In vain I looked around me in search of some ensign of royalty. At

length, having passed a kind of _bruette_,[33] 15 or 20 paces, they made

me turn about my face, and I was ordered while they pushed me roughly

forward, to prostrate myself before this _bruette_, in which the king

sat, amusing himself in stroking the toes of his foot, which he held on

his knee. He looked at me for some time, and then inquired if I was one

of these Christian slaves, whose vessel had been wrecked upon his coasts

about a year ago, and what was my business at Senegal, &c. "Your loss

was owing to your own misconduct," said he to me; "why did you not keep

yourself at large? Are you rich," continued he; "Are you married?" I had

scarcely answered his questions, when he ordered paper and ink to be

brought him, then, with a small reed, which served him for a pen, he

traced the four principal winds, and made me observe, that Paris lay to

the northward. He then ciphered about twelve figures in French. "Do you

know these?" asked he; and put several similar questions to me, to show

me that he was a scholar.

[Footnote 33: A very mean sort of carriage, drawn by two horses,

very often to be seen in the streets of Paris.]

"Tell me," continued the Prince, "did the Mountaineers[34] use you well

or ill? have they taken many of your effects?" I hastened to answer all

his questions, and informed him, that the nearer I approached to the

capital, the more civil usage I met with. "I have not the sovereignty,"

replied he, "of all the countries through which you have passed; or, to

express myself more properly, my orders cannot be put so effectually

into execution at such a distance. With whom are you come?--With Sidy

Sellem of _La Roussye_. I know him, bring him hither." Immediately

after, my master was introduced in the same manner I had been.

[Footnote 34: The inhabitants of the towns call those of the

deserts mountaineers.]

The emperor asked him, if he had bought me very dear, and what were his

intentions. Sidy Sellem answered him very archly, by informing him, that

he had no other intention in traversing these immense regions, but to

come and prostrate himself at the feet of his sovereign, and present

him with the homage of his slave.[35] "Do you know," continued the

Prince, "if any other of these people are to be found among the

Ouadelims and Labdesseba, as it was by these tribes they were all

seized?" My patron answered him very humbly. "Yes, Sir, and they may be

very easily collected together, if you issue orders to that effect." The

emperor did not push this conversation farther; he commanded one of his

guards to attend me and the baker, upon a fresh order; and that we

should eat in the royal kitchen. This man expressed no little surprise,

that the Sultan should have condescended to converse so long with a

slave.

[Footnote 35: It is certain, that if Sidy Sellem had not wished to

pay his homage to the emperor, (it was fifty years since he had

been at Morocco), and had he not been called to the city by his

own particular business, I would never have seen my native

country; I was too far into the interior parts of the country ever

to have escaped otherwise.]

The next day, the consul called me back before the guard, saying, that

when the king inquired after me, the guard should come and seek me in

his house. I had then appointed for my dwelling, a cave, which had

formerly been the residence of the Spanish ambassador. The emperor,

willing to pay the same attention to the envoy of France, gave him the

same lodging.

This palace, which was the best the emperor had in his disposal, was

nothing else than a long cave dug in the earth, the vault of which was

supported by two ranges of pillars. The descent was by a small stair,

and there was no air but what was procured by small windows, placed on

the head of the vault. The emperor keeps here his tents and war

equipage. In fine, naked walls, spiders webs, bats and rats, were all

that we could see in this dwelling. This building stands in one of the

finest situations in his majesty's gardens, which are adorned with olive

and quince trees, pomegranates and apples. The four high walls which

surround them, gives one the idea of a state prison. It was in this

place that the emperor lodged the ambassadors, or representatives of

powerful foreign nations, and did not provide them with a single piece

of furniture. He contented himself with ordering them a certain quantity

of beef, mutton, poultry, bread and water.

His majesty's own palace consisted of six large courts, surrounded by

walls. The outside of the seraglio resembled a granary. The mosque is

built in the same manner. I know not if the inside is any thing more

agreeable, but there is nothing in its exterior to please the eye. The

city is separated from the palace by masses of clay. The filth and bones

of beasts which have been killed, heaped upon one another, serve, to use

the expression, as a girdle to the capital. These pyramids of nastiness

are ever to be found within the city. They prevail even on the tops of

the houses, and keep out the very light of day. The sun, which beats

upon these hills of filth, exhales the putrefaction from them. The

houses, ill built, resemble hogsties, and are very ill aired. The

streets are narrow, and partly covered with beds of straw.

One day that the New England ambassador, who had taken lodgings in the

city, the consul and myself, were taking an airing on horseback, we were

obliged to alight. The people, under bad government, or rather without

any, run before us, and interrupted us in our journey, as we had no

guards to escort us. Without this precaution, a person runs the risk of

being cut in pieces. In spite of all the care I could take, I got a

stroke on the head with a stone. But I neither could discover from

whence, or by whom it was thrown. Take this as a just specimen of the

city of Morocco.

The character of the inhabitants differs very little from that of those

of the deserts. They are not quite so stout, and rather fairer. They are

more accustomed to the sight of Europeans, and therefore are less

surprised with it, but they are equally addicted to the practice of

insulting them. I have seen many of them enter into the houses of the

consul and M. Duprat, sit down, and without asking it as a favour,

demand of them something to eat and drink; nay, even require that they

should give them what they thought fit to ask. A porter, who had no

other trouble than to open three times to the consul, the gate of the

court where the emperor was, came with great effrontery to him demanding

a gratification. He gave him some silver pieces, with which he was far

from satisfied. He therefore continued holding out his hand, and crying

_Zit_ (give more, this is not sufficient), with an arrogance equally

ridiculous as his demand.

The secretaries and writers behave in the same manner; they impose their

demands on all who have any concern with them. The principal crown

officers are still more greedy of presents, and especially of great

piastres, of which the value is 5 livres and 10 sols. Their master

makes it his daily business, to examine them what they have gained by

doing any piece of business, or executing any commission. He gives them

considerable posts, or sends them upon an embassy; and when it is

presumed that they have amassed a certain fortune, they are accused of

some misconduct, stripped of all their possessions, and left to finish

their days in slavery. Their very children are not exempted from these

acts of barbarity. The same Mouley Adaram, whom I have already

mentioned, lives at this day wandering in the Desert, and among his

banditti, in consequence of having fallen a victim to his father's

covetousness. I do not know if this young prince has ever shown any good

qualities, but in the Desert he is only considered as a barbarous

prince, who will prove a very cruel tyrant, if ever he mounts the

throne. It is true, the throne appears at present to be destined for his

brother Moulem[36] Azy, who is as worthless as himself.

[Footnote 36: This was written before my return from Senegal. It

may be noticed, that the son has since declared war against the

father.]

May I be permitted to observe, how extraordinary it is, that a prince so

little to be dreaded as the Emperor of Morocco, should oblige the

different powers of Europe to send ambassadors to him, and that he

should even dictate laws to them. There is not a single sovereign who

dares to send a representative to his court without making him at the

same time considerable presents; and what envoy would present himself

without having his hands full? When M. Chenier, envoy from the court of

France, delivered his despatches to the emperor, some thing in them had

given offence to him; he therefore wrapped them in a dirty handkerchief,

and hung them about the consul's neck, who was accordingly publickly

exposed to the mockeries and insults of that cruel nation. How happens

it that the consuls have not, by common consent, represented to their

respective sovereigns, that the Emperor of Morocco becomes every day

more and more powerful by the supplies which they themselves furnish

him? Twenty years ago, this prince was absolutely destitute of

resources. He had neither materials, nor any place for casting cannons;

and he was equally in want of wood for building ships, of ropes, of

nails, and even of workmen. It is France, and other European powers,

that assist him, else the Emperor of Morocco would be of little

consideration. His superb batteries of brass cannons, twenty-four,

thirty-six, and forty-eight pounders, were furnished by Holland, Spain,

England, and France. England has done more than other nations, by

selling him those beautiful cannons which were taken on the floating

batteries. Mogador, that part of it which is next to Morocco, is built

in an advantageous situation. Its batteries are well disposed, and there

are cannon at each embrasure; but they are there only in a manner for

show, as they have no carriages, and are supported only by brick work.

There are no workmen in the country capable of mounting them on

carriages, nor is there wood proper for making them. Did a few vessels

only wait for the sailing of those small frigates, which are almost all

unfit for sea, except only two, nothing would be easier than to prevent

them from returning, and to block up the ports of Mogador, Rabat, and

Sallee. What would become of his commerce, and, above all, his marine,

did the Christian princes cease to assist him, contrary to the interests

of humanity! Would England and Spain unite only for a moment, Tangiers,

his most beautiful port, would soon be so far ruined, that it could not

afford shelter to his subjects, who, destitute of ships, would soon be

obliged to give over their piracies.

If the consuls of different nations have never made these observations,

and if they have never pointed out the means of curbing the insolence of

the Emperor of Morocco, it is because they are at the head of the

commerce which these different powers carry on in that part of the

world. The Spanish consul bought up almost all the corn of the country,

and ships were sent off with it, according to his consignments. The

French consul is the only one who does not engage in commerce. I can

positively assert, that these representatives, instead of furnishing

their courts with the means of diminishing the power of the emperor,

never cease to add to his strength, and to incite him to make new

pretensions. How much we assist these pirates to hurt the advantageous

trade which we might carry on! Their situation renders them very

dangerous; but if we leave them only their situation, it would be

impossible for them to profit much by it. Let impartial people pay a

visit to that country--let them speak with the same sincerity as I do,

and they will no doubt be convinced that the Emperor of Morocco, of all

the princes in the world, would be the least able to do mischief, did

the sovereigns of Europe cease to furnish him with succours.

At length, the hour came, when my chains were to be broken off. One day

the prince, on coming out of the mosque, gave the consul to understand,

that he wished him to attend with his slaves, in the court where he held

his _Mechoir_ (a kind of public audience). "Consul," said he to M.

