to open fire on her, and three hours later the German cruiser was
having a time of it with a large fire in her hold. British faith
in heavy armament with long range had again been vindicated. There
was something of human interest in this duel between the _Glasgow_
and the _Leipzig_. In their previous meeting, off Coronel, the German
ship had had all the better of it and now the men of the British
ship were out for revenge. Consequently the _Glasgow_ signaled to
the other British ships: "Stand off--I can manage this myself!" By
eight o'clock in the evening the _Glasgow_ had her in bad condition,
and the _Carnarvon_ came up to assist in raking her till there was
nothing left but a mass of wreckage on her decks. But her flag
was still flying and the British ships kept circling around her,
thinking she still wished to fight, but not coming near enough
to permit the use of her torpedo tubes. Miserable was the plight
of the _Leipzig_'s crew, for the two hundred men who were still
alive were unable to get to her flag on account of the fire aboard
her, and they had to remain inactive while the _Carnarvon_ and
_Glasgow_ poured round after round into their ship. Only twelve
remained alive at nine o'clock, when she began to list to port.
Slowly more and more of the under-water part of her hull showed
above the sea, and she continued to heel until her keel was right
side up. In this position she sank, a large bubble marking the
spot.
When the _Nürnberg_ left the line of German ships at one o'clock,
it was the British cruiser _Kent_ that went after her, a vessel
more heavily armed than the German ship, yet about a knot slower.
But by hard work on the part of the engineers and stokers of the
_Kent_ she was able, by five o'clock, to get within firing distance
of the _Nürnberg_. By a strange trick of fate the _Kent_ was sister
ship to the _Monmouth_ which had fallen victim to one of the
_Nürnberg's_ torpedoes in the battle off Coronel. Here, too, was
a duel with human interest in it. In their desire for revenge,
the men of the _Kent_ made fuel of even her furniture in order
to speed up her engines. Her 6-inch guns now began to strike the
German ship, and soon a fire broke out aboard her. She could have
ended the German vessel by keeping a fire upon her while remaining
too distant to be within range of the _Nürnberg's_ 4-inch guns,
but dusk was gathering and an evening mist was settling down upon
the water. Consequently the _Kent_ drew nearer to her adversary.
The firing of the _Nürnberg_ was then effective and more than twenty
of her shells took good effect on the British ship. It was only
through prompt action on the part of her crew that her magazine was
kept from exploding, for a shell set fire to the passage leading
to it.
By seven o'clock in the evening the _Nürnberg_ was practically
"blind," for the flames from the fire that was raging on her had
reached her conning tower. A member of her crew hauled down her
flag, and the _Kent_, thinking that the fight was over, came close
to her. While within a few hundred yards of her, however, she was
greeted with new firing from the German cruiser. But this ceased
under a raking from the _Kent's_ starboard guns, and once again
the flag of the _Nürnberg_, which had been run up on resumption
of shooting, was hauled down. Members of her crew then had to jump
into the sea to escape death from burning--the fire was quenched
only when she went down at half past seven. The overworked engineers
and stokers of the _Kent_ were rewarded for their hard work by being
permitted to come on deck to watch the _Nürnberg_ go down, and
all were soon engaged in helping to save the lives of the German
sailors in the water. Just as the red glow of the sinking _Nürnberg_
was dying down a large four-masted sailing ship, with all sails
set, came out of the mist, her canvas tinged red by the flames'
rays. Silently she went by, disappearing again into the mist, a
weird addition to an uncanny scene.
Chasing the various units of the broken line of German ships had
taken the British ships miles from each other, but after ten o'clock
they began to reach each other by wireless signals and all made
again for Stanley. It was not until the afternoon of the next day,
however, that word came from the _Kent_, for her pursuit had taken
her farther than any of the other British ships.
The _Bristol_ and _Macedonia_ had made good in their pursuit of
the _Santa Isabel_ and _Baden_, but in going after the _Dresden_
the _Bristol_ was not successful; the German ship got away in the
rainstorm which came up during the evening, and the _Bristol_, which
had hurried out of the harbor at Stanley not quite ready for battle,
was unable to keep on her trail. The fast _Eitel Friedrich_, which
as a merchant ship converted into a man-o'-warsman had greater
speed than any of the ships on either side, was able to get away
also. These two German ships now took up their parts as raiders
of allied commerce, and were not accounted for till months later.
There was now on the high seas no German squadron.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XXXVII
SEA FIGHTS OF THE OCEAN PATROL
There were some minor naval operations in the waters of Europe which
have been neglected while larger actions elsewhere were recorded.
During the month of September, 1914, the British admiralty established
a blockade of the mouth of the River Elbe with submarines, and the
German boats of the same type were showing their worth also. On
August 28, 1914, the day after the raid on Libau by the German
cruiser _Augsburg_, the date of the battle of the Bight of Helgoland,
the two Russian protected cruisers _Pallada_ and _Bayan_, while
patrolling the Russian coast in the Baltic Sea, were attacked by
German submarines. Surrounded by these small craft, which made
poor targets, the two Russian ships sought to escape by putting
on full speed, but the former was hit by a torpedo and sank. The
other got away.
All of the Allies, with the exception of France, had by the beginning
of September, 1914, suffered losses in their navies. The navy of the
republic was engaged in assisting a British fleet in maintaining
supremacy in the Mediterranean, and kept the Austrian fleet bottled
up in the Adriatic Sea. French warships bombarded Cattaro on September
10, 1914, to assist the military operations of the Montenegrin
Government. These ships then proceeded to the island of Lissa and
there destroyed the wireless station maintained by Austria. The
Austrian navy made no appearance while the allied fleets scoured
the lower coast of Dalmatia, bringing down lighthouses, destroying
wireless stations, and bombarding the islands of Pelagosa and Lesina.
On the 19th of September, 1914, they returned to Lissa and landed
a force which took possession of it, thus establishing a new naval
base against the Central Powers' navies.
Duels between pairs of ships took place in various seas. The career
of the raider _Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse_, a fast converted liner,
was ended by the British ship _Highflyer_, a cruiser, near the Cape
Verde Islands, on August 27, 1914, after the former had sunk the
merchantman _Hyades_ and had stopped the mail steamer _Galician_.
The greater speed of the German vessel was of no advantage to her,
for she had been caught in the act of coaling. What then transpired
was not a fight, for in armament the two were quite unequal. She
soon sank under the _Highflyer's_ fire, her crew having been rescued
by her colliers.
The next duel took place between the _Carmania_ and _Cap Trafalgar_,
British and German converted liners, respectively. They met on
September 14, 1914, in the Atlantic off South America. In view of
the fact that at the beginning of the war these two ships had been
merchantmen and had been armed and commissioned after the outbreak
of hostilities, this engagement was something of the nature of those
between privateersmen in the old days. In speed, size, and armament
they were about equal. For nearly two hours they exchanged shots
between 3,000 and 9,000 yards, and markmanship was to determine
the victory. The shots from the _Carmania_ struck the hull of the
other ship near the water line repeatedly, and the British commander
was wise enough to present his stern and bow ends more often than
the length of the _Carmania's_ sides. At the end of the fight the
German ship was afire and sank. Her crew got off safely in her
colliers, and the British ship made off because her wireless operator
heard a German cruiser, with which the _Cap Trafalgar_ had been in
communication, signaling that she was hastening to the liner's
aid.
