisi rarissimè erumpens, excelsa montis cacumina, quæ niuibus

obducuntur, non collique faciat. Nam & in Caira, altissima montis cacumina

niuibus semper candentia esse perhibentur: & in Beragua quidem similiter,

sed 5000 passuum in coelum elata, quæ niuibus nunquam liberentur, cum tamen

partibus tantum decem ab æquatore distent. Vtrámque hanc prouinciam iuxta

Pariam esse sitam accepimus. Quid? quod illa Teneriffæ (quæ vna, est ex

insulis Canarijs, quæ & fortunatæ) pyramis, secundum Munsterum, 8 aut 9

milliarium Germanicorum altitudine in aëra assurgens, atque instar Ætnæ

iugiter conflagrans, niues, quibus media cingitur, teste Benzone Italo,

Indiæ occidentalis Historico, non resoluit. Quod ipsum in nostra Hecla quid

est, quod magis miremur? Atque hæc ita breuiter de incendijs montanis.

Nunc illud quoque castigandum arbitramur, quod hos montes in coelum vsque

attolli scribant. Habent enim nullam præ cæteris Islandiæ montibus

notabilem altitudinem. Precipuè tertius ille Helga à Munstero appellatus,

nobis Helgafel. i. Sacer mons, apud monasterium eiusdem nominis, nulla sui

parts tempore æstiuo nimbus obductus, nec montis excelsi, sed potius collis

humilis nomen meretur, nunquam, vt initio huius sectionis dixi, de incendio

suspectus. Nec verò perpetuæ niues Heclæ, vel paucis alijs adscribi

debebant: Permultos enim habet eiusmodi montes niuosos Islandia, quos omnes

vel toto anno, non facilè collegerit aut connumerarit, horum prædicator &

admirator Cosmographus. Quin etiam id non negligendum, quod mons Hecla non

occidentem versus, vt à Munstero & Zieglero annotatum est, sed inter

meridiem & orientem positus sit. Nec promontorium est: sed mons ferè

mediterraneus.

[Sidenote: Annales Islandiæ.] Incendia perpetua ragi, &c. Quicunque

perpetuam flammarum cructationem Heclæ adscripserunt, toto coelo errarunt,

adeò, vt quoties flammas eructarit, nostrates in annales retulerint, viz.

anno Christi 1104. 1157. 1222. 1300. 1341. 1362. & 1389. Neque enim ab illo

de montis incendio audire licuit, vsque ad annum 1558. quæ vltima fuit in

illo monte eruptio. Interea non nego, fieri posse, quin mons infernè

latentes intus flammas & incendia alat, quæ videlicet statis interuallis,

vt hactenus annotatum est, eruperint, aut etiam forte posthac erumpant.

The same in English.

THE SIXTH SECTION

[Sidenote: Monsterus. Frisius.] There be in this Iland mountaines lift vp

to the skies, whose tops being white with perpetuall snowe, their roots

boile with euerlasting fire. The first is towards the West, called Hecla:

the other the mountaine of the crosse: and the third Helga. Item

Zieglerus. The rocke or promontone of Hecla boileth with continuall fire.

Item: Saxo. There is in this Iland also a mountaine, which resembling the

starrie firmament, with perpetuall flashings of fire, continueth alwayes

burning, by vncessant belching out of flames.

Munster and Frisius being about to report the woonders of Island doe

presently stumble, as it were, vpon the thresholde, to the great

inconuenience of them both. For that which they heere affirme of mount

Hecla, although it hath some shew of trueth: notwithstanding concerning the

other two mountaines, that they should burne with perpetuall fire, it is a

manifest errour. For there are no such mountaines to be found in Island,

nor yet any thing els (so farre foorth as wee can imagine) which might

minister occasion of so great an errour vnto writers. Howbeit there was

seene (yet very lately) in the yeere 1581 out of a certaine mountaine of

South Island lying neere the Sea, and couered ouer with continuall snow and

frost, a marueilous eruption of smoke and fire, casting vp abundance of

stones and ashes. But this mountaine is farre from the other three, which

the sayd authours doe mention. Howbeit, suppose that these things be true

which they report of firie mountaines: is it possible therefore that they

should seeme strange, or monstrous, whenas they proceed from naturall

causes? What? Doe they any whit preuaile to establish that opinion

concerning the hell of Island, which followeth next after in Munster,

Ziegler, and Frisius? For my part, I thinke it no way tollerable, that men

should abuse these, and the like miracles of nature, to auouch absurdities,

or, that they should with a kinde of impietie woonder at them, as at

matters impossible. As though in these kindes of inflammations, there did

not concurre causes of sufficient force for the same purpose. There is in

the rootes of these mountaines a matter most apt to be set on fire, comming

so neere as it doeth to the nature of brimstone and pitch. There is ayer

also which insinuating it selfe by passages, and holes, into the very

bowels of the earth, doeth puffe vp the nourishment of so huge a fire,

together with Salt-peter, by which puffing (as it were with certeine

bellowes) a most ardent flame is kindled. [Sidenote: Three naturall causes

of firie mountaines.] For, all these thus concurring fire hath those three

things, which necessarily make it burne, that is to say, matter, motion,

and force of making passage: matter which is fattie and moyst, and

therefore nourisheth lasting flames: motion which the ayer doeth performe,

being admitted into the caues of the earth: force of making passage, and

that the inuincible might of fire it selfe (which can not be without

inspiration of ayre, and can not but breake foorth with an incredible

strength) doeth bring to passe: and so (euen as in vndermining trenches and

engines or great warrelike ordinance, huge yron bullets are cast foorth

with monstrous roaring, and cracking, by the force of kindled Brimstone,

and Salt-peeter, whereof Gunne-powder is compounded) chingle and great

stones being skorched in that fiery gulfe, as it were in a furnace,

together with abundance of sande and ashes, are vomitted vp and discharged,

and that for the most part not without an earthquake which, if it commeth

from the depth of the earth, (being called by Possidonius, Succussio) it

must either be either an opening or a quaking. Opening causeth the earth in

some places to gape, and fall a sunder. By quaking the earth is heaued vp

and swelleth, and sometimes (as Plinie saith) [Sidenote: Lib. 20. cap. 20.]

casteth out huge heaps: such an earth-quake was the same which I euen now

mentioned, which in the yere 1581 did so sore trouble the South shore of

Island. And this kinde of earth-quake is most clearkely described by

Pontanus in these verses:

The stirrng breath runnes on with stealing steppes,

vrged now vp, and now enforced downe:

For freedome eke tries all, it skips, it leaps,

to ridde it selfe from vncouth dungeon.

