On January 21, 1896, at a banquet given in London to Lord Lamington
on the eve of his departure for Queensland as Governor of the
Colony, Mr. Chamberlain presided. It will be remembered that no
less than three events had recently occurred to shock the dreams of
the amiable sentimentalists who had decided to abolish war forever
between the nations. It was the period of President Cleveland’s
Venezuelan Message, of Dr. Jameson’s raid into the Transvaal, and
of the German Emperor’s telegram of sympathy to President Krüger.
For the moment England realized keenly that she stood alone: the
Anglo-Saxon world it seemed was split in twain--not only German but
American arrayed against the Englishman. Then came the outburst
of loyalty from the colonies, the marvellously swift equipment
of a “Flying Squadron”--and lo! after all, “Splendid Isolation”
was felt to be a fine thing. The thrill of mutual interests, of
Imperial solidarity, finds emphatic expression in this speech of
the Secretary for the Colonies. With one exception, the marks of
applause, though frequent in the report of the speeches, have been
omitted.
I think that I see before me a representative gathering of British
subjects, whose principal interests lie in that great group of
Australian colonies, whose present greatness and importance give us but
a faint indication of the splendid future which awaits them. For of one
thing I am certain, whatever may be the fate of the old country--and
even as to that I have sufficient confidence--no man can doubt that
our vigorous offspring in the Southern Seas are bound at no distant
time to rival the older civilization of the Continent of Europe in
wealth, in population, and in all the attributes of a great nation.
But, although, as I have said, your interests lie in this direction,
I have an instinctive feeling that to-night you are thinking not so
much of Australian politics and of Australian progress as you are of
events that have recently occurred in another quarter of the globe and
of their connection with Imperial interests. If that be so, I hail the
fact as another proof of the solidarity of Imperial sentiment in making
it impossible that a blow can be struck, or a chord sounded, in even
the most distant portion of the Queen’s dominions, without an echo
coming back from every other part of the British Empire.
It would be inopportune in me, it would be improper, if I were to dwell
on the incidents which have diverted attention to South Africa. Those
incidents will be the subject of judicial inquiry in this country
and in Africa, and I assume that, with the fair-mindedness which
distinguishes them, my countrymen will wait to hear both the indictment
and the defence before they pronounce a judgment. But, in the meantime,
I will venture to say that I think there is a tendency to attach too
much importance to sensational occurrences which pass away and leave no
trace behind, and not enough to the general course of British policy
and the general current of colonial progress. I have heard it said that
we never have had a colonial policy, that we have simply blundered into
all the best places in the earth. I admit that we have made mistakes.
I have no doubt that we are answerable for sins of commission as well
as for sins of omission; but, after all is said, this remains--that
we alone among the nations of the earth have been able to establish
and to maintain colonies under different conditions in all parts of
the world, that we have maintained them to their own advantage and
to ours, and that we have secured not only the loyal attachment of
all British subjects, but the general good will of the races, whether
they be native or whether they be European, that have thus come under
the British flag. This may be a comforting assurance when we think of
occasional mistakes, and when we are rebuked even for our misfortunes
we may find some consolation in our success.
There is, gentlemen, another consideration which I think is not
inappropriate to such a gathering as this. A few weeks ago England
appeared to stand alone in the world, surrounded by jealous competitors
and by altogether unexpected hostility. Differences between ourselves
and other nations which were of long standing appeared suddenly to come
to a head and to assume threatening proportions; and from quarters to
which we might have looked for friendship and consideration--having
regard to our traditions and to a certain community of interest--we
were confronted with suspicion, and even with hate. We had to recognize
that our success itself, however legitimate, was imputed to us as a
crime; that our love of peace was taken as a sign of weakness; and that
our indifference to foreign criticism was construed into an invitation
to insult us. The prospect of our discomfiture was regarded with hardly
disguised satisfaction by our competitors, who, at the same time, must
have been forced to own that we alone held our possessions throughout
the world in trust for all, and that we admit them to our markets as
freely as we do our own subjects. I regret that such a feeling should
exist, and that we should be forced to acknowledge its existence; but,
as it does exist, I rejoice that it found expression. No better service
was ever done to this nation, for it has enabled us to show, in face
of all, that while we are resolute to fulfil our obligations we are
equally determined to maintain our rights.
Three weeks ago, in the words of Mr. Foster, the leader of the House
of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, “the great mother-empire stood
splendidly isolated.” And how does she stand to-day? She stands secure
in the strength of her own resources, in the firm resolution of her
people without respect to party, and in the abundant loyalty of her
children from one end of the Empire to another.
The resolution which was conveyed to the Prime Minister on behalf of
the Australian colonies, and the display of patriotic enthusiasm on the
part of the Dominion of Canada, came to us as a natural response to the
outburst of national spirit in the United Kingdom, and as a proof that
British hearts beat in unison throughout the world, whatever may be the
distances that separate us.