Only two days before this the British cruiser _Berwick_ captured
the converted liner _Spreewald_ in the North Atlantic, where she
had been trying to interrupt allied commercial vessels.
Germany kept up her policy of attrition by clever use of submarines
and mines. The British battleship _Audacious_, while on patrol
duty off the coast of Ireland in the early days of the war, met
with a disaster of some sort and was brought to her home port in
a sinking condition. The rigors of the British censorship almost
kept the news of this out of the British papers and from the
correspondents of foreign papers. It was reported that she had
struck a mine, that she had been torpedoed, and that she had been
made the victim of either a spy or a traitor who caused an internal
explosion. The truth was never made clear. Rumors that she had
gone down were denied by the British admiralty some months later,
when they reported her repaired and again doing duty, but this was
counteracted by a report that one of the ships that was completed
after the start of hostilities had been given the same name.
About the sinking of the _Hawke_ there was less conjecture. This
vessel had gained notoriety in times of peace by having collided
with the _Olympic_ as the latter left port on her maiden voyage
to New York. On the 15th of October, 1914, while patrolling the
northern British home waters she was made the target of the torpedo
of a German submarine and went down, but the _Theseus_, which had
been attacked at the same time, escaped.
Four German destroyers were to be the next victims of the war in
European waters. On October 17, 1914, the _S-115, S-117, S-118_, and
_S-119_ while doing patrol duty off the coast of the Netherlands,
came up with a British squadron consisting of the cruiser _Undaunted_
and the destroyers _Legion, Lance_, and _Loyal_. An engagement
followed, in which damage was done to the British small boats and
the four German destroyers were sunk. Captain Fox, senior British
officer, had been on the _Amphion_ when she sank the _Königin Luise_
and had been rescued after being knocked insensible by the explosion
of the mine that sent the _Amphion_ to the bottom.
The exploit of Lieutenant Commander Horton in the British submarine
_E-9_ when he sank the _Hela_ has already been narrated. The same
commander, with the same craft, during the first week of October,
1914, proceeded to the harbor of the German port of Emden, whence
had sailed many dangerous German submarines and destroyers that
preyed on British ships. He lay submerged there for a long period,
keeping his men amused with a phonograph, and then carefully came
to the surface. Through the periscope he saw very near him a German
destroyer, but he feared that the explosion of a torpedo sent against
her would damage his own craft, so he allowed her to steam off,
and when she was 600 yards away he let go with two torpedoes. The
second found its mark, and the _S-126_ was no more. He immediately
went beneath the surface and escaped the cordon of destroyers which
immediately searched for him. By October 7 the _E-9_ was back in
Harwich, its home port.
On the 31st of October, 1914, the cross-channel steamer _Invicta_
received the S. O. S. signal and went to rescue the crew of the old
British cruiser _Hermes_, which had been struck by two torpedoes
from a German submarine near Dunkirk. All but forty-four of her
men were saved.
The next victim of a German submarine was the gunboat _Niger_,
which, in the presence of thousands of persons on the shore at
Deal, foundered without loss of life on November 11, 1914. But one
of the German submarines was to go to the bottom in retaliation.
On the 23d of November the _U-18_ was seen and rammed off the Scotch
coast, and some hours later was again seen near by. This time she
was floating on the surface and carrying a white flag. The British
destroyer _Garry_ brought up alongside of lier and took off her
crew, just as she foundered.
Three days later the _Bulwark_, a British battleship of 15,000 tons
and carrying a crew of 750 officers and men, was blown up in the
Thames while at anchor at Sheerness. It was never discovered whether
she was a victim of a torpedo, a mine, or an internal explosion. It
is possible that a spy had placed a heavy charge of explosives
within her hull. Only fourteen men of her entire complement survived
the disaster.
It was in November, 1914, also, that the sometime German cruisers
_Goeben_ and _Breslau_, now flying the Turkish flag, became active
again. As units in a Turkish fleet they bombarded unfortified ports
on the Black Sea on the first day of the month. Retaliation for
this was made by the Allies two days later when a combined fleet
of French and English battleships bombarded the Dardanelles forts,
inflicting a certain amount of damage.
On the 18th of November, 1914, the _Goeben_ and _Breslau_ engaged
a Russian fleet off Sebastopol. The composition of this Russian
fleet was never made public by the Russian admiralty, but it is
known that the Russian battleship _Evstafi_ was the flagship. She
came up on the starboard side of the two German ships and opened
fire on the nearer, the _Goeben_, at a distance of 8,000 yards.
The latter, hit by the Russian 12-inch guns was at first unable
to reply because the first shots set her afire in several places,
but she finally let go with her own guns and after a fourteen-minute
engagement she sailed off into a fog. Her sister ship the _Breslau_
took no part in the exchange of shots, and also made off. The damage
done to the _Goeben_ was not enough to put her out of commission;
the _Evstafi_ suffered slight damage and had twenty-four of her
crew killed.
While the daring exploits of German submarines were winning the
admiration of the entire world for their operations in the northern
naval theatre of war, the British submarine commander, Holbrook,
with the _B-ll_ upheld the prestige of this sort of craft in the
British navy. He entered the waters of the Dardanelles on the 13th
of December, 1914, and submerging, traveled safely through five
lines of Turkish mines and sent a torpedo against the hull of the
Turkish battleship _Messudiyeh_. The _B-ll_ slowly came to the
surface to see what had been the result of her exploit, and her
commander, through the periscope saw her going down by the stern.
It was claimed later by the British that she had sunk, a claim
which was officially denied by the Turks. Her loss to Turkey, if
it did occur, was not serious, for she was too old to move about,
and her only service was to guard the mine fields. The _B-ll_ after
being pursued by destroyers again submerged for nine hours and
came successfully from the scene of the exploit.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XXXVIII
WAR ON GERMAN TRADE AND POSSESSIONS
With the exceptions of the deeds done by the German sea raiders
the remaining naval history of the first six months of the war had
to do for the most part with British victories. When Von Spee's
squadron, with the exception of the light cruiser _Dresden_, which
was afterward sunk at the Island of Juan Fernandez, was dispersed
off the Falkland Islands there was no more possibility of there
being a pitched fight between German and British fleets other than
in the North Sea.
England began then to hit at the outlying parts of the German Empire
with her navy. The cruiser _Pegasus_, before being destroyed by
the _Königsberg_ at Zanzibar on September 20, 1914, had destroyed
a floating dock and the wireless station at Dar-es-Salaam, and
the _Yarmouth_, before she went on her unsuccessful hunt for the
_Emden_, captured three German merchantmen.