Then quakes the earth as it would burst anon,

The earth yquakes, and walled cities quiuer.

Strong quarries cracke, and stones from hilles doe shiuer.

I thought good to adde these things, not that I suppose any man to be

ignorant thereof: but least other men should thinke that we are ignorant,

and therefore that we will runne after their fables, which they do from

hence establish. But yet there is somewhat more in these three famed

mountaines of Island, which causeth the sayd writers not a little to

woonder, namely whereas they say that their foundations are alwayes

burning, and yet for all that, their toppes be neuer destitute of snowe.

Howbeit, it beseemeth not the authority and learning of such great clearks

to marueile at this, who can not but well know the flames of mount Aetna,

which (according to Plinie) being full of snowe all Winter, notwithstanding

(as the same man witnesseth) it doth alwayes burne. Wherefore, if we will

giue credit vnto them, euen this mountaine also, sithens it is couered with

snowe, and yet burneth, must be a prison of vncleane soules: which thing

they haue not doubted to ascribe vnto Hecla, in regard of the frozen top,

and the fine bottome. And it is no marueile that fire lurking so deepe in

the roots of a mountaine, and neuer breaking forth except it be very

seldome, should not be able continually to melt the snowe couering the

toppe of the sayd mountaine. [Sidenote: Cardanus] For in Caira (or Capira)

also, the highest toppes of the mountaine are sayd continually to be white

with snowe: and those in Veragua likewise, which are fiue miles high, and

neuer without snowe, being distant notwithstanding but onely 10 degrees

from the equinoctiall. We haue heard that either of the forsayd Prouinces

standeth neere vnto Paria. What, if in Teneriffa (which is one of the

Canarie or fortunate Islands) the Pike [Footnote: The Peak.] so called,

arising into the ayre, according to Munster, eight or nine Germaine miles

in height, and continually flaming like Aetna: yet (as Benzo an Italian,

and Historiographer of the West Indies witnesseth) is it not able to melt

the girdle of snowe embracing the middest thereof. Which thing, what reason

haue we more to admire in the mountaine of Hecla? And thus much briefly

concerning firie mountaines.

Now that also is to be amended, whereas they write that these mountaines

are lifted vp euen vnto the skies. For they haue no extraordinarie height

beyond the other mountaines of Island, but especially that third mountaine,

called by Munster Helga, and by vs Helgafel, that is the holy mount,

standing iust by a monastery of the same name, being couered with snowe,

vpon no part thereof in Summer time, neither deserueth it the name of an

high mountaine, but rather of an humble hillocke, neuer yet as I sayd in

the beginning of this section, so much as once suspected of burning.

Neither yet ought perpetuall snowe to be ascribed to Hecla onely, or to a

few others; for Island hath very many such snowy mountaines, all which the

Cosmographer (who hath so extolled and admired these three) should not

easily find out, and reckon vp in a whole yere. And that also is not to be

omitted, that mount Hecla standeth not towards the West, as Munster and

Ziegler haue noted, but betweene the South and the East: neither is it an

headland, but rather a mid-land hill.

[Sidenote: The chronicles of Island.] Continueth alwayes burning &c.

whosoeuer they be that haue ascribed vnto Hecla perpetuall belching out of

flames, they are farre besides the marke: insomuch that as often as it hath

bene enflamed, our countreymen haue recorded it in their yerely Chronicles

for a rare accident: namely in the yeeres of Christ 1104, 1157, 1222, 1300,

1341, 1362, and 1389: For from that yeere we neuer heard of the burning of

this mountaine vntill the yeere 1558, which was the last breaking foorth of

fire in that mountaine. In the meane time I say not that is impossible, but

that the bottome of the hill may inwardly breed and nourish flames, which

at certaine seasons (as hath bene heretofore obserued) haue burst out, and

perhaps may do the like hereafter. [Footnote: The surface of the country is

very mountainous, but there are no definite ranges, the isolated volcanic

masses being separated by elevated plateaux of greater or less size. The

whole centre is, in fact, an almost continuous desert fringed by a belt of

pasture land, lying along the coast and running up the valleys of several

of the greater riuers. This desert is occupied partly by snow mountains and

glaciers, partly by enormous lava streams, partly by undulating plains of

black volcanic sand, shingle, and loose stones. This region is of course

without verdure, and entirely uninhabited. The rocks are all of igneous

origin, but of very different ages, traps, basalts, amygdaloids, tufas,

ochres, and porous lavas. The number of active volcanoes is, at present,

not great, but hot springs and mud volcanoes testify to the existence of

volcanic action along a line running from the extreme south west at Cape

Reykjanes to the north coast near Husavik. The only recent well ascertained

eruptions have been from Hecla, Aotlugja, Skaptar Vokul, and (in 1874-5)

from the mountains to the south-east of Myratu Lake. The eruption of

Skaptar in 1783 is the greatest anywhere on record in respect of the

quantity of lava and ashes ejected. Earthquakes are not unfrequent. The

greatest mountain group is the Vatna or Klofa Yokul, on the south coast, a

mass of snow and ice covering many hundred square miles, and sending down

prodigious glaciers which almost reach the sea. From one of these a torrent

issues, little more than a hundred yards long, and a mile and a half broad.

The line of perpetual snow ranges from 2,000 to 3,000 feet. The loftiest

summits of this great mountain mass have never been ascended, but the

highest point is believed to be the Orefa Yolcal, 6,405 feet. The other

considerable peaks in different parts of the island are Herdubreidr (an

extinct volcano), 5,290 feet, Eyjafjalla Yokul, 5,579 feet, Snæfels Yokul,

5,965 feet, and Hecla, 5,095 feet.]

SECTIO SEPTIMA.

[Sidenote: Frisius. Munst.] Montis Heclæ flamma nec stuppam lucernarum

luminibus aptissimam adurit, neque aqua extinguitur: Eóque impetu, quo

apud nos machinis bellicis, globi eijciuntur, illinc lapides magni in

aera emittuntur, ex frigoris & ignis & sulphuris commixtione. Is locus à

quibusdam putatur carcer sordidarum animarum. Item Zieglerus. Is locos

est carcer sordidarum animarum.