Durocher, "I hope that you will not be like your predecessor, whose

haughtiness displeased me exceedingly. Observe this young man (pointing

to the vice-consul), he is pleasant and complaisant. He constantly

endeavours to please me. I wish you to imitate him. I have desired it of

you. You must write to your master, that I am satisfied with his

presents. Adieu, retire a little with the slaves which I have _given

you_.[37] Choose any of my ports which may be most convenient for your

embarkation. Adieu, I go to name the officers of my court, who will

accompany you to the place of the consular residence."

[Footnote 37: We were seven in number, viz. myself, the baker, and

five others, belonging to the ship (_Les Deux Amis_) the Two

Friends, which had been shipwrecked some time before us.]

It was customary at these audiences, for the emperor to take cognizance

of all the affairs of police. He appeared mounted upon a white horse,

caparisoned with a scarlet and blue cloth; gold tassels hung round the

crupper. A squire walked at the side of the sovereign, who held in his

hand a long pole, at the end of which was an umbrella, to defend his

majesty from the heat of the sun. The guard followed them on foot in

great silence. Every thing announced fear. A look from the sovereign

every where spread consternation. At his least word, he saw the head of

one or more of his subjects fall without the least emotion. The culprit

is lifeless, ere the last words of the sentence are out of his mouth.

However, I never knew a rich man, who could buy his favour, suffer

death, be his crime what it might.

What can be thought of a prince, who, upon an idea which had been

suggested to him, that I was doubtless a Christian, more remarkable than

the rest, because I was better drest, and the consul paid me more

attention, forget every thing he had promised, and sent orders to

Mogador, to arrest me, and send me back to Morocco? Happily the winds

had wafted me to too great a distance, when the messenger came to

signify to the governor his master's pleasure.

I may therefore say that misfortune followed me to the last. I had

certainly sunk under my misfortunes as well as my companions, had I not

been supported by a steady firmness, and an unlimited confidence in

Divine Providence. I must not forget to mention, that before my

departure, Sidy Sellem went away abundantly satisfied with the

generosity of the consul.

* * * * *

I did not wish to interrupt my narrative, as I thought it would be more

proper, that it should be followed with my various observations on the

religion, manners, usages, &c. of a people, who are very little known,

and who, for that reason, may become very interesting. Fatal experience

has put it in my power to represent them. The reader may rest assured,

that I will be no less guided by truth, in the description which I am

now to lay before him, than I have been in the preceding recital of my

particular adventures.

The Arabs of the Desert follow the religion of Mahomet; but they have

entirely disfigured it by the grossest superstitions. They live

constantly wandering in the midst of the dry sands of Africa. There are

certain colonies of them who traverse continually the borders of the

sea, without having any fixed dwelling. They are distributed into

tribes, more or less considerable. Every tribe is divided into hordes,

and every horde encamps in the districts which appear most likely to

furnish pasturage for the support of their cattle, and that in such a

manner, that one tribe is never wholly united. They are thus frequently

intermixed with certain villages of the tribes of the Ouadelims,

Labdesseba, La Loussye, Lathidium, Chelus, Tucanois, Ouadelis, &c. The

two first are the most formidable--they carry their ravages to the very

gates of Morocco. It is not therefore without reason that the Emperor

fears them. They are in general tall, handsome, stout and vigorous men.

They have commonly bristled hair, a long beard, a furious look, large

hanging ears, and their nails as long as claws; they always use their

nails in the wars wherein they are almost constantly engaged with their

neighbours. The Ouadelims, in a particular manner, are fierce, arrogant,

warlike, and given to plunder; they carry terror and dread with them

wherever they go. However, like the other Arabs, their courage commonly

fails them, when they have not a decided superiority.

All these colonies lodge by families, in tents, covered with a thick

cloth made of camels hair. It is the women who spin their cloth, and

weave it upon a loom, so small, that they work it sitting upon the

ground. The furniture of their dwellings, consists of two large leather

sacks, which answer the purpose of keeping all their old clothes, and

any pieces of old iron; of three or four goat-skins (if they can procure

as many), in which they keep their milk and water; of some wooden

dishes, some pack-saddles for their camels, two large stones for

grinding their barley, a smaller one to drive in the pikes of their

tents, an osier matting which serves for a bed, a thick carpet for a

covering, and a small kettle. These are the pieces of furniture which

distinguish the rich from the poor. Their flocks, by which their riches

are estimated, consist of two or three horses, several camels, some

sheep and goats. The less fortunate have goats and sheep only.

The principal part of their devotions, and that which they observe with

the greatest attention, is prayer. There are different kinds of it: the

first commences always before sun-rising. The Talbe is distinguished by

the length of his beard, a piece of woollen cloth, half white and half

crimson, which he leaves loose and flowing about his body, and under

which appears a figure, exhausted by fasting, (the consequence of

excessive laziness), and a kind of chaplet of an enormous size. He

raises a sad and lamentable voice, which one would be ready to suppose

to be that of a pious and contrite man, but which is, in fact, that of a

hypocrite. Girt with a poignard, he seeks the place where his perfidious

arm can, with assurance, aim the blow with which he wishes to pierce the

heart of his neighbour, his friend, and often his brother. By his

uncouth sounds, he calls his people to come and range themselves under

his banner, to hear the praises of the Prophet. They all run up to him

with a holy respect; but before the priest begins his prayer, they throw

off a little coat, which they wear fastened to their girdle, and in

which they are wrapped, as it is the drapery of which their clothing

consists. The Talbe afterwards bows himself towards the ground. He

removes with his hands that upon which his feet were placed; then takes

up a handful of the sand which has not been dirtied, and in place of

water, rubs with it his face, hands and arms up to the elbows, in order

to purify himself from all his uncleanness. The people follow his

example.

When the prayer is ended, they stop for some time, sitting squat-down

behind, and trace different figures upon the sand with their fingers,

and turn them round their head, as if sprinkling themselves with a holy

unction. The savages, while thus employed, show as much exterior piety

and respect as we can do in our churches. I do not believe, however,

that it is possible to make a greater jest of religion than they do,

when their prayers are ended. The women, who only attend the morning

matins, and those which they go about at ten o'clock at night, place

themselves at the gate of their tents, and keep themselves with their

faces towards the east.

When the first part of their religious exercise is performed, their next

business is the milking of the flocks. They begin with the she-camels,

giving them a great many blows with their feet, until they make them

rise. As soon as they are on their legs, they take off from their udder

a kind of covering made of ropes worked together, which is intended to

prevent the young camel from sucking. The young one then runs up to its

mother, and, by its caresses, prepares her to yield her milk in greater

abundance. The master and the keeper of the flock watch the moment when

the lips of the young camel are covered with a white foam: they then

separate it from its mother; and each resting his head on different

sides against the animal's belly, they press the udder, from which they

sometimes draw five pints of milk, when the rains have rendered the

earth fruitful. The keeper of the flock, after taking a few draughts

every time he milks, pours the rest into a vessel destined for that

purpose, and placed close by the side of his mistress; for he is allowed

no other nourishment than the milk which he draws from the last of the

camels. When all the milk is thus collected, the mistress puts aside her

part, which is never the least; then serves her husband and his

children; and lays up the rest in a goat's skin, which she leaves

exposed to the sun before the milk be made into butter. Three or four

hours after, the young girls bring from the fields the sheep and the

goats. The mother, who is always present at the last milking, mixes the

milk procured by it with that of the camels; and when the sun has

sufficiently warmed it, they separate the cream from it, in order to

make butter. What remains, serves as drink for the rest of the day. When

the butter is made, they put it into small skins, where it acquires a

strong smell, which, according to the taste of these barbarians, adds to

its value. The women use it for greasing their hair: without this they

would think something deficient in their dress. One cannot believe to

what excess they carry their coquetry. They dress their hair with great

art. They keep it flowing in tresses upon their breasts, and fasten to

it any thing they can find. I have seen some of them ornament it with

shell-work, keys of chests, and padlocks, rings of umbrellas, and

buttons of trowsers, which they have taken from sailors.

When their head-dress is thus so far prepared, they cover it with a

greasy cloth, which surrounds their head, covers the one half of their

nose, and ties below their chin. To give a brilliancy to their eyes,

they comb the eye-lashes with a great copper needle, which they have

rubbed upon a blue stone. Next comes the adjustment of their drapery;

and here all the art lies in plaiting it neatly, and so as to keep the

folds, in doing which they employ neither pins, cords, nor sewing. But

that the work of the toilette may be complete, they paint the nails of

their feet and hands with a reddish colour. A Moorish woman, who wishes

to be considered as a beauty, must have long teeth shooting out of her

mouth; the flesh from the shoulder to the elbow loose and flabby; their

limbs, thighs and body, prodigiously thick; their gait slow and cramped.

They have bracelets like the collar of great Danish dogs upon their arms

and legs. In a word, they labour from their infancy to efface any

beauties for which they are indebted to nature, and to substitute in

their room ridiculous and disagreeable whims. They have no other dress

in all their wardrobe than what I have described. To add to the

inconveniences to which these women are subjected, let us only reflect,

that the same linen on which they are delivered of a child, they

receive its nastiness and blow their noses in; it is impossible to form

an idea sufficiently disgusting, of the nastiness and horrid smell of

the Moorish women.

Could one suppose that these hideous women are addicted to jealousy and

evil-speaking? It is, however, a truth. One of them has, perhaps,

occasion to go and borrow something from her neighbour. If she meets the

husband, she veils her face, and presently with a trembling air enters

the tent. But if the woman is by herself, she begins to speak all the

evil she can of any neighbour who is better drest. This conversation

goes on, when perhaps a third enters, who does not fail to lay in her

word, in such a manner, as that the one half of the day is spent in evil

speaking; and she very frequently goes away, probably without

recollecting to seek what she came to borrow. Laziness and gluttony are

also their favourite sins. They will expose themselves to numberless

affronts, in order to procure a little camel or goat's flesh, when they

know that it is dressing in any person's house. Their favourite morsel

is the liver.

The men are addicted to almost the same vices. They commonly pass the

whole day stretched out upon a netting to sleep, to smoke, or to clean

themselves from vermin which torment them. The women have generally

committed to their care those employments which the men would otherwise

find no hesitation in doing reciprocally. There can be no cause of

surprise that the whole country is infected with vermin. They content

themselves with throwing them down, without taking the trouble to

destroy them. Notwithstanding all my precaution, my beard was always

filled with them, and I may safely say it was none of the least of my

sufferings during my captivity.