As far back as the middle of August, 1914, the capture of German
Samoa had been planned and directed from New Zealand. On the 15th
of that month an expedition sailed from Wellington, and in order
to escape the _Gneisenau_ and _Scharnhorst_, went first to French
New Caledonia, where the British cruisers _Psyche, Philomel_, and
_Pyramus_ were met with. On the 23d of the month, this force, which
was augmented by the French cruiser _Montcalm_ and the Australian
battleships _Australia_ and _Melbourne_, sailed first for the Fiji
Islands and then to Apia on Upolu Island off Samoa. They reached
there on the 30th. There was, of course, no force on the island
to withstand that of the enemy, and arrangements for surrender
of the place were made by signal. Marines were sent ashore; the
public buildings were occupied, the telegraph and telephone wires
cut, the wireless station destroyed and the German flag hauled
down, to be replaced by the Union Jack. The Germans taken prisoners
were rewarded for the kind treatment they had accorded British
residents before the appearance of this British force, and were
sent to New Zealand.
The next German possession to be taken was that in the Bismarck
Archipelago. It was known that there was a powerful wireless station
at Herbertshöhen, the island known as New Pomerania. A small landing
party was put ashore on the island in the early morning of September
11, 1914, and made its way, without being discovered, to the town.
The surprised inhabitants were too frightened to do anything until
this party left to go further on to the wireless station. By that
time it met with some resistance, but overcame it. A few days later
another landing party had captured the members of the staff of the
governor of New Pomerania, together with the governor himself, at
Bougainville, Solomon Islands, whence they had fled. The wireless
stations on the island of Yap, in the Carolines, and on Pleasant
Island were destroyed during the following month.
Perhaps the strangest operations of naval character ever performed
were the inland "sea" fights in Africa. The great Nyassa Lake in
Africa was the scene of this fighting. With its entire western
shore in British possession and with a goodly part of its waters
within the territory of German East Africa, it was not unnatural
that fighting should take place there. Both countries maintained
small armed vessels on the lake. The British ship _Gwendolen_,
a 350-ton craft, had been built on the Clyde and had been sent
to Nyassa Lake in sections and there assembled and launched in
1898. During August she fought with a German ship and captured
it. The fighting on the lake could not, however, determine the
success of the military operations taking place in those regions.
The preponderance of British naval strength was beginning to tell
severely upon German trade by the end of 1914, and her boast that
through her navy she would starve out Germany aroused the German
Government greatly. In answer to these British threats, Grand Admiral
von Tirpitz, German Secretary of Marine, in an interview given
to an American newspaper correspondent, hinted that Germany's
retaliation would be a war on British merchant ships by German
submarines.
The interview at the time aroused but mild comment; the idea was
a new one, and the question immediately arose as to whether such
action would be within the limits of international law. For the
time being, however, Von Tirpitz's words remained nothing more
than a threat. It was not until months later that the threat was
made good, and the consequences must form a separate part of this
narrative, to be given in Volume III.
The seaplane, the newest naval machine at the time, and as yet an
untried factor, was to see maiden service first at the hands of
the British, when on the 25th of December a raid on Cuxhaven was
made. Seven naval seaplanes attacked a fleet of German cruisers and
destroyers lying off Schilling Roads near the German port. The men
who thus made history in aviation were Francis E. T. Hewlett, son
of the famous novelist, accompanied by seven pilots. A naval force
consisting of a light cruiser, a flotilla of destroyers and another
of submarines brought up near Helgoland during the morning. When
this naval force was first discovered by the lookouts on Helgoland,
there immediately appeared approaching from the German base two
Zeppelins and a number of German seaplanes, together with some
submarines. Meanwhile, from the decks of the British craft there
went up the seven British seaplanes.
In order to give them a place for landing after they returned from
their raid, it was necessary for the British ships to remain in
the vicinity for three hours. The _Undaunted_ and _Arethusa_, with
the rest of the British force, had to "dance" about, dodging the
submarines which were attacking them from beneath the surface of
the water and the aircraft hovering over them. Bombs dropped from
the latter failed to find their targets, and by swift maneuvering
the torpedoes shot at them were also caused to go far wide of the
mark.
The British airmen dropped their bombs on points of military importance
at Cuxhaven, but their effect was kept secret by the German authorities.
Six of the seven returned to the squadron and were picked up by
submarines. Three of the seaplanes were wrecked and had to be abandoned.
Fog not only prevented the British airmen from doing their best
work, but it kept the marksmen on the German aircraft also from
hitting the ships on the waters beneath them. This raid had been
made in answer to a great outcry that had gone up from the British
public after German warships had raided the eastern coast of England.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XXXIX
RAIDS ON THE ENGLISH COAST
During the first days of November, 1914, the Germans planned and
carried out a general surprise for the British navy. After the battle
in the Bight of Helgoland, back in August, the British thought that
Germany would continue to keep her navy within the protection of
her coast defenses, perhaps forever. But such was not her intention.
On the afternoon of November 2,1914, there gathered off some part
of Germany's northern shore a squadron consisting of the battle
cruisers _Von der Tann, Seydlitz_, and _Moltke_, the protected
cruisers _Kolberg, Strassburg_, and _Graudenz_, the armored cruisers
_Yorck_ and _Blücher_, together with some destroyers. The slowest
of these vessels could make a speed of 25 knots, and the fastest,
the _Graudenz_ and _Moltke_, could make 28 knots. The guns of the
_Blücher_ were the heaviest in the squadron, those of her primary
battery being 12-inch cannon. Ten-inch guns were on the decks of
the other ships.
The first that the rest of the world knew of the gathered force
was at evening, November 2, 1914, when a fleet of British fishermen
hailed them with friendly signs, thinking them British ships, not
far from Lowestoft some time after six o'clock. The fishermen started
at once for their home ports in order to apprise the British
authorities, but they had not gone far when the news was flashed to
the British admiralty office from the wireless room of the British
gunboat _Halcyon_. But only the first few words of the warning
were able to get through, for the wireless operators on the German
ships "jammed" their keys, and a few shots from the German guns
were sufficient to bring down the wireless apparatus of the gunboat
as well as one of her funnels. She turned off and made for her
home port to report the news some hours later.
It was only ten miles from the British shores that the _Halcyon_
had sighted the German ships, but they were able, nevertheless,
to elude all British warships in those regions and proceeded to
Yarmouth, firing at the wireless station, the naval yards, and the
town itself. Fearing mines near the coast, the German commander
did not attempt to come in too close, with the result that many
of the German shots fell short, and, in spite of the fact that
the bombardment lasted for nearly half an hour, the damage done
by them was not great.