Nec stuppam adurit.) Vnde habeant Scriptores, non satis conijcitur. Hæc

enim nostris hominibus prorsus ignota, nec hic vnquam, nisi prodidissent

illi, audita fuissent. Nemo enim est apud nos tam temerariæ curiositatis,

vt huius rei periculum, ardente monte, facere ansit, vel quod scire licuit,

vnquam ausis fuerit. Quod tamen Munsterus asserit. Qui, inquit, naturam

tanti incendij contemplari cupiunt, & ob id ad montem propius accedunt, eos

vna aliqua vorago viuos absorbet &c. Quæ res, vt dixi, nostræ genti est

ignota prorsus. Exstat tamen liber veteri Noruagorum lingua scriptus, in

quo terrarum, aquarum, ignis, aëris, &c. miracula aliquot confusa reperias,

pauca vera, plurima vana & falsa. Vnde facile apparet, à Sophis quibusdam,

si dijs placet, in Papatu olim esse conscriptum: [Sidenote: Speculum

Regale.] Speculum Regale nomen dederunt, propter vanissima mendacia, quibus

totus, sed plærúmque sub religionis & pietatís prætextu (quo difficilius

est fucum agnoscere) scatet speculum minimè regale, sed Anile & Irregulare.

In hoc speculo figmenta quædam de Heclæ incendio, his quæ nunc tractamus

non multum dissimilia, habentur, nullo experimento magis quàm hæc

stabilita, ideóque explodenda.

Cæterum ne audaculus videar, qui speculum illud Regale mendacij accusem;

nullum verò ex his quæ minus credibilia affert, recenseam; Accipe horum

pauca Lector, quæ fidem minimè mereri existimarim.

1. De quadam Insula Hyberniæ; quæ templum & Parochiam habet: Cuius incolæ

decedentes non inhumantur: sed ad aggerem seu parietem coemeterij, viuorum

instar erecti, consistunt perpetuò: Nec vlli corruptioni, nec ruinæ.

obnoxij: vt posterum quiuis suos maiores ibi quærere & conspicere possit.

2. De altera Hyberniæ Insula, vbi homines emori nequeant.

3. De omni terrâ & omnibus arboribus Hyberniæ, quæ omnibus omninò venenis

resistant, serpentes & alia venenata, vbiuis terrarum, solâ virtute &

præsentia, etiam sine contactu, enecent.

4. De tertia Hyberniæ Insula: Quòd hæc dimidia Diabolorum colonia facta

sit. In dimidiam vero propter templum ibidem exstructum, iuris habeant

nihil, licet & pastore (vt tota Insula incolis) & sacris perpetuò careat:

idque per naturam ita esse.

5. De quarta Hyberniæ Insula, quæ in lacu quòdam satis vasto fluitet: cuius

gramina, quibusuis morbis præssentissimum remedium existant: Insula verò

ripam lacus statis temporibus accedat, idque vt plurimum, diebus Dominicis,

vt tum quiuis facilè eam veluti nauim quandam, ingrediatur: id quod tamen

pluribus simul, per fatum licere negat. Hanc vero Insulam septimo quoque

anno ripæ adnasci tradit, vt à continente non discernas: In eius autem

locum mox succedere alteram, priori, naturam, magnitudine & virtute

consimilem: quæ vnde veniat, nesciri: idque cum quòdam quasi tonitru

contingere.

6. De venatoribus Noruegiæ, qui lignum domare (sic enim loquitur,

quantumuis impropriè: cùm ligno vt non vita, ita nec domitura competat)

adeo docti sint, vt asseres 8. vlnas longi, plantis pedum eorundem

alligati, tanta eos celeritate, vel in excelsis montibus, promoueant, vt

non modò canum venaticorum, aut caprearum cursu, sed etiam auium volatu

superari nequeant: atque vnico cursu, vnico etiam hastæ ictu, nouem vel

plures capreas feriant. [Sidenote: Gronlandia.] Hæc & similia, de Hybernia,

Noruegia, Islandia, Gronlandia, de aquæ & aëris etiam miraculis, centonum

ille magister, in suum speculum collegit: Quibus, licet suis admirationem,

vulgo stuporem, nobis tamen risum concitauit.

Sed Frisium audiamus. Flamma, inquit, Montis Heclæ nec stuppam, lucernarum

luminibus aptissimam, adurit, nec aqua extinguitur. Atqui inquam, ex Schola

vestra Philosophica petitis rationibus hoc Paradoxon confirmari poterit.

Docent enim Physici, commune esse validioribus flammis omnibus vt siccis

extinguantur, alantur verò humidis: Vnde etiam fabri, aqua inspersa, ignem

excitare solent. Cùm enim, aiunt, ardentior fuerit ignis, à frigido

incitatur, & ab humido alitur, quorum vtrumque aquæ inest. Item: Aqua solet

vehementes accendere ignes: Quoniam humidum ipsum quod exhalat, pinguius

redditur, nec à circumfuso fumo absumitur, sed totum ignis ipse depascitur,

quò purior inde factus, ac simul collectus, à frigido alacrior inde

redditur. Vnde etiam ignes artificiosi aqua minimè extinguibiles. Item:

Sunt sulphure & bitumine loca abundantia, quæ sponte ardent, quorum flamma

aqua minimè extinguitur. Prodidit etiam Philosophus, Aqua ali ignem. Arist.

3. de anim. Et Plin. lib. 2. Nat. Histor. cap. 110. Et Strabo lib. 7. In

Nymphæo excitè Petra flamma, que aqua accenditur. Idem, Viret æternùm

contexens fontem igneum fraxinus. Quin & repentinos ignes in aquis

existere, vt Thrasumenum lacum in agro Perusino arsisse totum, idem autor

est. [Sidenote: Chronica Islandie.] Et anno 1226, & 1236. non procul à

promontorio Islandiæ Reykianes, flamma ex ipso mari erupit. Etiam in

corporibus humanis repentinos ignes emicuisse, vt Seruio Tullio dormienti,

è capite flammam exsilijsse: Et L. Martium in Hispania, interfectis

Scipionibus, concionem seu orationem ad milites habentem, atque ad vltionem

exhortantem, conflagrasse, Valerius Antias narrat. Meminit etiam Plinius

flammæ montanæ, quæ, vt aqua accendatur, ita terra aut foeno extinguatur.

Item, Alterius campestris, que frondem densi supra se nemoris non adurat.

Quæ cum ita sint, mirum, homines id in solâ Heclâ mirari (ponam enim iam

ita esse, cum non sit tamen, quòd à quoquam scire potuerim) quòd multis

aliarum terrarum partibus seu locis, tam montanis, quàm campestribus, cum

ea commune esset.