The men meet together sometimes in the day time, to entertain one

another with their warlike exploits. Every one recites the number of

enemies whom he has conquered. A ridiculously false story is almost

constantly followed by a charge of lying; a quarrel is the consequence;

and the conversation is generally terminated with some blows of the

poignard. They can never agitate even the most indifferent question,

without having their eyes inflamed with rage. Fury is depicted in every

the least motion, and they cannot even converse upon domestic affairs,

without roaring and yelling hideously.

Perfidy and treachery are two innate vices of the Arabs. It is for this

reason they never stir from their tents unarmed. They never make any

agreements in writing, well assured that he who receives an obligation

would poignard him to whom he signed it, to cancel his debt; and

therefore they always carry hung to their neck, a little leather purse,

in which they carry about with them whatever they consider as precious.

Although they keep nothing in their tents under lock and key, yet I have

seen some of them having small chests; these coffers, which often do not

contain the value of a small crown, are an object of desire to the whole

colony--I must not even except the brother, father, nor son of the

proprietor. My master's brother was particularly envious on account of

the small booty with which I had enriched his brother. He proposed to me

one day, as a very simple matter, that I should kill him during the

night. He offered me his poignard, and promised to conduct me to Morocco

when I had committed the crime. However discontented I then was with my

situation, this proposal shocked me--it struck me with horror. However,

it was soon renewed to me, with entreaties, by one of Sidy Mahammet's

uncles, who, of all his relations, appeared to be most attached to him.

I have frequently seen this man steal into my master's tent during the

night, in order to carry off some old iron, or leather thong. This same

man was one of the most considerable in the village. He was consulted in

their different disputes, and his judgment was always deemed weighty by

the poor--the rich paid little attention to any man's opinion.

Among the first lessons that they teach their young folks, are, to be

expert in using the poignard, to tear the entrails of their enemy with

their nails, and to give to a falsehood the semblance of truth. Those

who to these talents add that of reading and writing, become very

dangerous monsters, and thus acquire a very great ascendancy over their

companions. It may be justly said, that they are from their infancy

familiarized with vice, and equally happy in committing a bad or good

action.

According to the custom of the country, every stranger Arab, to whatever

district or tribe he belongs, known or unknown, is entitled to their

hospitality. If there are many travellers, they all contribute towards

the expense of their entertainment. All, without distinction, go out to

meet a stranger, and welcome him upon his arrival, assist him in

dismounting from his beast, and carry his baggage behind the bush,

which is to defend him from the rigour of the night; for it is an

established custom, that no stranger is admitted into their tent. This

ceremony over, they sit down around the new comer; inquire of him the

news of the country, whence he comes, and if the party have evacuated

the places where they were encamped; if he fell in with any other person

in districts more or less remote; and likewise if he found plenty of

pasturage in the places through which he passed. When they have got an

answer to these different questions, they then inquire to what tribe he

belongs; but they never think of inquiring about his own health or

welfare, till they are satisfied as to the other questions.

If no person is acquainted with the stranger in the horde which he

visits, the richest among them entertain him. If there are many of them,

the expense, as I have already said, becomes common. They serve to each

a large bowl of milk, and of barley meal mixed with boiled milk, or

water when it can be had. If the stranger can read, they give him the

honour of saying prayers; in which case the Talbe of the village places

himself by his side, as master of the ceremonies. This sums up all his

entertainment, if he is a stranger little known among them; but if has

any friends in the horde, or known to be rich, they quickly kill a good

ram, or a fat sheep, to regale him. The women prepare the banquet; and

while they are dressing the flesh, they serve up the fat first raw. So

soon as the meat is ready, they begin by laying aside a portion for the

husband; then that which they appoint for any of their neighbours, with

whom they live on good terms. If this attention was neglected, it would

be an irreparable fault. They then place, with care, the travellers mess

upon a truss of straw. The Arab who is the entertainer, causes a

Christian slave or negro, to follow him, carrying on his head the repast

for the guest, which however is not set before him till ten o'clock at

night, although perhaps he arrived early in the morning. Their practice

is to give nothing to eat, till night, when they feast either by the

light of a clear moon, or by a great fire, for they must have fire in

almost every season of the year. The traveller never fails earnestly to

entreat the person who brings him his mess, to do him the honour of

eating with him, but he generally declines it as much as possible, and

his refusal is founded on respect for his guest.

The next morning the travellers pursue their journey, without taking

leave of any person whatever. This manner of entertaining one another

would be surely very commendable, were it not for the many stratagems

which they make use of to avoid it. When an unknown stranger appears,

they sometimes place at a little distance from their tent a camel's

saddle, a mat, a gun and a little bundle, all seeming to intimate the

baggage of some traveller who has alighted from his horse; but often

these precautions do not hinder the stranger from settling beside the

same baggage. The chief comes to declare that they belong to some Arab

of a neighbouring village; but as this is a plan with which they are all

equally acquainted, the visitor generally is not discouraged, he remains

there; but in this case they revenge themselves on his importunity, by

giving him a very slender portion of victuals. Then he keeps a sharp

lookout, and if he sees any fire, he runs towards it in the hope of

getting some flesh or broth. He takes great care to keep himself at

first concealed behind the tent, in order to overhear what passes there,

and to discover if they are at victuals; for they are at great pains, in

order to prevent such visits, to take away very speedily the three

stones which support the kettle; and in this case his plan succeeds,

since they never see any person pass without inviting him to enter and

partake of the feast. It often happens that, while the gormandizing goes

on, they steal from behind the bush the effects which he secreted there;

but this is only one trick for another, for he takes the first

opportunity of paying them home in their own coin.

It is difficult to form a just idea of the pride and ignorance of these

people. They not only imagine that they are the first people in the

world, but they have the presumption to believe that the sun rises only

for them. Several of them have repeatedly said to me, "Behold that

luminary! which is unknown in thy country. During the night thou art not

enlightened, as we are, by that heavenly body, which regulates our days

and our fasts. His children[38] point out to us the hours of prayer. You

have neither trees nor camels, sheep, goats, nor dogs. Are your women

made like ours?"--"How long didst thou remain in the womb of thy

mother?" said another. "As long," replied I, "as thou in that of

thine."--"Indeed!" replied a third, counting my fingers and toes, "he is

made like us; he differs only in his colour and language, which

astonishes me."--"Do you sow barley in your houses?" meaning our ships.

"No," answered I; "we sow our fields almost in the same season as

you."--"How!" cried out several of them, "do you inhabit the earth? We

believed that you were born and lived on the sea." Such were the

different questions I had to answer, when I had the honour of their

conversation.

[Footnote 38: Thus they name the stars.]

War among them is nothing else than robbery; therefore they never engage

in it, but in the view of indulging their sloth, when they have pillaged

the flocks, and ravaged the fields before they are reaped. One day that

the fields were covered with the whole flocks of the village, one of the

keepers ran up, quite out of breath, to inform us that some squadrons of

the Ouadelims had appeared upon the top of the hills, with an apparent

intention of carrying off the cattle. Immediately the drum[39] beat, all

ran to arms, and advanced towards the enemy. The riders on horseback are

enveloped in a cloud of dust. The camel, who has a very long step, is

almost as agile. Pushed on by the roaring cries of his rider, he darts

into the crowd, and makes a more terrible carnage by his bites than all

the musketry. They never make an attack drawn up in line of battle.

Every warrior has his own particular combatant. He who throws his

adversary on the ground, or who carries off his arms or his beast,

retires precipitately with the fruit of his victory. Others, if they

think they are the stronger party, lay hold on them, give them several

blows with a poignard, or trail out their entrails with their horrid

claws. The person who to-day is possessed of considerable riches in

bestial, may find himself reduced to-morrow to extreme poverty, and

stripped by him who, the preceding day, had no property at all. The

weakest tribes, who are in consequence most exposed, are careful to live

at a considerable distance, especially from the Ouadelims and

Labdesseba. I have seen some of these two tribes, sometimes before

leaving their country, begin their ravages in the neighbourhood of

Arguin, which they call Agadir, and carry them even to the gates of

Morocco.

[Footnote 39: This great drum is committed to the charge of one of

the most considerable inhabitants. It is used on different

occasions; sometimes to call to arms, sometimes to inform that an

Arab is bewildered in the Desert, and at other times that the

camels are lost.]

In general, they cultivate no other grain but barley, and sometimes

wheat, when there has been plenty of rain. But after three years of

drought, their fields producing nothing, their method is to carry the

horrors of war into more fortunate countries, and there seize from their

brethren the fruits of their labour and industry. It thus happens that

plentiful crops fall into the hands of ferocious men, who are more

disposed to fight, than to labour for their subsistence.

When the battle is over, each party dig graves for the slain. The

Talbes, being desired to repair to the place stained with the blood of

their brethren, ran up to perform the duties of their function. These

consist in pronouncing some plaintive sounds upon a few handfuls of sand

gathered together in a shell, and sprinkling it upon the unhappy persons

whom they prepare for death, by placing their thumb upon their forehead,

as if they were applying some holy oil, and conclude with throwing upon

their bodies a scarf and chaplet. When they expire, they stretch them in

a grave, always carefully laying them on the left side, with their face

towards the east, as if to contemplate the tomb of their prophet. They

then enclose the tomb with great stones heaped upon one another, which

serve as a monument to these pillaging soldiers. The ages of their

warriors are distinguished by the space of ground which their coffin

occupies. The women, bathed in tears, come to throw themselves around

these mausoleums. Their gestures, wry faces, and harmonious sobs, form a

very ridiculous spectacle. A traveller should never pass before these

tombs, without depositing there his staff; and, after a short prayer, he

raises around the tomb heaps of stones, which are evidences of the vows

he has made for the repose of his soul.