The inhabitants of the towns of Lowestoft and Yarmouth were asleep
in the early hours of the morning when they first heard the booming
of the German guns. In the darkness of the British winter they
hurriedly went down to the water front, where, far out at sea,
they could make out faintly the hull of but one vessel, but the
red flashes from the booming guns showed that other ships were
present. The crowds on the shore watched two British destroyers
and two submarines, which had been lying in the harbor, put out
after the German force. The latter by that time had started off,
dropping in its wake a number of floating mines. This strategy
resulted in the loss of the submarine _D-5_, which hit one of the
mines and sank immediately. The German cruiser _Yorck_ was claimed
by the British to have hit a mine also, with the result that she
sank and carried down with her some 300 of her crew. This was denied
later by the German admiralty, and like all such controversies
must remain a secret with the officials of both Governments.
Judged by material effects, this raid was a failure. But in view of
the fact that the Germans had shown that a squadron could actually
elude the large number of British warships patrolling the North
Sea, and was actually able to strike at the British coast, it was
a moral victory for Germany.
"We must see clearly that in order to fight with success we must
fight ruthlessly, in the proper meaning of the word." These were the
words of Count Reventlow, when he heard the news of the defeat of
the German squadron commanded by Von Spee off the Falkland Islands.
As a result, and in revenge for this defeat, the German admiralty
planned a second raid on the coast towns of England. The towns chosen
for attack this time were Hartlepool, Scarborough, and Whitby. The
first of these was a city of 100,000 persons, and its principal
business was shipbuilding. Scarborough was nothing more than a
seaside resort, to which each summer and at Christmas were attracted
thousands of Englishmen who sought to spend their vacations near the
water. Whitby, though it had some attractions for holiday crowds,
such as a quaint cathedral, was at most nothing more than a home
port for a number of fishing boats.
It was claimed later by the Germans that these three towns, according
to the accepted definitions in international law, were fortified
ports, and consequently open to attack by hostile forces. In reply
the British claimed that there was nothing in any of the three
which could bring them into that category. This controversy is
still another which must remain undecided. There is, however, the
fact that the information which the German Government had obtained
about them, and which it made public, must necessarily have been
less comprehensive than that supplied to the world at large by
the British authorities. Guidebooks, as well as tourists who have
visited the place, reported that an old castle stood in Scarborough
which in past centuries had been a fort, but which at the outbreak
of the war was nothing more than a show place. The only gun in
place at the castle was an obsolete piece that had seen service
in the Crimean War. Whitby, in times of peace, at least, had not
even such "armament."
It was on the 16th of December, 1914, that this second raid took
place. Over the North Sea there hung a light mist. The German admiralty
did not afterward make public the names of the cruisers which
participated in this expedition, but they are believed to have been
the _Derfflinger, Blücher, Von der Tann, Seydlitz_, and _Graudenz_.
It was at eight o'clock in the morning that the residents of the
three English towns first heard the booming of the German guns,
and coast guards near by were able, with the aid of very strong
glasses, to make out the hulls of the attacking cruisers some miles
out to sea. It was not thought possible that the Germans could
again elude the British ships on patrol in these waters, and the
guards therefore thought that the firing came from ships flying the
Union Jack and tried to signal to them. But they came to realize
the truth when they received no answering signals.
As it was not known but that the Germans would make an attempt
to land, the guards in the obsolete fort at Hartlepool took their
positions and two small patrol boats in the harbor made ready to
give what resistance they could. These, the _Doon_ and the _Hardy_,
drew the fire of the German guns, and, seeing it was impossible to
withstand the German fire, they made off and escaped. This time
the Germans were better informed about the conditions they dealt
with, and evidently had no fear of mines, for they came to within
two miles of the shore. The forts on shore were bombarded and private
houses near by were hit by German shells, killing two women who
lived in one of them. The forts tried to reply to the German guns,
but those of the English battery were by no means modern, and firing
them only served to further convince the Germans that the place
was fortified; they inflicted no damage on the German ships.
The lighthouse was the next target chosen by the Germans, one of
their shells going right through it, but leaving it standing. Within
fifty minutes 1,500 German shells were fired into the town and harbor.
While two of the three cruisers which were engaged in bombarding
drew off further to sea and fired at Hartlepool, the third remained
to finish the battery on shore, but in spite of the fact that it
was subjected to long and heavy firing, it was not so terribly
damaged. Many of the shells from the other two ships went over
the towns entirely and buried themselves in the countryside that
heretofore had been turned up only by the peaceful plow. Other shells
did havoc in the business and residential sections of Hartlepool
and West Hartlepool, bringing down buildings and killing civilians
in them as well as on the streets.
At about the same hour the coast guards near Scarborough reported
the approach of foreign ships off the coast, and then telephoned
that the strangers were German cruisers and that they had begun
to bombard the town. A German shell destroyed the shed from which
the telephone message had come and the warnings from it ceased.
It was seen by those on shore that the attack here was being made
by four ships, two of them cruisers and two of them mine layers,
only 800 yards out in the water. This time they were not handicapped
by the fact that they had to stand out so far from shore, and it
was a surprise to the natives to see ships of such draft come so
close to land--a fact which convinced the British authorities that
spies had been at work since the first raid, sending to the German
admiralty either charts or detailed descriptions of the region.
The castle was badly damaged by their fire; the town itself came
next, the Grand Hotel coming in for its share of destruction. They
did little injury to a wireless station in the suburbs, but hit
quite a number of residences, the gas and water works.
Half an hour afterward the two cruisers which had fired upon Scarborough
appeared off Whitby and began to fire at the signal station there.
In the ten minutes that the bombardment of Whitby lasted some 200
shells fell into the place. This time the fact that the German
ships came close to the shore worked against them, for there are
high cliffs close to the water at the spot and it was necessary
for the German gunners to use a high angle, which did not give them
much chance to be accurate. The German ships next turned seaward
and made for their home ports.
The scenes enacted in the three towns during the bombardment and
afterwards were tragic. Considering the fact, however, that the
persons under fire were civilians, many of them women and children,
their coolness was remarkable. They did not know what should be
done, for the thought of bombardment was the last thing that had
come into the minds of the authorities when England went to war,
and as a result no instructions for such an emergency had been
issued by the authorities. Some thought it best to stay within
doors, some thought it best to go into the streets. In Hartlepool
a large crowd gathered in the railway station, some fully dressed,
some only in night clothes.
Many of the women carried babies in their arms and were followed
by older children who clung to their skirts. Policemen led this
crowd out of the station and started them along a street which
would bring them out into the country, but while they were passing
the library they were showered by the stone work as it fell when hit
by the German shells. One shell, striking the street itself, killed
three of the six children who were fleeing along it in company with
their mother. Many other persons met deaths as tragic either within
their own homes or on the streets. St. Mary's Catholic Church as well
as the Church of St. Hilda were damaged, as were the shipyards and
the office of the local newspaper. The destruction of the gas works
left the town in almost complete darkness for many nights afterward.
The authorities issued a proclamation ordering all citizens to
remain indoors for a time, and then began to count the number of
dead and injured. The first estimate gave the former as 22 and the
latter as 50, but subsequent reckoning showed that both figures
were too low.