Eo impetu quo apud nos globi. Sic enim Munsterus. [Sidenote: Frisius.] Mons

ipse cum furit, inquit, horribilia tonitrua insonat, proijcit ingentia

Saxa, sulphur euomit, cineribus egestis, tam longè terram circumcirca

operit, vt ad vicesimum lapidem coli non possit, &c. Cæterum oportuit

potius cum Ætnâ, aut alijs montibus flammiuomis, quos mox recitabo,

comparasse, cum non deesset, non modò simile, sed prope idem: Nisi fortè

quòd incendia rarius ex Heclâ erumpant, quàm alijs id genus montibus. Nam

proxunis 34. annis prorsus quieuit, facta videlicet vltima eruptione, An.

1558. vt superius annotauimus. Et nihil tam magnificè dici potest de nostra

Hecla, quin idem, vel maius cæteris montibus flammiuomis competat, vt mox

apparebit. Quòd verò sulphur eiaculetur, manifestum est commentum nullo

experimento apud nostrates cognitum.

Is locus est carcer sordidarum animarum. Hic præfandum esse mihi video,

atque veniam à Lectore petendam quòd cum initio proposuerim, de terra &

incolis diuisim agere in hac prima parte tamen, quæ sunt meritò secundæ

partis miscere cogar. Euenit hoc scriptorum culpa, qui Insulæ situi ac

miraculis, religionis incolarum particulam hanc, de opinione infernalis

carceris, confuderunt. Quare etiam vt hunc locum attingamus, quis non

miretur isthoc commentum ab homine cordato in Historia positum esse? Quis

non miretur, viros sapientes eò perduci, vt hæc vulgi deliramenta

auscultent, nedum sequantur? Vulgus enim extraneorum & hominum colluuies

nautica (hic enim saniores omnes tam inter nautas quam reliquos excipio,)

de hoc insolito naturæ miraculo audiens, ingenito stupore ad istam, de

carcere animarum, imaginationem fertur: Siquidem incendio nullam substerni

materiam videt, quemadmodum in domesticis focis fieri consueuit. Atque hac

persuasione vulgi fama inoleuit dum (vt ad maledicta optimè assuefactum

est) vnus alteri huius montis incendum imprecatur. Quasi verò ignis

elementaris & materiatus ac visibilis, animas, i. substantias spirituales

comburat. Quis deníque non miretur cur eundem carcere damnatorum, non in

Ætna etiam, nihilo minus ignibus ac incendijs celebri, confingant? At

confinxit dices, Gregorius Pontifex. Purgatorium igitur est. Sit sanè:

Eadem igitur huius carceris veritas quæ & purgatorij. Sed priusquam longius

procedamus, libet hic referre fabulam perlepidam, huius opinionis

infernalis originem & fundamentum: Nempe cuidam extraneorum naui Islandiam

relinquenti & turgidis velis citissimo cursu iter suum rectà legenti,

factam obuiam alteram similiter impigro cursu, sed contra vim tempestatum,

velis & remis nitentem: cuius præfectus rogatus, quinam essent? Respondisse

fertur: De Bischop van Bremen. Iterum rogatus quo tenderent? ait. Thom

Heckelfeldt tho, Thom Heckelfeldt tho. Hæc videns Lector vereor, ne peluim

postulet dari: Est enim mendacium adeo detestandum, vt facilè nauseam

pariat. Abeat igitur ad Cynosarges & ranas palustres: illud enim eiusde

facimus atque illarum coax, coax. Nec verò dignum est hoc commentum, quod

rideatur, nedum refutetur. Sed nolo cum insanis Papistis nugari: Quin

potius ad scriptores nostros conuertamur.

Atque inprimis nequeo hic, clarissimi viri, D. Casparis Peuceri, illud

præterire. Est in Islandia, inquit, mons Hecla, qui immanis barathri, vel

inferni potius profunditate terribilis, eiulantium miserabili & lamentabili

ploratu personat, vt voces plorantium circumquaque, ad interuallum magni

milliaris audiantur. Circumnolitant hunc coruorum & vulturum nigerrima

agmina, quæ nidulari ibidem ab incolis existimantur. Vulgus incolarum

descensum esse per voraginem illam ad inferos persuasum habet: Inde cum

prælia committuntur alibi in quacunque parte orbis terrarum aut cædes fiunt

cruentæ commoueri horrendos circumcirca tumultus & excitari clamores atque

eiulatus ingentes longâ experientiâ didicerunt. Quis verò rem tam

incredibilem ad te vir doctissime perferre ausus fuit? Nec enim vultures

habet Islandia, sed genus aquilarum secundum, quod ab albicante caudâ

Plinius notauit & Pygarsum appellauit. Nec vlli sunt huius spectaculi apud

nos testes: Nec deníque ibidem coruos aut aquilas nidificare probabile est,

quæ, igni & fumo semper inimicissimo, potius à focis vel incendijs

arceantur. Et nihilominus in huius rei testimonium, (vt & exauditi per

voraginem montis tumultus extranei,) experientiam incolarum allegant, quæ

certè contraria omnia testatur. Vnde verò foramen vel fenestra illa

montana, per quam clamores, strepitus & tumultus apud antipodes, periæcos &

antæcos factos exaudiremus? De quâ re multa essent, quæ authorem istius

mendacij interrogatum haberem, modò quid de illo nobis constaret: qui

vtinam veriora narrare discat, nec tam perfrictâ fronte similia,

incomperta, átque, adeò incredibilia, clarissimo viro Peucero, aut alijs

referre præsumat.

Ast verò Munsterus cum incendij tanti & tam incredilis caussas in

famosissimâ Ætna inuestigare conatus sit, quam rem illic naturalem facit,

hic verò præternaturalem imo infernalem faciat, an non monstri simile est?

Cæterum de Æthnâ quid dico? Quin potius videamus quid de Heclæ incendio

alias sentiat Munsterus.

[Sidenote: Munsterus Cosmograph. vniuersal. lib. 1. cap. 7.] Dubium non

est, inquit, montes olim & campos arsisse in orbe terrarum: Et nostra

quidem state ardent. Verbi gratia: In Islandia mons Hecla statis temporibus

foras proijcit ingentia Saxa, euomit sulphur spargit cineres, tam longè

circumcirca, vt terra ad vicesimum lapidem coli non possit. Vbi autem

montium incendia perpetua sunt, intelligimus nullam esse obstructionem

meatuum, per quos modò, quasi fluuium quendam, ignes, modò flammas, nunc

verò fumum tantùm euomunt. Sin per temporum interualla increscunt, internis

meatibus obturatis, eius viscera nihilominus ardent Superioris autem partis

incendia, propter fomitis inopiam, non nihil remittunt ad tempus. Ast vbi

spiritus vehementior, rursus reclusis meatibus ijsdem vel alijs, ex carcere

magnâ vi erumpit, cineres, arenam, sulphur, pumices, massas, quæ habent

speciem ferri, saxa, aliásque materias foras proijcit, plerúnque non sine

detrimento regionis adiacentis. Hæc Munsterus. Vbi videas quæso Lector,

quomodo suo se iugulet gladio, videas inquam hic eadem de incendio Heclæ &

Ætnæ opinionem & sententiam, quæ tamen lib 4. eiusdem, admodum est dispar,

vt illic ad causas infernales confugiat.

