A. LEO WEIL

[_Mr. Weil, one of the best known attorneys of western

Pennsylvania, is known outside of his profession as the militant

President of the Pittsburgh Voters’ League, the organization

which exposed the graft scandals of three years ago, sent

councilmen and bankers to jail and brought new and invigorating

spirit into Pittsburgh municipal life. Last Year the Voters’

League successfully brought charges against the head of the

Department of Public Safety, and provoked a situation which led

to the creation of the Pittsburgh Morals Commission, a

semi-official body without governmental authority, and the

cleaning-up of the big numbered district._

_It is on the basis of this experience that Mr. Weil reaches the

conclusions here set forth. He was a witness before the Wagner

commission which has recommended legislation now pending in New

York (with every prospect of passage) that will create a

separate public welfare department, largely divorce it from the

city administration and entrust its commissioners, appointed by

the mayor, with powers with respect to vice somewhat similar to

those held by the Board of Health with respect to sanitary

conditions._—Ed.]

The police, a body of men selected primarily to preserve order,

protect life, prevent crime, apprehend the criminal, and perform

other administrative duties—men perhaps wholly unfitted as a body

for anything else—have been expected to solve, by legislation,

problems which have confounded the wisest from the time whereof

the memory of man runneth not to the contrary.

That the police have failed could not be otherwise.

That they have aggravated the evil was to be expected.

That ultimately legislation must be placed in competent, qualified

hands, must be apparent.

That it will require the greatest minds, the best thought, the

highest statesmanship, and almost a divine perception, to

apprehend and deal with those complex, involved, intricate

questions having to do with the passions of men and the strongest

laws of nature, urging defiance of human laws, seems to be

axiomatic.

Nevertheless, on the subject of vice as generally understood in

our cities, the police are expected not only to administer the

laws, but to make them; not only to enforce enactments, but to

frame them. And herein lies, in my judgment, the root of the evil

in present day conditions which has brought our police into

disrepute.

All countries, from the most despotic to the most liberal, from

the most conservative to the most radical, have left this question

of the social evil to the police, and have not dared, through

their legislative bodies, to thoroughly consider and pass laws to

eradicate it. Such meager legislation as has been passed has been

ignored in the congested centers of population, and generally such

legislation has not been supported by the public sentiment of

those communities. Legislation has been generally of a merely

prohibitive character, ignoring existing conditions, together with

the army of human beings living upon vice, for whom some provision

must be made.

Even if the legislatures could be induced to take up this question

and pass general laws, it would necessarily follow that such laws

in their generality must look to the future, rather than to the

present, and existing conditions would have to be left to some

other authority.

In every large city there are thousands engaged in prostitution.

They can neither be exterminated by the fiat of law nor reformed

by the passage of proclamations. Public morals, like private

morals, can be improved only gradually. It is not so much the

theoretical question of to be or not to be, but the practical

situation summed up in such phrases as: It is—it will for a time

remain. The future—what is it to be?

Would it not be wise to ask the legislature to pass a law

requiring every city to appoint a body of men to draft, and from

time to time revise, a code of laws to regulate, suppress,

exterminate, and generally to deal with, this problem of

prostitution? To it must be given authority. It must be vested

with legislative power. It should have its own employes—call it a

morals police force, if you wilt—to carry into effect the rules,

regulations and laws passed by this commission. That men could be

obtained to act upon such a commission, public-spirited,

representative students of social questions, I fully believe. No

one would accept a place on such a board who was not interested in

the welfare of his community. The responsibilities would be

fearful; the criticism would be severe. No one without a blameless

life would dare to act. Whether or not ultimately the regular

police force could be used by such a commission would be a

question of policy. At any rate, for the present, I believe it

would be unwise.

Such a commission would collect data of inestimable value, data

that was reliable, and of which there is now none worth while.

Such a commission would doubtless make mistake after mistake,

perhaps would depart from all its preconceived notions at the

start. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to assume that step by step

it would gradually and slowly work out a solution. Looking the

country over, we see that voluntary organizations have

accomplished temporary good, but their effort has never been

persistent, continuous, permanent, authoritative, legal.

The adoption of the plan suggested would take out of the hands of

those wholly unfitted for so great an undertaking this momentous

question, and place it in the hands of others who we would have

the right to assume would ultimately be found to deal with it, so

far as human intelligence, study, observation and experiment can

enable and qualify men to deal with it.

Another and a greatly to be desired result would also be

accomplished. It would remove from the police that which today

contaminates the organization, so that in every city they have

been brought under a suspicion unfortunately too frequently

deserved, an opprobrium too justly applied.

The casting of this burden upon the police, more than any other

cause, sows the seed of corruption, furnishes the opportunity for

profit, brings into alliance the law officers and the

law-breakers, disgraces the police force, and keeps off of it many

men who would otherwise be glad to serve their communities in a

position that should command the respect and consideration of the

people.

This police burden has in turn been the biggest rock upon which

self-government has capsized in our American cities.

The Survey, Volume 30, Number 5, May 3, 1913 · 第 69 / 71 题