In Scarborough most of the inhabitants were still in bed when the
bombardment started and for a few minutes did not become excited,
thinking the booming of the guns was the sound of thunder. But when
the shells began to drop on their houses they knew better. Many were
killed or wounded while they hastily got into their clothes. One
shell hit St. Martin's Church while communion was being held. Here,
too, the railway station was made the objective of many refugees,
and the police did what they could to send the women and children
out of range of fire by putting them on trains of extra length.
As in all such scenes there were humorous sides to it. One old
workman, while hurrying along a street was heard to say: "This is
what comes of having a Liberal Government." In all, about 6,000
people left the town immediately and did not return for some days.
Similar were the scenes enacted in Whitby when the turn of that
town came. Only two persons were killed in that town, while thirteen
casualties were reported from Scarborough.
The raid immediately became the subject for discussion in the newspapers
of every country on the globe. In England it was bitterly denounced,
and the term "baby killers" was applied to the men of the German
navy. In Germany it was justified on the ground that the German
admiralty had information and proof that the bombarded cities were
fortified, and therefore, under international law, subject to
bombardment. Nor did the German journalists lose the opportunity
to declare that Great Britain no longer ruled the waves nor to
show pride over the fact that their fleet had successfully left
the German coast and had successfully returned to its home port.
The war, they said--and truthfully--had been brought to England's
door.
The year 1914 ended gloomily for the British public; nothing could
have disappointed them more than the failure to catch the Germans.
Nor did the new year open brightly for Britain, for on the first
day of January, 1915, there came the news of disaster to the
_Formidable_, sister ship to the _Bulwark_. The lesson of the _Hogue,
Cressy_, and _Aboukir_ had not been learned, for this ship went
down under the same circumstances. While patrolling near Torbay
during a night on which there was a bright moon and a calm sea,
this ship, in company with seven other large ships unaccompanied by
a "screen" of destroyers, was hit by a torpedo fired from a German
submarine. Most of her crew were asleep when the torpedo struck and
damaged the engine room so much that no lights could be turned
on. In the darkness they hurried to the deck, which was slanting
from her list. In obedience to orders issued by the admiralty after
the sinking of the _Cressy_ and the ships with her, the rest of
the fleet immediately sailed away from the scene, so that no more
of them would be hit. Only a light cruiser stood by the sinking
_Formidable_. A second torpedo struck her and this had the effect
of letting water into her hold on the side which was slowly coming
out of the water. She took a position with even keel after that,
and this fact enabled most of her crew to get off safely before
she sank.
Once more the Germans were to attempt a raid on the coast cities
of England. The date of this third attempt was January 24, 1915.
This time the British were a bit better prepared, for a squadron
of battle cruisers, consisting of the _Lion, Tiger, Princess Royal,
New Zealand_, and _Indomitable_, put out from a port in the north
of England at about the same time that the Germans left their base.
All of these ships, with the exception of the last named, were
quite fast, having speeds of from 25 to 28.5 knots; they were at
the same time carrying heavy armament--13.5-inch guns in the main
batteries. In company with them went four cruisers of what is known in
England as the "town class"; these were the _Nottingham, Birmingham,
Lowestoft_, and _Southampton_, together with the three light cruisers
_Arethusa, Aurora_, and _Undaunted_, and a squadron of destroyers.
The German fleet which was engaged in this raid consisted of the
_Seydlitz, Moltke, Derfflinger_, and _Blücher_, in company with
a fleet of destroyers. The German ships were not quite as fast
as the English ships, nor did they carry guns of such range or
destructive power as their British opponents.
Early in the first hours of January 24, these two forces, unknown
to each other were steaming head on, the Germans taking a course
leading northwest and the English a course leading southeast. At
twenty minutes past seven in the morning the _Aurora_ first sighted
the enemy and engaged him immediately with her two 6-inch guns,
sending at the same time word of her discovery to Admiral Beatty.
Admiral Hipper, the German commander, as soon as he knew the enemy
had sighted him, turned about and started to steam in a southeasterly
direction.
In view of the results of this battle, it is best to go into the matter
of the tactics involved. Tactics may be of two kinds--spontaneous or
premeditated. When two hostile fleets meet on the high sea far from
the base of either, the object of each is the complete destruction of
the other, and the tactics employed are spontaneous. Such an action
was that off Coronel. But on a closed sea such as the North Sea
spontaneous tactics can rarely be used, for the reason that naval
bases are too near, and from these there may slyly come reenforcements
to one or the other or to both of the fighting fleets, making the
arrangement of traps an easy matter. This is particularly true
of the North Sea, on which it is possible for a fleet to leave
Cuxhaven early in the evening and to be at Scarborough early the
following morning. In addition, sailing is restricted because an
unusually large portion of its waters is too shallow to permit
of the passage of large ships.
The Germans on this occasion had arranged a trap. They knew that
after making two successful raids on the English coast the British
would keep even a closer watch for them. When they sailed from
their base, it was with the expectation of meeting a hostile force,
as was undoubtedly their expectation on the first two raids. But
they did not intend to fight matters out on high waters. What they
wanted to do was to get the British involved in a good running
engagement, steering a southeasterly course the while and luring
the British ships within striking force of a waiting fleet of
superdreadnoughts and perhaps land guns and mines. This explains
why Admiral Hipper turned stern as soon as he got into touch with
the enemy.
There was a distance of fourteen miles between the two fleets when
the _Lion_ got her heavy guns into action. The German line was off
her port (left) bow. At the head of that line was the _Moltke_,
and following her came the _Seydlitz, Derfflinger, Blücher_, and the
destroyers in the order given. At the head of the British line was
the _Lion_, followed by the _Tiger, Princess Royal, New Zealand_,
and _Indomitable_ in the order named. The other cruisers and the
destroyers of the British fleet brought up the rear. In the chase
which followed the Germans were handicapped by the fact that the
_Blücher_ was far too slow to be brought into action, which meant that
either the other ships must leave her behind to certain destruction
or that they must slow down to keep with her. They chose the latter
course, while her stokers did their best to increase her speed. In
the English fleet there was the same trouble with the _Indomitable_,
but inasmuch as the British were the pursuers and had a preponderance
in ships and in the range of their guns, this did not matter so
much to them. But the stokers of the _Indomitable_ worked as hard,
if not harder, than those of the _Blücher_.
By half past nine the two forces were seven miles apart and the
battle was on. It is necessary here to give certain facts about
gunnery on a large modern battleship. Firing at a range of seven
miles means a test of mathematics rather than of the mere matter of
pointing guns. At that distance the target--the ship to be hit--is
barely visible on the sky line on the clearest and calmest sea. If a
hole the size of the head of a pin be made in a piece of cardboard
and the latter he held about a foot and a half from the eye, the
distant ship will just about fill the hole.
The guns on the modern battleships are not "laid"; that is, they
are not aimed as were the cannon of past days or the rifle of today.