After these funeral rites, cries of desolation resound through the

village. Every person mingles tears with those of the afflicted

relations. The tent of the deceased is conveyed to another place. All

his effects are exposed to the open air; and one of the fattest rams is

slain to comfort the relations and friends, who offer it to the deceased

in sacrifice. The repast being ended, they bury all differences. The day

after the battle, I have seen them pay visits to one another. He who has

dangerously wounded his neighbour the day before, goes to see him, and

converses with him on the dexterity with which he seized the favourable

moment to strike the blow. But what I consider as most extraordinary is,

that earth is their only cure for the deepest wounds. From whatever

place they take the earth, the effect is the same. In order to heal

their pains, they have recourse to another expedient, which however does

not always prove equally efficacious; that is, to apply red hot iron to

the part affected. Indeed, these Arabs are subject to few diseases. I

have seen many old people, of both sexes, who were oppressed with no

kind of infirmity. Sore eyes, and colics, are the most usual disorders

among them. Children, above all, are exposed to these, though in other

respects strong and robust. In the morning it is difficult for them to

open their eyelids. With regard to the colic, I think it is occasioned

by the verdigris which is mixed with every thing they eat or drink. The

reason of its not occasioning more sudden disasters, is, perhaps, the

large quantities of milk which they use. The kettles in which they cook

their victuals are not tinned; they never wash them, on account of the

scarcity of water; so that they remain covered with a crust of

verdigris, which they do not scrape away even when they scour them with

sand. During my stay among them, I was desirous of taking that charge,

and of rubbing, until I should clear the verdigris entirely away. But

they absolutely forbad me, telling me that I should wear their kettle.

It is therefore impossible but that victuals kept in such vessels must

prove prejudicial to their health.

It sometimes happens that the fields of these barbarians are covered

with plentiful crops. But instead of waiting till the grain attains to

maturity, they cut it down, and dry it over hot cinders; without

reflecting that, by pursuing this method, they deprive themselves of

that abundance which is necessary for the support of their families, and

of straw to feed their cattle, which, for the most part, are reduced to

the necessity of browzing on dry branches of trees; and that they

themselves are often obliged to eat the saddles and girths from the

backs of their camels. I could not see, without regret, the little care

which these barbarians take in preparing the earth. They leave the seed

between heaps of stones, and among bushes, the parched roots of which

absorb all the moisture of the ground, on which the waters leave a kind

of mud very proper for assisting early vegetation. The person who is

employed to till the ground, repairs to those spots which the rain has

principally moistened, and scatters the seed here and there

indifferently; after which, he turns up the earth with a plough drawn by

one camel, which consequently makes a furrow of very little depth. If

the moisture of the clouds happens to second his labour, each retires

with his portion to some rock or cavern. In passing through more fertile

cantons, I have found under my feet sheaves of corn, the full ears of

which invited the most opulent Arab to collect them. Others, heaped one

upon another, remained exposed to the injuries of the weather, because

the proprietor found himself provided with enough to last him until the

season when the vapours attracted by the mountains should fall down in

torrents, and overflow the valleys.

"Is it possible," reasoned I with myself, "that any of mankind are in

such a state of ignorance, as to make so little improvement of the

blessings of Providence? How happy would I think myself with any kind of

food suited to my taste!" I have at times taken a few handfuls of this

barley, and, having cleaned the grain by rubbing it in my hands, I then

eat it with inexpressible pleasure. On such occasions, I could have

imagined that I was transported where the manna rained down from the

sky for the support of the Israelites in the wilderness.

From any thing I could ever learn from the Arabs with whom I lived, they

are wholly strangers to every kind of industrious labour, and equally

unwilling to be instructed. They have only two artisans among them, and

these they regard with a kind of veneration, and doubtless with

astonishment, when they see them imitate in any manner the works of

foreigners, for they themselves are incapable of doing any thing. A

wheelwright and a blacksmith were in possession of the whole arts and

sciences of the country. The knowledge of the first was exercised in

making wooden dishes, mortars, and ploughs; but he has never yet been

able to give to that instrument of agriculture that shape which is

proper, and would make it easy for the hand of the labourer. The other

labours with strength of arm upon iron, and is equally ignorant of its

good and bad qualities. I have frequently seen him heat his iron many

times in the fire till he had exhausted all its virtue, and then he was

obliged to give it up, without making any thing of it; and if at other

times he was more fortunate, he never produced more than a clumsy

resemblance of the article which he wished to imitate. The same artisan

wrought with equal confidence in precious metals. My master one day

brought to him the chain of gold which I had given him, with orders to

make rings of it for his daughter. The ignorant fellow, after having

examined it, pretended that it was not gold. He compared it with a piece

of a mixed metal, which he had procured from one of our wrecks, and

which he insisted was pure gold. To support his assertion, he remarked

that mine was of various colours, but his was real metal, and of a

yellower hue. In short, after several remarks and dissertations equally

ridiculous as ill founded, he came to the resolution of making a hole in

a piece of charcoal, in which he enclosed it; and after having blown the

fire well, he was lucky enough to melt it, and to form rings as large as

the round of a snuff-box. His genius was generally admired, and he got a

bowl of butter-milk for his reward.

What pains did I not take to teach them a method of grinding their

barley with more ease, and of fanning it! How much have I laboured to

instruct them how to load their camels, with more equal weight on both

sides, in such a manner as not to hurt their sides, and to keep their

instruments from being in continual danger of being broken, by falling

to the ground! I wished to make them take more pains in labouring the

earth, and gather in their harvest with more care; in short, I wished to

polish them, but my attempts were vain; they are more conceited than

their camels, (which is by no means saying little;--much have I suffered

from these animals during the thirteen months I kept them!) What

evidences do they give in every thing they undertake of their want of

capacity! It is not possible to root out their prejudices, or correct

their ill habits. I have seen in the hands of the smith the flourish of

a gun-lock, with which he laboured fifteen whole days. When he had

finished his work, I told him that it was so ill fitted to the case,

that the person to whom it belonged could not make use of it without

running great risks. All the by-standers wished me to make a trial of

it, but I declined it. The workman, however, through the abundance of

his self-conceit, would try it himself, and accordingly it carried off

part of his jaw-bone and hand. I was convinced from what I had seen,

that this gunsmith's want of skill was the occasion of many wounds which

they received in battle.

Often did they question us, if there was not a gunsmith among us. They

seemed to think I was one from the observations which I had made. Their

arms are in the worst condition imaginable. They are in general exported

guns which the Arabs of the tribe of Trargea get in barter for camels.

Some tribes have procured them from ships which have been wrecked on

their coasts, and some bring them so far as from Morocco. These last are

more substantial, but so difficult to manage, that they prefer those

from Europe; and, above all, double-barrelled guns. There is not an Arab

who would not cheerfully give a Christian slave for one of these guns.

When they need repair, it is done with iron which they have abstracted

from ships. I was at first astonished to see with what eagerness they

staved barrels of spirits (_aquavitae_) for the sake of their iron hoops.

I could not have supposed they could have made use of such wretched iron

for that purpose. If metal and guns are objects of such value in their

eyes, one can readily conceive that stones, balls, lead and powder, are

far from being of little consequence with them. They can very well

distinguish good powder from bad. There is a powder manufactory in the

little city of Guadnum; but it is so coarse and bad, as to have often

very little effect, sometimes none at all. It clogs and dirties the gun;

and for want of oil, they are often obliged to grease them with butter.

If we may except these crimes which they endeavour to commit under

night, these people never make a mystery of their actions. If any of

them are proposing to take a long journey, they inform the whole

village, who meet together to give their best advice to the traveller.

Every one puts in his word, even children of fourteen years, who speak

with as much confidence as an old man could do in proposing an affair of

importance. These conferences, which they hold together for the purposes

of either condemning or approving of one another's schemes, are

sometimes prolonged for a whole month. In the same manner they consult

about changing their encampment, or removing the camels to the

sea-coast. This last matter is always very long of being decided upon,

on account of the distance, and of what they must suffer in being

deprived of milk till the return of these animals. It is true, that, in

such cases, those who do not send away their camels supply those that

are in want, but it is always in the view of being fully repaid, as they

express it themselves. They never manifest such joy as on the return of

the flocks. They come back with their interior well filled with water;

and although it has contracted a taste and smell exceedingly

disagreeable, it is however so scarce, that they drink it with much

enjoyment.

Every person in Europe supposes that a dog would run mad if deprived of

drink. In the deserts of Arabia, where the heat is excessive, they never

drink any, and commonly live on excrement. The camels will subsist four

months without tasting a drop of water. The goats and sheep drink still

less. Indeed, if it were not for the horses, the Arabs would never go in

search of water; they would wait on that which falls from the sky. The

rains, which usually fall about the month of October, spread an

universal joy. They keep all their holidays at this period. You can form

no idea of this general happiness, having never experienced this want.

A husband cannot divorce his wife, without the previous permission of

the old men of the village, who never refuse it. The women are on all

occasions treated with the greatest contempt. They never assume the name

of their husband, but retain that which was given them at their birth.

The children are not even called by their father's name. In almost all

the colonies in which I have been conversant, there are only four or

five different names in use among them. They are distinguished by that

of their tribe, or some other surname. When an Arab sets out on a long

journey, his spouse, after having received his adieu, follows him about

twenty paces from his dwelling, and throws after him the stone, which is

used for driving in the pikes of their tent, and, in the place where it

lies, she buries it in the sand till his return. It is thus she

expresses her good wishes for a successful journey to him.

Although the women behave very indecently, both in their words and

actions, they are however faithful to their husbands. It is difficult to

reconcile the tenderness which they show towards their children, and the

barbarity with which they correct them, especially the daughters, who

are much neglected both by the father and mother. However, it is in

their appearance that they display their opulence. They ornament their

ears, arms and legs, with rings of gold and silver. They put so much

alloy in their silver, that it is little else than whitened copper. The

poorer class make use of no other metal than this.

Nothing can exceed the joy of the parents upon the birth of a son. They

think it is a very lucky circumstance when the mother is delivered

without assistance from either male or female; thus it frequently

happens that she is delivered alone. She is stretched out upon the sand,

and when the child is born, takes a drop of milk to strengthen her, and

remains lying on the ground, in a wretched tent, which scarcely defends

her from the weather.