Habet profectò Indiæ occidentalis mons quidam flammiuomus æquiores multò,

quàm hic noster censores & historicos, minimè illic barathrum

exædificantes: Cuius historiam, quia & breuis est, & non illepida,

subijciam, ab Hieronimo Benzone Italo in Historiar noui orbis, lib. 2. his

verbis descriptam.

Triginta quínque, inquit, milliarium interuallo abest Legione mons

flammiuomus, qui per ingentem craterem tantos sæpe flammarum globos

eructat, vt noctu latissimè vltra 10000. passuum incendia reluceant.

Nonnullis fuit opinio, intus liquefactum aurum esse, perpetuam ignibus

materiam. Itáque Dominicanus quidam monachus cum eius rei periculum facere

vellet, ahenum & catenam ferream fabricari curat móxque in montis iugum cum

quatuor alijs Hispanis ascendens, catenam cum aheno ad centum quadraginta

vlnas in caminum demittit. Ibi ignis feruore, ahenum cum parte catenæ

liquefactum est. Monachus non leuiter iratus Legionem recurrit, fabrum

incusat, quòd catenam tenuiorem multò, quàm iussisset ipse, esset

fabricatus. Faber aliam multo crassiorem excudit. Monachus montem repetit:

Catenam & lebetem demittit. Res priori incoepto similem exitum habuit. Nec

tantùm resolutus lebes euanuit, verum etiam flammæ globus repentè è

profundo exsiliens, propemodum & Fratrem & socios absumpsit. Omnes quidem

adeo perculsi in vrbem reuersi sunt, vt de eo incoepto exequendo nunquam

deinceps cogitarent &c.

O quam censura dispar? In montano Indiæ occidentalis camino auram: Islandiæ

verò, infernum quærunt. Sed hoc vt nimis recens, ac veteribus ignotum

fortasse reijcient: Cur igitur eundem, quem in Hecla Islandiæ, animarum in

Chimæra carcerem, Lyciæ monte, cuius noctu diúque flamma immortalis

perhibetur, non sunt imaginati scriptores? Cur no in Ephesi montibus, quos

tæda flammante tactos, tantum ignis concipere accepimus, vt lapides quoque

& arenæ in ipsis aquis ardeant, & ex quibus accenso baculo, si quis sulcum

traxerit, riuos ignium sequi narrator à Plinio? Cur non in Cophantro

Bactrorum monte, noctu semper conflagrante? Cur non in Hiera Insula, medio

mari ardente? Cur non in Æolia, similiter in ipso mari olim dies aliquot

aliquot accensa? Cur non in Babyloniorum campo, interdiu flagrante? Cur non

in Æthiopum campis, Stellarum modo, noctu semper nitentibus? Cur non in

illo Liparæ tumulo, ampla & profunda voragine hiante, teste Aristotele, ad

quem non tutò noctu accedatur: ex quo Cymbalorum sonitus, crotalorum

boatus, cum insolitis & inconditis cachinnis exaudiantur? Cur non in

Neapolitanorum agro ad Puteolos? Cur non in illa superius commemorata

Teneriffæ pyramide montana, instar Ætnæ, iugiter ardente, & lapides, vt ex

Munstero videre est, in aëra exspuente? Cur non in illo Aethiopum iugo,

quod Plinius testatur, horum omnium maximo aduri incendio? Cur non denique

in Vesuuio monte, non sine insigni viciniæ clade, & C. Plinij exitiali

detrimento, dum insueti incendij causas perscrutaturus venit, nubium tenus

flammas cum saxis euomente, pumicum & cinerum ineffabili copiâ aëra

replente, & solem meridianum per totam viciniam densissimis tenebris

intercipiente? Dicam, & dicam quod res est: Quia scilicet illis, vtpote

notioribus, fidem, etsi inferni esse incendia finxissent, minimè adhiberi

præuidebant: Heclæ verò æstum, cuius rumor tardius ad eorum aures peruenit,

huic commento vanissimo stabiliendo, magis inseruire putabant. Sed

facessite: Depræhensa fraus est: Desinite posthac illam de inferno Heklensi

opinionem cuiquam velle persuadere. Docuit enim & nos, & alios, vobis

inuitis, consimilibus incendijs, operationes suas Natura, non Infernus. Sed

videamus iam plura eiusdem farinæ vulgi mendacia, quæ Historicis &

Cosmographis nostris adeò malè imposuerunt.

The same in English.

THE SEUENTH SECTION.

[Sidenote: Frisius. Munsterus.] The flame of mount Hecla will not burne

towe (which is most apt for the wieke of a candle) neither is it quenched

with water: and by the same force that bullets are discharged out of

warlike engines with vs, from thence are great stones cast foorth into

the aire, by reason of the mixture of colde, and fire, and brimstone.

This place is thought of some to be the prison of vncleane soules. Item:

Zieglerus. This place is the prison of vncleane soules.

Will not burne towe. Where these writers should finde such matters, it is

not easie to coniecture. For our people are altogether ignorant of them,

neither had they euer bene heard of heere among vs, if they had not brought

them to light. For there is no man with vs so rashly and fondly curious,

that dareth for his life, the hill being on fire, trie any such

conclusions, or (to our knowledge) that euer durst: which notwithstanding

Munster affirmeth, saying: They that are desirous to contemplate the nature

of so huge a fire, & for the same purpose approch vnto the mountaine, are

by some gulfe swallowed vp aliue, &c. which thing (as I sayd) is altogether

vnknowen vnto our nation. [Sidenote: Speculum regale written in the

Noruagian tongue.] Yet there is a booke extant, written in the ancient

language of the Noruagians, wherein you may finde some miracles of earth,

water, fire, and aire, &c. confusedly written, few of them true, and the

most part vaine and false. Whereupon it easily appeareth that it was

written long since by some that were imagined to be great wise men in the

time of Popery. [Sidenote: Whence the fables of Island grew.] They called

it a royall looking glasse: howbeit, in regard of the fond fables,

wherewith (but for the most part vnder the shew of religion and piety,

whereby it is more difficult to finde out the cousinage) it doeth all ouer

swarme, it deserueth not the name of a looking glasse royall, but rather of

a popular, and olde wiues looking glasse. In this glasse there are found

certaine figments of the burning of Hecla, not much vnlike these which we

now entreat of, nor any whit more grounded vpon experience, and for that

cause to be reiected.