It is set toward its target by two factors. The first is known as
"traverse," which means how far to the left or right it must be
pointed in a horizontal plane. The second factor is "elevation"--how
far up or down it must be pointed in a vertical plane. The latter
factor determines how far it will throw its projectile, and up to
a certain point the higher the gun is pointed the further will
go the shell. A certain paradox seems to enter here. It is a fact
that a distant ship presents a target more easily hit if its bow
or stern is toward the gunner. If it presents a broadside there
is the danger that the shells will go either beyond the ship or
will fall short of it, for the greatest beam on a warship is not
much more than 90 feet. If the bow or stern is toward the gunner
he has a chance of landing a shell on any part of the 600 or more
feet of the ship's length. The first firing in a battle at a distance
is known as "straddling," by which is meant that a number of shots
are sent simultaneously, some falling short, some falling beyond
the target, and some hitting it.
The man who really "aims" the gun never sees what he is shooting at.
At some point of vantage on his ship one of the officers observes the
enemy and reports to the chief gunner the distance, the direction,
and the effect of the first shots. The gunnery officer then makes
certain calculations, taking into consideration the speed of his
own ship and the speed of the enemy ship. He knows that at a given
moment his target will be at a given point. He knows also just how
fast his shells will travel and makes calculations that enable him
to place a shell at that point at just the right second. In this
battle the shells of the British ship took about twenty seconds
to go from the mouths of the guns to the German hulls. And they
made a curve at the highest point of which they reached a distance
of more than two miles; and most wonderful of all was the fact
that at the beginning of the firing a man standing on the deck
of one of the German ships could not even see the ship which was
firing the shells at her, though the weather was very clear.
By a quarter to ten o'clock the _Lion_ had come up with and had
passed the slow _Blücher_, firing broadsides into her as she went
by. The _Tiger_ then passed the unfortunate German ship, also letting
her have a heavy fire, and then the _Princess Royal_ did likewise.
Finally the _New Zealand_ was able to engage her and later even
the slow _Indomitable_ got near enough to do so. By that time the
_Blücher_ was afire and one of her gun turrets, with its crew and
gun, had been swept off bodily by a British shell.
Meanwhile the _Lion, Tiger_, and _Princess Royal_ kept straight
ahead till they were able to "straddle" even the leading ship of
the enemy's line. The _Tiger_ and _Lion_ poured shells into the
_Seydlitz_, but were unable to do much damage to the _Moltke_.
While they were thus engaged the _Princess Royal_ singled out the
_Derfftinger_ for her target. The light British cruiser _Aurora,
Arethusa_, and _Undaunted_ were far ahead of the rest of the British
fleet and were firing at the _Moltke_, but thick black smoke which
poured from their funnels as their engines were speeded up got
between the gunners of the _Lion_ and their target, the _Moltke_,
completely obscuring the latter. As a result the three light British
cruisers were ordered to slow down and to take positions to the
rear.
By eleven o'clock there were fires raging on both the _Seydlitz_
and the _Derfftinger_, and Admiral Hipper decided to try to save
his larger ships by sacrificing the destroyers that accompanied
them. Consequently the German destroyers put their bows right toward
the large British ships and charged, but the fire which they drew
was too much for them and they gave up this maneuver.
The British destroyer _Meteor_, which had been maintaining a perilous
position between the battleships, then attempted to torpedo the
_Blücher_, which had fallen far to the rearward to be abandoned by
the rest of the German fleet. Badly damaged as the _Blücher_ was,
the crew of one of her guns managed to get in some final shots,
one of them nearly ending the career of the British destroyer. The
_Arethusa_ had also come up and prepared to launch a torpedo. Cruiser
and destroyer torpedoed her at about the same moment, and later,
while within 200 yards of the sinking German ship the _Arethusa_
sent another torpedo at her. She now began to list, although not
greatly damaged, on her port side till her keel showed. Her crew
showed remarkable bravery.
The men lined up as though at a review and began to sing the German
national airs, intending to go to their deaths in that formation. But
an officer on the _Arethusa_ shouted to them through a megaphone to
jump while they could to save their lives. This had a psychological
effect, and as the starboard side of her hull slowly came up her men
were seen scrambling on it from behind her taff rail and creeping
down toward her keel. Some of them almost walked into the water
while she was in that position. Her guns were pointing toward the
sky, one of them slowly revolving. Finally, when she was completely
upside down she went under. Many of her crew were picked up by
British small boats, and her captain, who was one of them, was taken
to England, where he died later from the results of this experience
and was buried with full naval honors.
The German destroyers had meanwhile come between their own cruisers
and those of the enemy and emitted volumes of heavy smoke, which
they hoped would form an effective screen between the former and
the gunners on the latter. Admiral Hipper then ordered all of his
ships to turn northward, in the hope of getting away behind this
screen, but the British admiral anticipated this maneuver and changed
the course of his ships so that he again had the German ships in
view after both fleets had driven through the smoke.
The _Lion_ of the British fleet was chosen as the target for the
German ships, and by keeping a concentrated fire upon her were
able to do considerable damage. One shell penetrated the bow of
the _Lion_ as it was partly lifted out of the water on account
of the great speed she was making; this shot hit her water tank
and made it impossible for her to use her port engine from that
time on. She slowed down. When she fell out of the line it was
necessary for Admiral Beatty to leave her, and he transferred his
flag to the destroyer _Attack_. But all of this took time and it
was quite long before he was able to rejoin his leading ships. By
twenty minutes past twelve he had got aboard the _Princess Royal_.
Rear Admiral Moore automatically took up command of the British
fleet while his senior officer was making these changes. It is
not known what Admiral Moore's orders had been, but it is known
that he suddenly ordered all ships to cease firing and allowed
the German warships to proceed without further engaging them. By
the time that Admiral Beatty was again on a battle cruiser the
action was virtually over. The _Indomitable_ passed a cable to the
crippled _Lion_ and towed the latter home, the rest of the British
fleet keeping to the rearward to be ready for possible resumption
of fighting.
Much criticism was made by the British press and by laymen on account
of the sudden termination of the fight, and there was great complaint
in England because the career of all the raiding German ships had not
been brought to an end. But when the engagement ended the opposing
fleets were within seventy miles of Helgoland, and the German admiralty
had ready a fleet of dreadnoughts and another of battle cruisers to
engage the British ships when they got within striking distance.
By ending the fight when he did the British commander chose not to
be led into this trap. Nor was there dissatisfaction in England
alone. In Germany the complaint was that the ruse had not worked,
and not long afterward Admiral von Ingenohl was replaced as commander
of the High Sea Fleet by Admiral von Pohl. None of the blame for
the failure was laid at the door of the officer who had actually
been engaged in the fighting--Admiral Hipper--which showed that
his senior officers had considered the engagement as part of a
larger action.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XL
RESULTS OF SIX MONTHS' NAVAL OPERATIONS
The first six months of naval operations in the Great War came to
a close without battle between the main fleets of the navies of
the warring nations. The British navy had kept open communication
with the Continent, allowing the Expeditionary Force, as well as
later military contingents, to get to the trenches in Flanders
and France. It had, in addition, made possible the transportation
of troops from Canada and Australia. The ports of France were open
for commerce with America, which permitted the importation of arms
and munitions, and the same privilege had been won for the ports
in the British Isles.