Every woman, on the birth of a son, as a demonstration of her joy,

blackens her face for forty days. When a daughter is born, she only

daubs the half of her face, and that for twenty days. If the poor

infants could only see what a hideous appearance their mother makes,

they would not come near her breast. I never in my life saw so shocking

a sight.

I could never keep in temper to see the cruelty with which these women

use their children, even while at the breast. They give them great blows

with their fist upon the back, to make them sleep; and, to prevent their

crying, pinch them unmercifully, and twist their skin with their

fingers. I have seen these inhuman mothers set out with them the same

day they were delivered, to go to an encampment fifteen or twenty

leagues distant. They place them without care in a kind of cradle,

which is set on the top of a camel's load. As in this situation they are

very conspicuous, they endeavour to make a show, and eclipse one

another; for this purpose they decorate the bodies of their camels with

stripes of scarlet-coloured cloth, and white rags. The four stoops which

support the body of the cradle, are adorned with leaves of copper, gilt

with gold or silver.

It is the women in general who lift the pikes of the tents, when their

husbands are resolved to move their camp. They also have the charge of

the camels under the inspection of their masters. When the husband

mounts his horse, it is his wife who holds the stirrup to him, although

she sometimes falls and hurts herself. This gives him little uneasiness,

provided, at his arrival, she is sufficiently recovered to attend him

with a bowl of butter-milk.

I have often been shocked to see one of these Arabs (who, not being rich

enough to keep a horse, having been mounted above his packages), leave

to the affrighted women the trouble of lifting up again the load which

had been thrown over, while he went to lie at his ease behind a bush.

Nothing can be more haughty than an Arab's behaviour to his wife, and

nothing more humble than that of a wife in the presence of her husband.

She is not allowed to eat with him, but, after having served him, she

retires till her husband calls upon her, to give her what he leaves.

An Arab cannot, without incivility, enter into his neighbour's tent on

any account; he calls standing at the door, and the woman who hears him

vails herself immediately, in the same manner which she does when she

passes any person. A husband would be much to blame, if, on entering

into his tent, he should lie down upon the mat which belongs to his

wife; he cannot enjoy this favour but when she is in bed. They are

indeed very attentive to their wives when with child. In every family

there is at least five or six children; and a plurality of wives being

permitted, one may easily conceive how soon these colonies become

considerable. No jealousy subsists between these rival wives, although

they all live under the same tent, and are witnesses of their husband's

embraces to each other.

The lodging which is appointed for a new married couple is adorned with

a small white flag. The bridegroom wears around his brows a bandage of

the same colour; whether it be his first or fifth marriage, he is always

decorated with this mark of virginity, be his age what it may. The day

of the marriage ceremony, he causes a camel to be slain for the

entertainment of his guests. The women and children, without any

distinction, assemble round the drummer; while he, set upon the ground,

beats with his hand upon the instrument, and sounding through the other

hand like a trumpet, he adds to this horrid noise the beating of his

drum, and an iron chain which he moves with his arm. One person only

dances to these instruments. Without moving from his place, his arms,

his head and his eyes, follow the music. His body remains without any

perceptible motion. His hands waving before his body, form different

gestures, every one more indecent than another. All the spectators beat

time with their hands. With the neck bent forward, and the jaw-bone

turned sometimes to one side, and sometimes another, they make a

thousand different wry faces, to which the dancing lady answers with an

astonishing precision. She finishes with gently reclining towards the

musician; the sounds of the instrument gradually become weaker; the eyes

of the actress are half closed; she gently presses her bosom; every

thing expresses violent passion. But it is not possible to give an idea

of what now passes, nor the air of indifference with which the woman,

who lately played a like part, joins her companions. The young people

form themselves into a circle, in the midst of which only one remains

standing on one leg, and with the other endeavours to defend himself

from the blows which they wish to aim at him; and the first whom he

strikes takes his place. This piece of dexterity is the only one with

which they are acquainted.

The day following the marriage, they separate the new married bride from

her husband, and the friends who are present take water and wash her

from the middle to the feet. They then comb and dress her hair, paint

her nails red, and dress her with new linen. If she is not rich enough

to buy these things, they lend her what she needs till the end of the

feast.

I have always considered as a fable, what I have been told of the

breasts of a Moorish woman, but am now convinced of my error. I have

_seen_ (to cite no other examples), I have _seen_, I say, one of these

women teazed by one of her children, throw them one of her breasts with

such force, that it reached the ground.

Their male children can scarcely walk, when the mother treats them with

the same respect as her husband, that is to say, prepares food for

them, and will not eat herself till her son has been served. The Talbe

who teaches them to read and write, gives them instructions with a loud

voice; and as each of them is learning a different lesson, it occasions

a horrid noise. The lessons they give them are written upon small boards

of polished wood. One lesson learned, they efface it, and write another

upon it; they make their pen of a small piece of wood. Their ciphers

pretty much resemble ours.

After what I have related of these barbarians, was it possible that I

should not be anxious to be again restored to my native country! We

complain when we change our dwellings; weep, when we part with friends;

are uneasy when we forget a handkerchief, or have a beard two days

without being shaved; and I have been a slave, naked, bit with vermin,

wounded in every part of my body, my bed among sand, either burning or

moist, for fourteen months. O Divine Providence! It is by Thee I have

been supported in what I have undergone, to Thee I have sacrificed my

sufferings, and from Thee I expect my reward.

III.

ACCOUNT OF THE ADVENTURES OF

MADAME GODIN DES ODONAIS,

IN PASSING DOWN THE RIVER OF THE AMAZONS,

IN THE YEAR 1770.

M. GODIN DES ODONAIS TO M. DE LA CONDAMINE.

_St Amand, Berry, 28th July 1773_.

SIR,

You require of me a narrative of the travels of my spouse along the

Amazons River, the same route I followed after you. The rumours which

have reached your ears of the dangers to which she was exposed, and

which she alone of eight persons surmounted, augment your curiosity. I

had resolved never to speak of them again, so painful to me was the

recollection of them; but, as an old companion in your travels, a

distinction which I prize, I cannot refuse, in return for the interest

you take in our welfare, and the marks of friendship you have shown me,

to give you the satisfaction you require.

We landed at Rochelle on the 26th of June last, after a passage from

Cayenne, effected in sixty-five days, having left this last place on

the 21st of April. On our arrival, I made inquiries after you, and

learnt, with much grief, that four or five months had elapsed since you

were no more. While yet in tears, my wife and myself were delighted, on

wiping them away, to find that at Rochelle the literary journals, and

what regards the Academy, are far less read than the news which relates

to commerce. Accept, Sir, for yourself and Mad. de la Condamine, our

heartiest congratulations.

You will recollect, that the last time I had the honour of seeing you in

1742, previous to your leaving Quito, I told you that I reckoned on

taking the same road that you were about to do, along the River of

Amazons, as much owing to the wish I had of knowing this way, as to

insure for my wife the most commodious mode of travelling, by saving her

a long journey over-land, through a mountainous country, in which the

only conveyance is on mules. You took the pains, in the course of your

voyage, to give information at the Spanish and Portuguese missions

established on its banks, that one of your companions would follow you;