Then let us cultivate those sentiments. Let us do all in our power by
improving our communications, by developing our commercial relations,
by co-operating in mutual defence, and none of us then will ever
feel isolated; no part of the Empire will stand alone, so long as it
can count upon the common interest of all in its welfare and in its
security. That is the moral I have derived from recent events. That
is the lesson I desire to impress on my countrymen. In the words of
Tennyson, let
“Britain’s myriad voices call,
‘Sons, be welded each and all,
Into one Imperial whole,
One with Britain, heart and soul!
One life, one flag, one fleet, one Throne!’”
And in the time to come, the time that must come, when these colonies
of ours have grown in stature, in population, and in strength, this
league of kindred nations, this federation of Greater Britain, will
not only provide for its own security, but will be a potent factor in
maintaining the peace of the world.
Our guest to-night goes out to take his part in this work of drawing
tighter the bonds which unite us to our children in the Antipodes.
He goes to an infant colony, an infant which is destined to become
a giant, and the future possibilities of which no man can measure.
Queensland has an area, which--shall I say?--is three times greater
than the German Empire. (Laughter and cheers.) It has a soil which
can produce anything. It has vast mineral resources. In a generation
its population has increased fifteen-fold. It has already a revenue
of three or four millions sterling. It has completed 2500 miles of
railway. It has exports valued at ten millions sterling, all of them,
except a small fraction, coming to the United Kingdom or to some of the
British possessions. Yet this colony of Queensland, great as it is, is
only one of seven, all equally important, equally energetic, equally
prosperous, equally loyal. I say that the relations between these
colonies and ourselves are questions of momentous import to us both,
and I hope that our rulers and our people will leave no stone unturned
to show the store that we all set on the continued amity, the continued
affection, of our kindred beyond the sea. That is the message we ask
Lord Lamington to take with him, and we wish him health and prosperity
in the colony over which he is about to preside.
* * * * *
_In responding to the toast of “The Chairman,” which was proposed by
Sir James Garrick, Mr. Chamberlain said_:
Nothing could be more gratifying to me than that this toast should
have been proposed by the eloquent representative of the colony which
we have met to honor as well as its future Governor, and nothing could
be more agreeable than the kindly response which you have given to the
toast. It almost emboldens me to think that there may yet be occasions
upon which I shall venture to address my fellow-countrymen--a point on
which, I admit, I have had grave doubts since I have become acquainted
with certain criticisms of my recent performances. When I became
Secretary of State for the Colonies I accepted with that office certain
duties, not the least pleasant being that of presiding over gatherings
similar to this. I attended a meeting of the friends of South Africa on
an occasion interesting especially to our colony of Natal, and I made
a speech upon that occasion in which, in my simple and ingenuous way, I
ventured to point out that this was on the whole a considerable Empire,
and that any true view of its perspective would take into account the
greatness of the colonies, and the magnitude of their resources, as
well as the past history of the mother country. And thereupon I was
surprised to read, in the report of a speech of a minor luminary of the
late Government on the occasion of the recent raid into the Transvaal,
that that unfortunate occurrence was entirely due to the “spread-eagle
speech” which I had made. It is extraordinary what great events spring
from trifling causes. I had no conception that my words would travel
so far or have so great an influence. To the best of my knowledge and
belief, I have never made a “spread-eagle” speech in my life. I think I
have been able to distinguish between patriotism and jingoism. But in
order that there may be no mistake, I desire to say now, in the most
formal way, that the few remarks which I have addressed to you to-night
are not to be taken as an intimation to any individual to carry on war
on his own account, or to make an invasion upon a friendly nation with
which we are at present at peace. But this is not all, because this
afternoon I read in an evening newspaper that this same speech, which I
thought so natural and so innocent, was really the dictating cause of
our difficulties in British Guiana, and of the complications with our
cousins across the Atlantic. It appears that in speaking of Imperial
unity, in endeavoring to popularize that idea among my countrymen, I am
giving offence to other nations.
Gentlemen, I cannot help thinking that Lord Rosebery was mistaken
when, a short time ago, he said that the “Little Englanders” no longer
existed among us. A pretty pass we must have come to if the Minister
who is responsible for the British colonies is forbidden to speak of
their future, of their greatness, of the importance of maintaining
friendly relations with them, of the necessity of promoting the unity
of the British race, for fear of giving offence. I remember a story
of a certain burgomaster in a continental town to whom complaints
were made that naughty boys were accustomed to throw mud upon the
passers-by. He was asked to intervene, and he issued a proclamation
which was to the effect that all respectable inhabitants were
requested to wear their second-hand clothes in order not to give
offence. I do not so understand the position which I hold. I decline
to speak with bated breath of our colonies for fear of giving offence
to foreign nations. We mean them no harm; we hope they mean us none.
But not for any such consideration will we be withheld from speaking
of points which have for us the greatest interest and upon which the
future of our Empire depends. Sir James Garrick has kindly attributed
to me very creditable motives in seeking the office which has been
conferred upon me. He is perhaps not far wrong in thinking that I have
long believed that the future of the colonies and the future of this
country were interdependent, and that this was a creative time, that
this was the opportunity which, once let slip, might never recur, for
bringing together all the people who are under the British flag, and
for consolidating them into a great self-sustaining and self-protecting
Empire whose future will be worthy of the traditions of the race.