The northern ports of the Central Powers were closed to commerce
with all but the Scandinavian countries, and the oversea German
possessions, where they were accessible to naval attack, had been
taken from her. The German and Austrian flags had been swept from
the seven seas, with the exception of those on three or four German
cruisers that now and then showed themselves capable of sinking
a merchantman.
In the four engagements of importance which had been fought by the
end of January, 1915, the British had been the victors in three--the
battles of the Bight of Helgoland, the Falkland Islands, and the
third German raid of January 24, 1915--the Germans had been victors
in one--the fight off Coronel.
British and other allied ships were unable to inflict damage on
the coast defenses of Germany, but the latter in two successful
raids had been able to bombard British coast towns, offsetting
in a way the loss of over-sea dominions.
[Illustration: SEA FIGHTS AND THE CRUISES OF GERMAN RAIDERS
THE EMDEN AND THE SYDNEY. FALKLAND AND NORTH SEA BATTLES. SEARCHLIGHTS.
SUBMARINES. WRECKS. SHIPPING ARTILLERY
Among the modern inventions which insure a battleship's efficiency
is the searchlight, which must sweep not only the sea but the sky
to find the enemy]
[Illustration: The German steamer "Walküre" sunk in the harbor of
Papeete, Tahiti, when the German cruisers "Scharnhorst" and "Gneisenau"
shelled the town]
[Illustration: The Australian cruiser "Sydney" which caught and
destroyed the raider "Emden" near the Cocos Islands]
[Illustration: The famous German raider "Emden" beached on one of
the Cocos Islands after being wrecked by the "Sydney's" shells]
[Illustration: Rescuing drowning sailors after the naval battle
near the Falkland islands, in which the "Scharnhorst," "Gneisenau,"
"Nurnberg" and "Leipzig" were sunk]
[Illustration: Canadian soldiers shipping a rapid-fire gun, on
embarking at Montreal for England, to take their part in the Great
War]
[Illustration: The interior of a submarine, showing torpedo tubes
and batteries. The flooring which covers the batteries has been
removed]
[Illustration: The German cruiser "Blücher" turning on her side
as she sank in the North Sea battle of January 24, 1915. The other
vessels of the German squadron escaped]
Great Britain, after six months of naval warfare had lost three
battleships, the _Bulwark, Formidable_, and _Audacious_;[*] the
five armored cruisers _Aboukir, Cressy, Hogue, Monmouth_, and _Good
Hope_; the second-class cruisers _Hawke_ and _Hermes_; the two
third-class cruisers _Amphion_ and _Pegasus_; the protected scout
_Pathfinder_ and the converted liner _Oceanic_; losses in destroyers
and other small vessels were negligible.
[Footnote *: The British admiralty did not clear up the mystery
of her disaster.]
Germany had lost no first-class battleships, but in third-class
cruisers her loss was great, those that went down being the eleven
ships _Ariadne, Augsburg, Emden, Graudenz, Hela, Köln, Königsberg,
Leipzig, Nürnberg, Magdeburg, Mainz_, and the _Dresden_; she lost,
also, the four armored cruisers _Blücher, Scharnhorst, Gneisenau_,
and _Yorck_; the old cruiser _Geier_ (interned); the three converted
liners _Spreewald, Cap Trafalgar_, and _Kaiser Wilhelm_; and the
mine layer _Königin Luise_.
The German policy of attrition had not taken off as many ships
as had been lost by Germany herself, and, as England's ships so
far outnumbered her own, it may well be said that the "whittling"
policy was not successful. She made up for this by having still
at large the cruiser _Karlsruhe_ which damaged a great amount of
commerce, and by the exploits of her submarines, far outshining
those of the Allies.
Russia had lost the armored cruiser _Pallada_, and the _Jemchug_,
a third-class cruiser, and the losses of the French and Austrian
navies were not worth accounting. With regard to interned vessels
both sides had losses. While the Germans were unable to use the
great modern merchantmen which lay in American and other ports, and
had to do without them either as converted cruisers or transports,
the Allies were forced to detail warships to keep guard at the
entrance of the various ports where these interned German liners
might at any moment take to the high seas.
In naval warfare the number of ships lost is no determining factor in
figuring the actual victory--the important thing being the existence
or nonexistence of the grand fleets of the combatants after the
fighting is finished. Viewed from such an angle, the fact that
the Allies had left no German ships at large other than those in
the North Sea, cannot entitle them to victory at the end of the
first six months of war. So long as a German fleet remained intact
and interned in neutral ports, naval victory for the Allies had
not come, though naval supremacy was indicated.
The fact was apparent, moreover, that while the Central Powers
were being deprived of all their trade on the seas, the world's
commerce endangered only by submarines was remaining wide open
to the Allies.
PART III--THE WAR ON THE EASTERN FRONT
* * * * *
CHAPTER XLI
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE THEATRE OF WARFARE
World war--the prophecy of the ages--now threatened the foundations
of civilization. Whether or not the modern era was to fall under
the sword, as did the democracy of Greece and the mighty Roman
Empire, was again to be decided on battle grounds that for seventy
centuries have devoured the generations. The mountain passes were
once more to reverberate with the battle cry--the roar of guns,
the clank of artillery, the tramp of soldiery. The rivers were
to run crimson with the blood of men; cities were to fall before
the invaders; ruin and death were to consume nations. It was as
though Xerxes, and Darius, and Alexander the Great, and Hannibal,
and all the warriors of old were to return to earth to lead again
gigantic armies over the ancient battle fields.
While the war was gaining momentum on the western battle grounds
of Europe, gigantic armies were gathering in the East--there to
wage mighty campaigns that were to hold in the balance the destiny
of the great Russian Empire; the empire of Austria, the Balkan
kingdoms-Serbia, Montenegro, Rumania, Bulgaria. The Turks were
again to enter upon a war of invasion. Greece once more was to
tremble under the sword. Even Egypt and Persia and Jerusalem itself,
the battle grounds of the Assyrians, the Babylonians, and the Trojans,
the bloody fields of paganism and early Christianity, were all to
be awakened by the modern trumpets of war.
Before we enter upon these campaigns in the East it is well to
survey the countries to be invaded, to review the battle lines and
travel in these pages over the fighting ground.
The eastern theatre in the first six months of the war, from August
4, 1914, to February 1, 1915, includes the scenes of the fighting
in the historic Balkans and in the Caucasus. But the eastern front
proper is really that region where the Teutonic allies and the
Russians opposed each other, forming a fighting line almost a thousand
miles long. It stretches from rugged old Riga on the shores of the
Baltic Sea in the far north, down through Poland to the Carpathian
Mountains, touching the warm, sunlit hills on the Rumanian frontier.