and, though several years elapsed from the period of your leaving them,

this had not been forgotten. My wife was exceedingly solicitous of

seeing France; but her repeated pregnancies, for several years after

your departure, prevented my consent to her being exposed to the

fatigues incident on so long a voyage. Towards the close of 1748, I

received intelligence of the death of my father; and my presence thence

becoming indispensable for the arrangement of my family affairs, I

resolved on repairing to Cayenne by myself down the river; and planning

every thing on the way to enable my wife to follow the same road with

comfort, I departed in March 1749 from the Quito, leaving Mad. Godin at

that time pregnant. I arrived at Cayenne in April following, and

immediately wrote to M. Rouille, then minister of the navy, entreating

him to procure me passports and recommendations to the court of

Portugal, to enable me to ascend the Amazons, for the purpose of

proceeding to my family, and bringing it back with me by the same

channel. Any one but you, Sir, might be surprised at my undertaking thus

lightly a voyage of fifteen hundred leagues, for the mere purpose of

preparing accommodations for a second; but you will know that travels in

that part of the world are undertaken with much less concern than in

Europe; and those I had made during twelve years for reconnoitring the

ground for the meridian of Quito, for fixing signals on the loftiest

mountains, in going to and returning from Carthagena, had made me

perfectly a veteran. I availed myself of the opportunity afforded by the

conveyance which took my letters, to forward several objects relating to

natural history for the King's garden; among others, seed of the

Sarsaparilla, and of the five species of the Butua; with these also a

grammar, printed at Lima, of the language of the Incas, which I designed

as a present for M. de Buffon, from whom I received no answer. By that

with which I was honoured from M. Rouille, I learnt that his Majesty had

been pleased to direct that the governor and intendant of Cayenne should

both furnish me with recommendations to the government of Para. Upon

this, I wrote to you, Sir, and you were so obliging as to solicit

passports for me. You moreover favoured me with a letter of

recommendation from Commander La Cerda, minister of Portugal to France,

addressed to the governor of Para, with a letter from M. l'Abbe de la

Ville, which informed you that my passports had been expedited and

forwarded to Para. I inquired respecting them of the governor of that

place, who expressed his entire ignorance of the fact. I repeated my

letters to M. Rouille, who then was no longer in the ministry. Since

that time I renewed my letters every year, four, five, and even six

times, for the purpose of obtaining my passports, and constantly without

effect. Many of my letters were lost, or intercepted, during the war, of

which I the less doubt, from your having ceased to receive any,

notwithstanding I regularly continued my correspondence. At length,

hearing casually that M. le Comte d'Herouvillo was in the confidence of

M. de Choiseul, I ventured, in 1765, to write to the former of these

noblemen, although I had not the honour of being known to him,

explaining, in a few words, who I was, and entreating him to intercede

with the Duc de Choiseul for the transmission of my passports. To the

kindness of this nobleman alone can I attribute the success that

followed this step; for, the tenth month from the date of my letter to

M. le Comte de Herouville, I saw a decked galliot arrive at Cayenne,

equipped at Para by order of the King of Portugal, manned with thirty

oars, and commanded by a captain of the garrison of Para, instructed to

bring me to Para, thence transport me up the river as high as the first

Spanish settlement, to await there till I returned with my family, and

ultimately reconduct me to Cayenne, all at the special charge of his

Most Faithful Majesty; a liberality truly loyal, and such as is little

common among sovereigns. We left Cayenne at the close of November 1765,

in order to take in property belonging to me at the fort of Oyapoc,

where I resided. Here I fell sick, and even dangerously so. M. de

Rebello, the captain, a knight of the order of Christ, was so

complaisant as to wait for me six weeks. Finding at length that I still

continued too ill to venture on the voyage, and fearful of abusing the

patience of this officer, I besought him to continue his route, and that

he would permit me to put some one on board, to whom I might intrust my

letters, and who might fill my place in taking care of my family on its

return. I cast my eyes on Tristan D'Oreasaval, a person whom I had long

known, and in whom I had confidence. The packet I intrusted to him

contained the orders of the Father-general of the Jesuits to the

Provincial of Quito, and the Superior of the missions of Maynas, for

furnishing the canoes and equipage necessary for the voyage of my

spouse. The instructions I gave to Tristan were simply to deliver those

letters to the Superior, resident at La Laguna, the capital of the

Spanish missions of Maynas, whom I entreated to forward my letters to

Riobamba, in order that my wife might receive information of the vessel

despatched by his Majesty of Portugal, at the recommendation of the King

of France, to bring her to Cayenne. Tristan was further directed to wait

an answer from Riobamba at Laguna. He sailed from Oyapoc on the 24th

January 1766, and arrived at Loreto, the first establishment belonging

to Spain on ascending the river, in the month of July or August of the

same year. Loreto is a mission established below that of Pevas, since

the period of your coming down the river in 1743; nay, both this and the

Portuguese mission of Savatinga, above that of St Pablo, which was

before their last settlement up the river, have been founded since my

passage descending in 1749. The better to comprehend what I now

describe, it may be well you should cast your eyes over the chart made

by you of the course of the Amazons, or that of the province of Quito,

inserted in your Historical Journal of the Voyage to the Equator. The

Portuguese officer, M. de Rebello, after landing Tristan at Loreto,

returned to Savatinga, in conformity to the orders he had received of

waiting there until Madame Godin should arrive; and Tristan, in lieu of

repairing to Laguna, the capital of the Spanish missions, and there

delivering his letters to the Superior, meeting with a missionary

Jesuit, called Father Yesquen, who was on his return to Quito, by an

unpardonable oversight, which had every appearance of a bad intent,

delivered to his care the packet of letters. This was addressed to

Laguna, some days' journey from the spot where Tristan was; but instead

of attending to this circumstance, he sent it five hundred leagues

beyond, to the other side of the Cordilleras, and himself remained in

the Portuguese missions, carrying on trade.

You will please to notice, that, besides different articles which I had

intrusted to him to dispose of for me, I had furnished him, in addition,

with more than sufficient to defray all expense in travelling through

the Spanish missions.

In spite, however, of his bad conduct, a vague rumour obtained

circulation through the province of Quito, and reached the ears of

Madame Godin, not only of letters addressed to her being on their way in

the custody of a Jesuit, but also, that, in the uppermost missions of

Portugal, a vessel equipped by his Most Faithful Majesty had arrived to

transport her to Cayenne. Her brother, a monk of the order of Augustins,

in conjunction with Father Terol, a provincial Dominican, exerted

themselves much to induce the Provincial of the Jesuits to obtain these

letters. The Jesuit who received them at length made his appearance, and

stated he had delivered them to another; this other being interrogated,

replied, he had committed them to a third; but, notwithstanding the most

diligent inquiry, the letters never were found. With respect to the

arrival of the vessel, opinions differed, some giving credit to, while

others disputed the fact. To venture on a voyage of such length without

any certainty, and preparatory thereto to arrange all family affairs,

and part with her furniture, was what Madame Godin could not, without

much risk and imprudence, resolve upon. She determined on the

commendable medium of despatching a faithful negro, who departed with

some Americans, but who, in consequence of obstacles, was obliged to

return. His mistress sent him forward a second time with new

instructions, and means of surmounting the difficulties which had

prevented his progress before. More fortunate on this second trip, the

negro reached Loreto, saw and communicated with Tristan, and, returning,

acquainted Madame Godin of the reality of the report, and that Tristan

was at Loreto. Upon this she determined on her journey, sold part of her

furniture, but left the rest, as well as her house at Riobamba, a garden

and estate at Guaslen, and another property of ours between Galte and

Maguazo, to her brother-in-law. Some idea of the length of time which

elapsed since the month of September 1766, at which epoch the letters

were delivered to the Jesuit, may be formed by computing how long the

journey of the reverend father to Quito must have occupied, how much

time would be lost in seeking the letters, in inquiry into the fact of

the rumour, in hesitating about what was best to be done, and in the two

journeys of the negro to Loreto and back to Riobamba, the sale also of

our effects, and the requisite preparations for a voyage of such length;

in fact, these prevented her setting out from Riobamba, forty leagues

south of Quito, before the 1st of October 1769.

The arrival of the Portuguese vessel was rumoured at Guayaquil, and even

as far as the shore of the South Sea; for M. R., who reported himself to

be a French physician, coming from Upper Peru, and on his way to Panama

and Porto Bello, in the view of passing thence to Santo Domingo,

Martinico, or, at any rate, to the Havannah, and from that place to

Europe, touching at Point St Helena, learnt there that a lady of

Riobamba was on the point of setting out for the Amazons river, and

embarking thence in a vessel equipped by the order of his Portuguese

Majesty, to take her to Cayenne. This engaged him to change his route,

and ascending the Guayaquil river, he proceeded to Riobamba, to entreat

Madame Godin to grant him a passage, undertaking, in return, to watch

over her health, and show her every attention. At first she answered,

that she had no authority to grant his request; but M. R. applying to

her two brothers, they represented to her so urgently that she might

have need of the assistance of a physician on so long a voyage, that she

at length consented to his accompanying her. Her two brothers, who

likewise were setting out for Europe, hesitated not an instant to avail

themselves of the opportunity which now offered of hastening their

arrival, the one at Rome, whither he was called by business relative to

his order, the other in Spain, where his private affairs required his

presence. The latter took with him a son about nine or ten years of age,

whom he wished to educate in France. M. de Grandmaison, my

father-in-law, went on before to obtain every possible accommodation for

his daughter on the road, to the point of embarkation beyond the Great

Cordillera. He at first met with obstacles from the president and

captain-general of the province of Quito, for you, Sir, are aware that

the passage by the Amazons is forbidden by the Spanish court; but these

difficulties were soon overcome. On my return from Carthagena, whither I

had been despatched on matters relative to our company in 1740, I

brought back with me a passport from the viceroy of Santa Fe, Don

Sebastian de Eslava, authorizing our taking whatever road we pleased;

and in consequence of the production of this, the Spanish governor of

the province of Maynas and Omaguas, informed of the approach of Madame

Godin, politely sent to meet her a canoe stored with refreshments, such

as fruit, milk, &c. which reached her at a little distance from the

town of Omaguas; but to what misfortunes, what a horrible situation was

she not exposed before that happy moment! She left her residence of

Riobamba with her escort on the 1st of October 1769; and with these she

reached Canelos, the spot at which they were to embark, situate on the

little river Bobonasa, which empties itself into the Pastaca, as this

last does into the Amazons. M. de Grandmaison, who preceded them a month

on the way, found the village of Canelos well inhabited, and immediately

embarked, continuing his journey, to prepare every thing necessary for

the transport of his daughter at each stage of her way. As he knew that

she was accompanied by her brothers, a physician, her negro, and three

female mulattoes or Americans, he proceeded on to the Portuguese

missions. In the interval, however, between his journey and the arrival

of my wife, the small-pox, an European importation, more fatal to the

Americans in this part than the plague, which is fortunately here

unknown, is to the people of Levant, had caused the village of Canelos

to be utterly abandoned by its population. They had seen those first

attacked by this distemper irremediably carried off, and had in

consequence dispersed among the woods, where each had his own hut,

serving as a country retreat. On her departure, my wife was escorted by

thirty-one American natives to carry herself and baggage. You know, Sir,

that this road, the same pursued by M. de Maldonada, is impracticable

even for mules; that those who are able effect the passage on foot, but

that others are carried. The Americans who escorted Madame Godin, who

were paid in advance, according to the bad custom in this country, a

custom founded on mistrust, at times but too well founded, scarcely

reached Canelos before they retraced their steps, either from dread of

the air being infected, or from apprehension of being obliged to

embark,--a matter obnoxious in the extreme to individuals who had

perhaps never seen a canoe in their lives but at a distance. Nay, such

excuses are possibly superfluous, for you well know how often we are

abandoned by them on our mountains, on no pretence whatever. What, under

such circumstances, was to be done? Had my wife been able to return, yet

the desire of reaching the vessel waiting her, together with her anxiety

to rejoin a husband from whom she had been parted twenty years, were

incentives powerful enough to make her, in the peculiar circumstances in

which she was placed, brave even greater obstacles.

In the village only two Indians remained free from the contagion. These

had no boat, but they engaged to construct one, and pilot it to the

mission of Andoas, about twelve days journey below, descending the river

of Bobonaza, a distance of from one hundred and forty to one hundred and

fifty leagues; she paid them beforehand. The canoe being finished, they

all departed from Canelos. After navigating the river two days, on the

succeeding morning the pilots absconded; the unfortunate party embarked

without any one to steer the boat, and passed the day without accident.