But that I may not seeme somewhat foolehardy, for accusing this royall

looking glasse of falshood (not to mention any of those things which it

reporteth as lesse credible) loe heere a few things (friendly reader) which

I suppose deserue no credit at all.

1. Of a certain Isle in Ireland, hauing a church and a parish in it, the

inhabitants whereof deceasing are not buried in the earth, but like liuing

men, do continually, against some banke or wall in the Churchyard, stand

bolt-vpright: neither are they subiect to any corruption or downefall:

insomuch that any of the posteritie, may there seeke for, and beholde their

ancestors.

2. Of another Isle of Ireland, where men are not mortall.

3. Of all the earth and trees of Ireland, being of force to resist all

poisons, and to kill serpents, and other venimous things, in any countrey

whatsoeuer, by the only vertue and presence thereof yea euen without

touching.

4. Of a third Isle of Ireland, that the one halfe thereof became an

habitation of deuils, but that the sayd deuils haue no iurisdiction ouer

the other halfe, by reason of a Church there built, although, as the whole

Isle is without inhabitants, so this part is continually destitute of a

Pastor, and of diuine seruice: and that it is so by nature.

5. Of a fourth Isle of Ireland floating vp and downe in an huge lake, the

grasse whereof is a most present remedy for all kinde of diseases, and that

the Iland, at certeine seasons, especially on Sundayes, commeth to the

banke of the lake, so that any man may then easily enter into it, as it

were into a shippe: which notwithstanding (sayth he) destiny will not

suffer any more then one to enter at a time. Furthermore he reporteth that

this Island euery seuenth yere groweth fast to the banke, so that you

cannot discerne it from firme land: but that into the place thereof there

succeedeth another, altogether like the former, in nature, quantitie, and

vertue: which, from what place it commeth, no man can tell: and that all

this happeneth with a kinde of thundering.

6. Of the hunters of Norway who are so expert to tame wood (for so he

speaketh very improperly, whereas vnto wood neither life nor taming can be

ascribed) that wooden pattens of eight elnes long being bound to the soles

of their feet do cary them with so great celeritie euen vpon hie

mountaines, that they cannot be outrun, either by the swiftnes of hounds

and deere, or yet by the flying of birds. And that they will kill nine roes

or more at one course & with one stroke of a dart.

These and such like, concerning Ireland, Norway, Island, Gronland. of the

miracles of water, and aire, this master of fragments hath gathered

together into his looking glasse: whereby, although he hath made his owne

followers woonder, and the common people to be astonished, yet hath he

ministred vnto vs nothing but occasion of laughter.

But let vs heare Frisius. The flame of mount Hecla (sayth he) will not

burne towe (which is most apt matter for the wicke of a candle) neither is

it quenched with water. But I say that this strange opinion may be

confirmed by many reasons borrowed out of your schoole of Philosophy. For

the natarall Philosophers doe teach, That it is common to all forcible

flames to be quenched with dry things, and nourished with moiste:

whereupon, euen blacksmithes, by sprinckling on of water, vse to quicken

and strengthen their fire. For (say they) when fire is more vehement, it is

stirred vp by colde, and nourished by moisture, both which qualities doe

concurre in water. Item, water is wont to kindle skorching fires: because

the moisture it selfe, which ariseth, doth proue more fattie and grosse,

neither is it consumed by the smoke enclosing it, but the fire it selfe

feedeth vpon the whole substance thereof, whereby being made purer, and

gathering round together, it becommeth then more vehement by reason of

colde. And therefore also wild-fires cannot be quenched with water. Item,

There be places abounding with brimstone and pitch, which burne of their

owne accord, the flame wherof cannot be quenched with water. The graund

Philosopher also hath affirmed, that fire is nourished by water. Arist 3.

de anim. And Plinie, in the second booke of his naturall historie cap. 110.

And Strabo in his 7. booke. In Nympheum there proceedeth a flame out of a

rocke, which is kindled with water. The same author sayth: The ashe

continually flourisheth, couering a burning fountaine. And moreouer that

there are sudden fires at some times, euen vpon waters, as namely that the

lake of Thrasumenus in the field of Perugi, was all on fire, as the same

Strabo witnesseth. And in the yeares 1226, and 1236, not farre from the

promontorie of Islande called Reykians, a flame of fire brake forth out of

the sea. Yea euen vpon mens bodies sudden fires haue glittered: as namely,

there sprang a flame from the head of Seruius Tullius lying a sleepe: and

also Lucius Martius in Spaine after the death of the Scipions, making an

oration to his souldiers, and exhorting them to reuenge, was all in a

flame, as Valerius Antias doth report. Plinie in like sort maketh mention

of a flame in a certaine mountaine, which, as it is kindled with water, so

is it quenched with earth or haye: also of another field which burneth not

the leaues of shadie trees that growe directly ouer it. These things being

thus, it is strange that men should accompt that a wonder in Hecla onely

(for I will graunt it to be, for disputation sake, when indeede there is no

such matter so farre foorth as euer I could learne of any man) which is

common to manie other parts or places in the world, both hilly and plaine,

as well as to this.

[Sidenote: Frisius.] And by the same force that bullets, &c. Munster saith

the like also. This mountaine when it rageth, it soundeth like dreadfull

thunder, casteth forth huge stones, disgorgeth brimstone and with the

cinders that are blowen abroad, it couereth so much ground round about it,

that no man can inhabite within 20. miles thereof, &c. Howbeit, they ought

to haue compared it with Aetna, or with other fierie mountaines, whereof I

will presently make mention, seeing there is to be found in them, not onely

a like accident, but in a manner the very same. Vnlesse perhaps this be the

difference, that flames brake seldomer out of Hecla, then out of other

mountaines of the same kinde. For it hath now rested these 34. yeares full

out, the last fierie breach being made in the yeare 1558. as we haue before

noted. And there can no such wonders be affirmed of our Hecla, but the same

or greater are to be ascribed vnto other burning mountaines, as it shall by

and by appeare.

But that brimstone should be sent foorth it is a meere fable, and neuer

knowen vnto our nation, by any experiment.