The next day at noon, they discovered a canoe in a small port adjoining

a leaf-built hut, in which was a native recovering from illness, who

consented to pilot them. On the third day of his voyage, while stooping

over to recover the hat of Mr K., which had fallen into the water, the

poor man fell overboard, and, not having sufficient strength to reach

the shore, was drowned. Behold the canoe again without a steersman,

abandoned to individuals perfectly ignorant of managing it. In

consequence, it was shortly overset, which obliged the party to land,

and build themselves a hut. They were now but from five to six days

journey from Andoas. Mr R. proposed to repair thither, and get off with

another Frenchman of the party, and the faithful negro belonging to

Madame Godin, taking especial care to carry his effects with him. I

since blamed my wife for not having despatched one of her brothers to

accompany Mr R., but found that neither of them, after the accident

which had befallen the canoe, were inclined to trust themselves on the

water again without a proper pilot. Mr R. moreover promised, that within

a fortnight a canoe should be forwarded to them with a proper complement

of natives. The fortnight expired, and even five-and-twenty days, when,

giving over all hopes, they constructed a raft on which they ventured

themselves, with their provisions and property. The raft, badly framed,

struck against the branch of a sunken tree, and overset, all their

effects perishing in the waves, and the whole party being plunged into

the water. Thanks to the little breadth of the river at this place no

one was drowned, Madame Godin being happily saved, after twice sinking,

by her brothers. Placed now in a situation still more distressing than

before, they collectively resolved on tracing the course of the river

along its banks. How difficult an enterprise this was, you, Sir, are

well aware, who know how thickly the banks of the rivers are beset with

trees, underwood, herbage and lianas, and that it is often necessary to

cut one's way. They returned to their hut, took what provisions they had

left behind, and began their journey. By keeping along the river's side,

they found its sinuosities greatly lengthened their way, to avoid which

inconvenience they penetrated the wood, and in a few days they lost

themselves. Wearied with so many days' march in the midst of woods,

incommodious even for those accustomed to them, their feet torn by

thorns and brambles, their provisions exhausted, and dying with thirst,

they were fain to subsist on a few seeds, wild fruit, and the palm

cabbage. At length, oppressed with hunger and thirst, with lassitude and

loss of strength, they seated themselves on the ground without the power

of rising, and, waiting thus the approach of death, in three or four

days expired one after the other. Madame Godin, stretched on the ground

by the side of the corpses of her brothers and other companions,

stupified, delirious, and tormented with choking thirst, at length

assumed resolution and strength enough to drag herself along in search

of the deliverance which providentially awaited her. Such was her

deplorable condition, she was without shoes, and her clothes all torn to

rags. She cut the shoes off her brothers' feet, and fastened the soles

on her own. It was about the period, between the 25th and 30th of

December 1769, that this unfortunate party (at least seven of the number

of them) perished in this miserable manner; the date I gather by what I

learn from the only survivor, who related that it was nine days after

she quitted the scene of the wretched catastrophe described before she

reached the banks of the Bobonasa. Doubtless this interval must have

appeared to her of great length; and how a female so delicately

educated, and in such a state of want and exhaustion, could support her

distress, though but half the time, appears most wonderful. She assured

me that she was ten days alone in the wood, two awaiting death by the

side of her brothers, the other eight wandering at random. The

remembrance of the shocking spectacle she witnessed, the horror incident

on her solitude and the darkness of night in a desert, the perpetual

apprehension of death, which every instant served to augment, had such

effect on her spirits as to cause her hair to turn grey. On the second

day's march, the distance necessarily inconsiderable, she found water,

and the succeeding day some wild fruit and fresh eggs, of what bird she

knew not, but which, by her description, I conjecture to have been a

species of partridge. These with the greatest difficulty was she enabled

to swallow, the oesophagus, owing to the want of aliment, having become

so much parched and straitened; but these and other food she

accidentally met with, sufficed to support her skeleton frame. At

length, and not before it was indispensable, arrived the succour

designed for her by Providence.

Were it told in a romance that a female of delicate habit, accustomed to

all the comforts of life, had been precipitated into a river; that,

after being withdrawn when on the point of drowning, this female, the

eighth of a party, had penetrated into unknown and pathless woods, and

travelled in them for weeks, not knowing whither she directed her steps;

that, enduring hunger, thirst, and fatigue to very exhaustion, she

should have seen her two brothers, far more robust than her, a nephew

yet a youth, three young women her servants, and a young man, the

domestic left by the physician who had gone on before, all expire by her

side, and she yet survive; that, after remaining by their corpses two

whole days and nights, in a country abounding in tigers and numbers of

dangerous serpents, without once seeing any of these animals or

reptiles, she should afterwards have strength to rise, and continue her

way, covered with tatters, through the same pathless wood for eight days

together till she reached the banks of the Bobonasa, the author would be

charged with inconsistency; but the historian should paint facts to his

reader, and this is nothing but the truth. The truth of this marvellous

tale is attested by original letters in my hands, from many missionaries

on the Amazons, who felt an interest in this event, and by other proofs,

as will be seen in the sequel of this narrative. These misfortunes would

have been avoided altogether but for the infidelity of Tristan, but for

his neglect, instead of stopping at Loreto, of delivering, as

instructed, in person, my letters to the Superior at Laguna; with this

precaution, on his part, my wife would, as her father had done, have

found the village of Canelos peopled with natives, and a canoe ready to

convey her forward.

To return, it was on the eighth or ninth day, according to Madame Godin,

after leaving the dreadful scene of the death of her companions, that

she found herself on the banks of the Bobonasa. At day-break she heard a

noise at about two hundred paces from her. Her first emotions, which

were those of terror, occasioned her to strike into the wood; but, after

a moment's reflection, satisfied that nothing worse, could possibly

befal her, than to continue in her present state, and that alarm was

therefore childish, she proceeded to the bank of the river, and

perceived two native Americans launching a boat into the stream. It is

the custom of these people, on their landing to pass the night, to draw

their canoe either wholly, or partially on shore, as a security against

accidents; for, should it be left afloat, and the fastening tackle

break, it would be carried away by the current, and leave the sleepers

on shore in a truly helpless state. The natives, perceiving Madame

Godin, advanced towards her, on which she conjured them to transport her

to Andoas. They had been driven by the contagion prevalent at Canelos,

to withdraw with their wives to a hut they had at a distance, and were

then going to Andoas. They received my wife on board with kindness truly

affectionate, showed every attention to her wants, and conducted her to

that village. Here she might have stopped some days to rest herself and

recruit her strength, (and well may it be conceived she had great need

of rest), but, indignant at the conduct of the missionary at whose mercy

she was left, and with whom for that reason she was obliged to

dissemble, she resolved on making no stay at Andoas, nor would even have

stopped a single night had it been possible to avoid it.

A great revolution in the missions of Spanish America dependent upon

Lima, Quito, Charcas, and Paraguay, founded and administered by the

Jesuits, for from one to two centuries, had recently taken place. An

unexpected order from the court of Madrid expelled them from all their

colleges and missions; they had in consequence been every where

arrested, put on board, and transported to the Pope's dominions. This

event, however, had occasioned no more disturbance than would have done

the change of a village-rector. In lieu of them, the secular clergy were

substituted, of which class was the individual who officiated as

missionary at Andoas, an individual whose name I wish to banish from my

memory. Madame Godin, stripped of almost every thing, not knowing

otherwise how to testify her gratitude to the two Americans who had

saved her life, took from her neck two chains of gold, such as are

usually worn in this country, of about four ounces weight, and gave one

to each of them, whose admiration at the richness of the present

equalled that they would have experienced had the heavens opened before

them; but the missionary, in her very presence, took possession of the

chains, and gave the poor Americans in their room about three or four

yards of coarse cotton, such as is manufactured in the country, and

called Tucuyo. Conduct thus infamous exasperated my wife to such a

degree, that she instantly demanded a canoe and men, and the next day

set out for Laguna. A female American at Andaos made a cotton petticoat

for her, which she sent to pay for immediately on reaching Laguna, and

which she preserves with care, with the soles of the shoes of her

brothers, converted by her into sandals--mournful tokens, rendered dear

to me as they are to herself!

While my wife was yet wandering in the woods, her faithful negro, with a

party of Americans from Andoas, ascended the river. M. R. thinking more

of his own affairs than forwarding the boat which should recal his

benefactors to life, scarcely reached Andoas before he departed with

his companion and baggage for Omaguas. The negro, on reaching the hut

where he left his mistress and her brothers, traced them through the

woods, in company with his companions, until he came to the spot where

their corpses laid, already putrid and uncognizable. At sight of these,

persuaded that no one had escaped death, the negro and his companions

returned to the hut, collected what had been left there, and again

reached at Andoas before my wife arrived there. The negro thence

repaired to M. R. at Omaguas, and delivered to him the property of his

mistress. This man was not ignorant that M. Grandmaison, who had reached

Loreto, awaited there with impatience the arrival of his children. A

letter in my possession even proves that my father-in-law, informed that

the negro Joachim was at Omaguas, advised Tristan to repair thither and

bring him forward; but neither Tristan nor M. R. thought fit to satisfy

him, and so far from complying with his request, M. R., of his own

accord, sent the negro back to Quito, keeping the property he had

brought back with him.

You know, Sir, that Laguna is not situate on the Amazons, but some

leagues up the Guallaga, a tributary of the former river. Joachim,

dismissed by M. R., did not in course proceed to Laguna in search of his

mistress, whom he imagined dead, but returned to Quito, and thus have we

lost his services. You will certainly be far from guessing the excuse of

M. R. for sending away a faithful servant, who was so much wanted by us.

"I was afraid," said he in answer to this inquiry, "that he would murder

me."--"What," replied I, "could have given birth to a suspicion of such

intention in a man whose zeal and fidelity were so well known to you,

and with whom you so long had travelled? If you apprehended he might

dislike you, from imputing the death of his mistress to your negligence,

what prevented your sending him forward to M. Grandmaison, who exacted

this of you, and who was so nigh at hand? At least, what hindered your

putting him in prison? You lodged with the governor of Omaguas, who

would readily have complied, had you made him such a request."

In the mean time, Madame Godin, with the canoe and crew from Andoas, had

reached Laguna, where they were received with the greatest politeness by

Dr Romero, the new chief of the missions, who, by his kind treatment

during six weeks that she remained with him, did much towards

reestablishing her health, but too much impaired, and making her forget

her misfortunes. The first care of this respectable character was, to

forward an express to the governor of Omaguas, to inform him of the

arrival of Madame Godin, and the languid state of her health. Upon this

intelligence, M. R. could do no less, having promised to render her his

services, than hasten to join her, bringing with him four silver dishes,

a silver saucepan, a velvet petticoat, one of Persiana, and one of

taffety, some linen, and other trifles, belonging to her brothers as

well as herself; adding, that all the rest were rotten, forgetting that

bracelets, snuff-boxes, and rosaries of gold, and ear-rings set with

emeralds, were not subject to rottenness, any more than various other

effects. "Had you," said Madame Godin, "had you brought back my negro,

I should have learnt from him what he had done with my property found in

the hut. But of whom, respecting it, am I now to inquire? Go your ways,

Sir; it is impossible that I can ever forget that, to you, I owe all my

misfortunes and all my losses; manage henceforward as you may, I am

determined you shall make no part of my company." My wife had but too

much reason on her side, but the intercessions of M. Romero, to whom she

could refuse nothing, and who represented to her that, if she abandoned

M. R., his condition would be deplorable, at length overcame her

repugnance, and induced her to consent he should yet continue with her.

When Madame Godin was somewhat recovered, M. Romero wrote to M.

Grandmaison, informing him that she was out of danger, and requesting

him to despatch Tristan to accompany her to the Portuguese vessel. He

likewise wrote to the governor, acquainting him that he had represented

to Madame Godin, whose courage and piety he could never sufficiently

admire, that she was yet merely at the beginning of a long and tedious

voyage; and that, though she had already travelled upwards of four

hundred leagues, she had yet four or five times that distance to pass

before she reached Cayenne; that, but just relieved from the perils of

death, she was about to incur fresh danger; concluding with offering, if

she chose to return, to cause her to be escorted back in perfect

security to her residence of Riobamba. To these he added, that Madame

Godin replied, "She was surprised at his proposals; that the Almighty

had preserved her when alone amid perils in which all her former

companions had perished; that the first of her wishes was to rejoin her

husband; that for this purpose she had begun her journey; and, were she

to cease to prosecute her intention, that she should esteem herself

guilty of counteracting the views of Providence, and render useless the

assistance she had received from her two dear Americans and their wives,

as well as all the kindness for which she was indebted to him, and for

which God alone could recompense them." My wife was ever dear to me, but

sentiments like these add veneration to tenderness. Tristan failing to

arrive when expected, M. Romero, wearied with waiting for him in vain,

equipped a canoe, and gave directions for the transport of Madame Godin,

without halting any where, to the Portuguese vessel. Then it was that

the governor of Omaguas, knowing of her coming, and that she was to stop

no where by the way, despatched a canoe to meet her, loaded with

refreshments.

The Portuguese commander, M. de Rebello, hearing of her approach, fitted

out a pirogue, commanded by two of his men, and stored with provisions,

to meet her, which they did at the village of Pevas. This officer, the

better to fulfil the orders of his master, with great labour, and by

doubling the number of oars, worked his vessel up the river as high as

the mission of Loreto, where he received her on board. I learn from her,

that from that instant till she reached Oyapok, throughout a course of

nearly a thousand leagues, she wanted for nothing to render her

comfortable, not even the nicest delicacies, and such as could not be

expected in the country; wine and liquors which she never uses, fish,

game, &c. were supplied by two canoes which preceded the galliot. The

governor of Para, moreover, had sent orders to the chief part of the

stages at which they had to halt, with additional refreshments.

I forgot to mention, that the sufferings of my wife were not at an end,

and that one of her thumbs was in a very bad state, owing to its being

wounded by thorns in the wood, which had not yet been extricated, and

which had not only occasioned an abscess, but had injured the tendon and

even the bone itself. It was proposed to take off the thumb, but, by

dint of care and fermentations, she had only the pain to undergo

occasioned by the extraction of two splinters at San Pablo, but she

entirely lost the use of the tendon. The galliot continued its course to

the fortress of Curupa about sixty leagues above Para. M. de Martel,

knight of the Order of Christ, and major of the garrison of Para,

arrived there the succeeding day, by order of the governor, to take

command of the galliot, and conduct Madame Godin to Fort Oyapok. A

little beyond the mouth of the river, at a spot off the coast where the

currents are very violent, he lost one of his anchors; and as it would

have been imprudent to venture with only one, he sent a boat to Oyapok,

to seek assistance, which was immediately forwarded. Hearing by this

means of the approach of Madame Godin, I left Oyapok on board a galliot

belonging to me, in view of meeting her; and, on the fourth day of my

departure, fell in with her vessel opposite to Mayacare. On board this

vessel, after twenty years' absence, and a long endurance on either side

of alarms and misfortunes, I again met with a cherished wife, whom I had

almost given over every hope of seeing again. In her embraces I forgot

the loss of the fruits of our union, nay, I even congratulated myself on

their premature death, as it saved them from the dreadful fate which

befel their uncle in the wood of Canelos beneath their mother's eye, who

certainly could never have survived the sight. We anchored at Oyapok the

22d July 1770. I found in M. Murtel an officer as much distinguished by

his acquirements as by his prepossessing exterior. He has acquaintance

with most of the languages of Europe, is an excellent Latinist, and well

calculated to shine on a more extensive scene than Para. He is a

descendant of the illustrious French family of similar name. I had the

pleasure of his company for a fortnight at Oyapok, whither M. de

Fiedmont, governor of Cayenne, whom the commandant of Oyapok, advised of

his arrival by express, immediately despatched in a boat with

refreshments. We caused the Portuguese vessel to undergo a repair, which

it much wanted, and refitted it with sails to enable it to stem the

currents on its return. The commandant of Oyapok gave M. Martel,

moreover, a coast-pilot, to accompany him to the frontiers. I offered to

go so far as his consort on board my galliot, but he would suffer me to

proceed no farther than Cape D'Orange. I took my leave of him with those

feelings which the polite attention and noble behaviour of that officer

and his generous nation were so well calculated to inspire in me, as

well as my wife, a conduct on the part of either, which I was led to

expect from what I had individually experienced on my former voyage.

I should previously have told you that, when I descended the Amazons in

1749, with no other recommendation to the notice of the Portuguese than

arose from the remembrance of the intimation afforded by you in 1743,

that one of the companions of your travels would follow the same way, I

was received in all the Portuguese settlements, by the missionaries and

commandants of the forts, with the utmost courtesy. On passing San Pablo

I purchased a canoe, in which I descended the river to Fort Curupa,

whence I wrote to the governor of Grand Para, M. Francis Mendoza Gorjao,

to acquaint him of my arrival, and beg permission of sailing from Curupa

to Cayenne, whither I intended to repair direct. He favoured me with so

polite an answer, that I made no hesitation of quitting my intended

cruise and taking a longer, in order to thank him and pay him my

respects. He received me with open arms, and insisted on my making his

house and table my own during a week that I stopped with him; nor would

he suffer me to depart before he set off himself for St. Louis de

Marinhan, whither he was about to go on his circuit. After his

departure, I remounted the river to Curupa with my canoe, escorted by

one of greater dimensions, sent with me by the commandant of that fort

on my voyage to Para, a city which, as you have justly remarked, stands

on a large river, considered, but improperly, the right arm of the

Amazons, as the river of Para merely communicates with the Amazons by a

channel hollowed by the tides, and called Tagipuru. At Curupa I found

waiting for me, by order of the governor of Para, a large pirogue of

fourteen oars, commanded by a serjeant of the garrison, and destined to

carry me to Cayenne, whither I repaired by Macapa, coasting along the

left of the Amazons to its mouth, without, like you, making tour of the

great island of Joanes, or Marajo. After similar courtesies, unprovoked

by express recommendations, what had I not to expect, seeing his Most

Faithful Majesty had condescended to issue precise orders to expedite a

vessel to the very frontiers of his dominions, for the purpose of

receiving my family on board, and transporting it to Cayenne?

To resume my narrative.--After taking leave of M. de Martel off Cape

D'Orange with those reciprocal salutes common with sailors, I returned

to Oyapok, and thence to Cayenne.

Here I was engaged in a lawsuit. Tristan demanded of me the wages I had

promised him of sixty livres per month. I offered to pay him for

eighteen months, the utmost time the voyage could have required, had he

strictly followed his instructions. The sentence pronounced by the

superior council of Cayenne condemned him to render me an account of

from seven to eight thousand franks, the value of effects I had

committed to his care, deducting one thousand and eighty for the

eighteen months's salary I had offered him; but the wretch, after

dealing treacherously with me as he had done, after causing the death of

eight persons, including the American who was drowned, and all the

misfortunes which befel my wife; in short, after dissipating the whole

of the effects I had intrusted with him, proved insolvent; and, for my

part, I judged it unnecessary to augment the losses I had already

sustained by having to support him in prison.

I conceive, Sir, that I have now complied to the full with your request.

The narrative I have given, by recalling the mournful scenes I have

depicted, has cost me infinite anguish. The lawsuit with Tristan, and

the illness of my wife on reaching Cayenne, a consequence but too

natural of the sufferings she had undergone, did not admit of my

venturing to expose her earlier than the present year (1773), to so long

a voyage by sea. At present she is, with her father, in the midst of my

family, by whom they have been tenderly received. M. de Grandmaison had

originally no intention of proceeding to France, but merely meant, by

his voyage, to see his daughter safe on board the Portuguese vessel; but

finding old age creep on apace, and penetrated with the most lively

grief at the intelligence of the sad death of his children, he abandoned

all, and embarked with her, trusting the care of his property to his

other son-in-law, M. Savula, who resides at Riobamba. For my wife,

however solicitous all about her to enliven her spirits, she is

constantly subject to melancholy, her horrible misfortunes being ever

present to her imagination. How much did it cost me to obtain from her

the relations requisite for the judges in the course of my lawsuit! I

can even readily conceive that, from delicacy, she has abstained from

entering into many details, the remembrance of which she was anxious to

lose, and which, known, could but add to the pain I feel. Nay she was

even anxious that I should not prosecute Tristan, compassionating even

that wretch; thus following the gentle impulse of a heart inspired with

the purest benevolence, and the genuine principles of religion!

THE END.

Printed by the Heirs

of D. Willison.