This place is the prison of vncleane soules. Here I am constrained to vse a

preface, and to craue pardon of the Reader, because, whereas in the

beginning I propounded vnto my selfe to treat of the land, and of the

inhabitants distinctly by themselues, I must of necessitie confusedly

handle certaine matters in this first part, which do properly belong vnto

the second. This is come to passe through the fault of these writers, who

haue confounded this part of the inhabitants religion concerning the

opinion of hell, or of the infernall prison, with the situation & miracles

of the island. Wherfore that we may come to this matter, who can but wonder

that wise men should be growen to this point, not onely to listen after,

but euen to follow and embrace the dotings of the rude people: For the

common sort of strangers, and the offskowring of mariners (here I do except

them of better iudgement aswell mariners as others) hearing of this rare

miracle of nature, by an inbred and naturall blockishnesse are earned to

this imagination of the prison of soules: and that because they see no wood

nor any such fewell layed vpon this fire as they haue in their owne

chimneys at home. And by this perswasion of the grosse multitude, the

report grew strong, especially (as they are too much accustomed to banning

and cursing) while one would wish to another the firie torments of this

mountaine. As though elementarie, materiall and visible fire could consume

mens soules being spirituall, bodiless and inuisible substances. And to be

short, who can but woonder, why they should not faine the same prison of

damned soules, aswell in mount Aetna, being no lesse famous for fires and

inflamations then this: But you will say, that Pope Gregorie fained it so

to be. Therefore it is purgatorie. I am content it should be so: then there

is the same trueth of this prison that there is of purgatorie. But before I

proceede any further I thinke it not amisse to tell a merie tale, which was

the originall and ground of this hellish opinion: namely that a ship of

certaine strangers departing from Island, vnder full saile, a most swift

pace, going diectly on her course, met with another ship sailing against

winde & weather, and the force of the tempest as swiftly as themselues, who

hailing them of whence they were, answere was giuen by their gouernor, De

Bischop van Bremen: being the second time asked whether they were bound: he

answered, Thom Heckelfeld tho, Thom Heckelfeld tho. I am affeard lest the

reader at the sight of these things should call for a bason: for it is such

an abominable lie, that it would make a man cast his gorge to heare it.

Away with it therefore to fenny frogs, for we esteeme no more of it, then

of their croaking coax coax. Nay, it is so palpable that it is not worthy

to be smiled at, much lesse to be refuted. But I will not trifle any longer

with the fond Papists: let vs rather come vnto our owne writers.

And first of all I cannot here omit a saying of that most worthie man

Doctor Caspar Peucer. There is in Islande (quoth he) mount Hecla, being of

as dreadfull a depth as any vaste gulfe, or as hell it selfe, which

resoundeth with lamentable, & miserable yellings, that the noise of the

cryers may be heard for the space of a great league round about. Great

swarmes of vgly blacke Rauens and Vultures lie hoouering about this place

which are thought of the inhabitantes to nestle there. The common people of

that countrey are verily perswaded, that there is a descent downe into hell

by this gulfe: and therefore when any battailes are foughten else where, in

whatsoeuer part of the whole world, or any bloudie slaughters are

committed, they haue learned by long experience, what horrible tumults and

out-cryes, what monstrous skritches are heard round about this mountaine.

Who durst be so bold (most learned Sir) to bring such an incredible report

to your eares: Neither hath Island any Vultures, but that second kinde of

Eagles, which Plinie noted by their white tayles, and called them Pygarsi:

neither are there any with vs, that can beare witnesse of the foresaid

spectacle: nor yet is it likely that Rauens and Eagles would nestle in that

place, when as they should rather be driuen from thence by fire and smoke,

being things most contrarie to their nature. And yet notwithstanding for

proofe of this matter, as also of a strange tumult heard within the hollow

of the mountaine, they allege the experience of the inhabitants, which

indeede testifieth all things to the contrarie. But whereabout should that

hole or windowe of the mountaine be, by the which we may heare outcries,

noyse and tumults done among them, who inhabite the most contrarie,

distant, and remote places of the earth from vs: Concerning which thing I

would aske the author of this fable many questions, if I might but come to

the knowledge of him: in the meane time I could wish that from hencefoorth

he would learne to tell troth, & not presume with so impudent a face to

enforme excellent Peucer, or others, of such vnknowen and incredible

matters.

But to returne to Munster, who endeuouring to search out the causes of the

great and strange fire of that famous hill Aetna, is it not monstrous that

the very same thing which he there maketh natural, he should here imagine

to be preternaturall, yea infernal? But why do I speake of Aetna? Let vs

rather consider what Munster in another place thinketh of the burning of

Hecla.

[Sidenote: Munsterus Cosmograph. vniuersalis lib. 1. cap. 7.] It is without

doubt (saith he) that some mountaines and fields burned in old time

throughout the whole world: and in this our age do burne. As for example:

mount Hecla in Island at certaine seasons casteth abroad great stones,

spitteth out brimstone, and disperseth ashes, for such a distance round

about, that the land cannot be inhabited within 20. miles thereof. But

where mountaines do continually burne we vnderstand that there is no

stopping of the passages, wherby they poure forth abundance of fire

sometime flaming, & sometime smoaking gas it were a streaming flood. But if

betweene times the fire encreaseth, all secret passages being shut vp, the

inner parts of the mountaine are notwithstanding enflamed. The fire in the

vpper part, for want of matter, somewhat abateth for the time. But when a

more vehement spirite (the same, or other passages being set open again)

doth with great violence breake prison, it casteth forth ashes, sand,

brimstone, pumistones, lumpes resembling iron, great stones, & much other

matter, not without the domage of the whole region adioyning. Thus farre

Munster. Where consider (good Reader) how he cutteth his throat with his

owne sword, consider (I say) that in this place there is the very same

opinion of the burning of Hecla, & the burning of Aetna, which

notwithstanding in his 4. booke is very diuerse, for there he is faine to

run to infernall causes. A certaine fierie mountaine of West India hath

farre more friendly censurers, & historiographers then our Hecla, who make

not an infernall gulfe therof. The History of which mountain (because it is

short & sweete) I will set downe, being written by Hieronimus Benzo an

Italian, in his history of the new world, lib. 2. These be the words.

"About 35. miles distant from Leon there is a mountaine which at a great

hole belcheth out such mightie balles of flames, that in the night they

shine farre and neare, aboue 100. miles. Some were of opinion that within

it was molten gold ministring continuall matter & nourishment for the fire.

Hereupon a certain Dominican Frier, determining to make trial of the

matter, caused a brasse kettle, & an iron chain to be made: afterward

ascending to the top of the hill with 4. other Spaniards, he letteth downe

the chaine & the kettle 140. elnes into the fornace: there, by extreme

heate of the fire, the kettle, & part of the chaine melted. The monke in a

rage ran back to Leon, & chid the smith, because he had made the chaine far

more slender then himselfe had commanded. The smith hammers out another of

more substance & strength then the former. The Monke returnes to the

mountains, and lets downe the chaine & the cauldron; but with the like

successe that he had before. Neither did the caldron only vanish & melt

away: but also, vpon the sudden there came out of the depth a flame of

fire, which had almost consumed the Frier, & his companions. Then they all

returned so astonished, that they had small list afterward to prosecute

that attempt, &c." What great difference is there betweene these two

censures? In a fiery hill of West India they search for gold: but in mount

Hecla of Island they seeke for hel. Howbeit they wil perhaps reiect this as

a thing too new, & altogether vnknowen to ancient writers. Why therefore

haue not writers imagined the same prison of soules to be in Chimæra an

hill in Lycia (which, by report, flameth continually day and night) that is

in mount Hecla of Island? Why haue they not imagined the same to be in the

mountaines of Ephesus, which being touched with a burning torch, are

reported to conceiue so much fire, that the very stones & sand lying in the

water are caused to burne, & from the which (a staffe being burnt vpon

them, & trailed after a man on the ground) there proceede whole riuers of

fire, as Plinie testifieth? Why not in Cophantrus a mountaine of Bactria,

alwayes burning in the night? Why not in the Isle of Hiera, flaming in the

midst of the sea? Why not in Aeolia in old time likewise burning for

certaine daies in the midst of the sea? Why not in the field of Babylon

burning in the day season? Why not in the fields of Aethiopia glittering

alwaies like stars in the night? Why not in the hill of Lipara opening with

a wide and bottomlesse gulfe (as Aristotle beareth record) whereunto it is

dangerous to approch in the night: from whence the sound of Cymbals and the

noyse of rattles, with vnwonted and vncouth laughters are heard? Why not in

the field of Naples, neare vnto Puteoli? Why not in the Pike of Teneriffa

before mentioned, like Aetna continually burning and casting vp stones into

the aier, as Munster himselfe witnesseth? Why not in that Aethiopian hill,

which Plinie affirmeth to burne more then all the former? And to conclude,

why not in the mountaine of Vesuuius, which (to the great damage of al the

countrey adioyning, & to the vtter destruction of Caius Plinius prying into

the causes of so strange a fire) vomiting out flames as high as the clouds,

filling the aire with great abundance of pumistones, and ashes, & with

palpable darknesse intercepting the light of the sunne from al the region

therabout? I wil speake, & yet speake no more then the truth: because in

deede they foresaw, that men would yeeld no credite to those things as

being too well knowen, though they should haue feined them to haue beene

the flames of hell: but they thought the burning of Hecla (the rumour

whereof came more slowly to their eares) to be fitter for the establishing

of this fond fable. But get ye packing, your fraud is found out: leaue off

for shame hereafter to perswade any simple man, that there is a hel in

mount Hecla. For nature hath taught both vs & others (maugre your opinion)

to acknowledge her operations in these fire workes, not the fury of hell.

But now let vs examine a few more such fables of the common people, which

haue so vnhappily misledd our historiographers & cosmographers.

SECTIO OCTAUA.

[Sidenote: Frisius Zieglerus, Olauus Magn.] Iuxta hos montes (tres

prædictos Heclam, &c.) sunt tres hiatus immanes, quorum altitudinem apud

montem Heclam potissimum, ne Lynceus quidem perspicere queat: Sed

apparent ipsum inspicientibus, homines primùm submersi, adhuc spiritum

exhalantes, qui amicis suis, vt ad propria redeant, hortantibus, magnis

suspirijs se ad montem Heclam proficisci debere respondent: Sicque subitò

euanescunt.

Ad confirmandum superius mendacium de Inferno terrestri ac visibili,

commentum hoc, non minus calumniosum (etsi facilè largiar, Frisium non tam

calumniandi, quàm noua & inaudita prædicandi animo ista scripsisse) quàm

falsum ac gerris Siculis longè vanius ac detestabilius, excogitarunt

homines ignaui, nec coelum ec infernum scientes. Quos scriptores isti, viri

alioqui præclarissimi & optimè de Repub. literaria meriti, nimium

præpropero iudicio secuti sunt.

Cæterum optandum esset, nullos tanto nouitatis studio Historias scribere,

vt non vereantur aniles quasuis nugas ijs inserere, atque ita aurum purum

coeno aspergere. Qui verò demum sunt homines illi submersi, in lacu

infernali natitantes, & nihilominus cum notis & amicis confabulantes? Anne

nobis veterem Orphea, cum sua Euridice, in Stygias relabente vndas,

colloquentem, & in his extremi orbis partibus, tanquam ad Tanaim Hebrúmque

niualem, cantus exercentem lyricos, rediuiuum dabitis? Certè, etsi nolint

alij futilem huiusmodi ineptiarum leuitatem ac mendacium agnoscere, agnouit

tamen rerum omnium haud negligens æstimator Cardanus, lib. 18. subtil.

cuius hæc sunt verba.

Est Hecla mons in Islandia, ardétque non aliter ac Ætna in Sicilia per

interualla, ideóque persuasione longa (vulgi) concepta, quòd ibi expientur

animaæ. Alij, ne vani sint, affingunt inania fabulæ, vt consona videantur.

Quæ sunt autem illa inania? Quòd spectra comminiscuntur, se ad montem

Heclam ire respondentia, ait idem. Et addit. Nec in Islandia solum, sed

vbique, licet rarò, talia contingunt: Subdítque de laruâ homicidâ

Historiam, quæ sic habet. Efferebatur, inquit, anno præterito, funus viri

plebeij Mediolani, orientali in porta iuxta templum maius foro venali, quòd

à caulium frequentia nomen caulis nostra lingua sonat. Occurrit mihi notus:

Peto, vt medicorum moris est, quo morbo excesserit? Respondet ille:

consuesse hunc virum hora noctis, tertia à labore redire domum: Vidit

lemurem nocte quadam insequentem: Quam cum effugere conaretur, ocyus citato

pede abibat: Sed à spectro captus atque in terram proiectus videbatur.

Exclamare nitebatur: Non poterat. Tandem, cum diu in terra cum larua

volutatus esset, inuentus à prætereuntibus quibusdam, semiuiuus domum

relatus, cum resipuisset, interrogatus, hæc quæ minus expectabantur,

retulit. Ob id animam despondens, cum nec ab amicis, nec medicis, nec

sacerdotibus persuaderi potuisset, inania esse hæc, octo inde diebus

perijt. Audiui postmodum & ab alijs, qui vicini essent illi, neminem ab