When the total losses of the Great War are finally counted it will
probably be found that here the heaviest fighting has occurred.
This is the longest battle line in the world's history. Partly on
account of its great length, and partly because of the nature of
the country, we see the two gigantic forces in this region locked
together in their deadly struggle, swaying back and forth, first
one giving way, then the other. This was especially the case in
the northern section, along the German-Russian frontier.
[Illustration: THE WAR IN THE EAST--THE RELATION OF THE EASTERN
COUNTRIES TO GERMANY]
As we view the armies marshaling along this upper section, along
the Baltic shore, southward, including part of East Prussia as well
as Baltic Russia, we look upon the ancient abode of the Lithuanians,
supposed to be the first of the Slavic tribes to appear in Europe.
Hardly any part of Europe has a more forbidding aspect than this
region. There the armies must pass over a flat, undulating country,
almost as low in level as the Baltic, and therefore occupied in large
part by marshes and lagoons through which they must struggle. In
all parts the soil is unproductive. At one time it was a universal
forest: thick, dark, and dank. A century ago, however, Catherine the
Great distributed large areas of this comparatively worthless land
among her favorites and courtiers. In this way a certain percentage
was reclaimed, and with the incoming of the sunlight more favorable
conditions for human life were established. Yet even now it is
very thinly settled.
Through this region the armies must cross big rivers: the Oder, Dvina,
Warthe, Vistula, Pregel, and Niemen, northward and northeastward.
Just above or eastward of that point, where the German-Russian
frontier touches the shore, the Baltic curls into a dent, 100 miles
deep, forming the Gulf of Riga. Near the southern extremity of
this gulf, eight miles from the mouth of the Dvina, is the city
of Riga, ranking second only to Petrograd in commercial importance
as a seaport, and with a population of about 300,000.
As the armies move across the frontier they come to a vast domain
projecting into this marsh country, like a great, broad tongue
licking the shore of the Baltic; this wide strip of German territory
is East Prussia--a country to be beleaguered. Not far below the
tip of this tongue, about five miles from the mouth of the Pregel
River in the Frische Haff, and about twenty-five miles from the
seacoast, is situated another embattled stronghold--the city of
Königsberg which, since 1843, has been a fortress of the first
rank. These two cities in the following pages will be the immediate
objectives of the enemy forces operating on this section of the
eastern front.
It will be obvious why the lines of battle were less permanently
fixed here than in the more solid and mountainous sections of northern
France. Railroads and fairly well-laid highways do indeed traverse
these swamps in various parts, especially in German territory,
but trenches could not be dug in yielding mire. In yet another
feature were the military operations hampered by the nature of the
terrain here; the use of heavy artillery.
We have seen that one of the chief causes of success attending
German attacks in the other theatres of the war has been their
use of heavy guns. But in the fighting before Riga, we shall see
when the Germans seemed on the point of taking that city their
heavy artillery was so handicapped that it was rendered practically
useless. Being restricted by the marshes to an attack over a
comparatively narrow front, they were compelled to leave their
heavy guns behind on firmer soil. The guns which they could take
with them were matched by the Russians; the fighting was, therefore,
almost entirely limited to infantry engagements, in which the Russians
were not inferior to the Germans. Thus, we shall find the German
advance on Riga was stopped before it could attain its object.
In studying the fighting in this part of the eastern front, it
will be seen why the Germans were more successful below Riga, and
why the Russians were compelled to evacuate Vilna. Here is a broad
rise, something like the back of a half-submerged submarine, which
seems to cross the country, where the land becomes more solid. The
armies must move, instead of through marshes, along innumerable
small lakes, most of the lakes being long and narrow and running
north and south, with a fairly thick growth of timber among them,
mostly pine and spruce and fir. In character this section is rather
similar to parts of Minnesota. There are two cities to be conquered
in this drier region, Dvinsk, and, further south, Vilna, once the
chief city or capital of the Lithuanians. We shall see the Russians
thrust back from Königsberg, and the heavy fighting shifted over
to this section; yet even here, where the huge guns of the Germans
could find footing, the terrain was not suited to trench warfare,
and every arrival of reenforcements on either side would swing
the lines back or forth.
In studying the military movements in a country of this character,
special attention must be paid to the railway lines. Railways, and
more especially those running parallel to the fronts, are absolutely
necessary to success. In looking, therefore, for a key to the object
of any particular movement, the first step must be a close study
of this railroad situation.
We find from Riga to the fortress of Rovno there is a continuous
line of railroad, running generally north and south and passing
through Dvinsk, Vilna, Lida, Rovno, and thence down through Poland
to Lemberg. Every effort of the Russian armies in the succeeding
chapters will be made to keep to the westward of and parallel to
this line, and for a very good reason.
Feeding into this great north and south artery are the branch lines
from Petrograd to Dvinsk; from Moscow to the junction at Baranovitschi;
from Kiev to Sarny. Aside from these three important branch lines,
there are a few other single-track offshoots, but from a military
point of view they are of no importance.
This line was the main objective (short of capturing Riga itself)
of the German operations. This line proves especially vital to
the Russians, for nowhere east of it is there another such line
which could be used for the same purpose.
If, in the campaigns to be described, this railroad falls into Russian
hands, it gives every facility for strengthening or reenforcing any
part of the Russian front where German pressure becomes excessive. It
is, in addition, a solution to the difficult problem of transportation
of supplies. To use a military term, it gives the Russian army a
mobility not possessed by the enemy because of a lack of similar
facilities.
But should this railroad be taken by the Germans, the advantage
would immediately be reversed. And if once the Russian lines were
driven back beyond the railroad, a division of their forces would be
forced upon them; their armies would be obliged to group themselves
beside the three east and west branches already mentioned, for only
by these three systems could their forces be supplied, lateral
communications being absolutely lacking. And this is the key to
the fighting, not only in the northern section of the front, but
all along the line, down to Galicia. Naturally, only the Russian
railroads need be considered, for in the first months of the war
the Germans are the invaders in the northern half of the eastern
front, except for a few short periods in the beginning. Compared
to the German railway lines near the frontier, the Russian lines
are very few.
There are two distinct railway lines running from Germany into
East Prussia, with innumerable branches leading to all points of
the Russian frontier, laid especially for military purposes. It
was along these that we shall witness the German forces rushed from
Belgium to drive back the first Russian advance. But, of course, the
moment the Germans enter Russian territory they have no advantage
over the Russians, since even their wonderful efficiency does not
enable them to build railroads as fast as an army can advance.
Hence, we observe their efforts to gain possession of the Russian
railroads.
We come now to the central part of the eastern front. Here, just
below East Prussia, Russian Poland projects into German territory
in a great salient, about 200 miles wide and 250 long, resembling
a huge bite in shape.
This land is a monotonous, wind-swept plain, slightly undulating,
its higher parts not even 500 feet above sea level. To the northward
and eastward it descends gradually into the still lower lands of
East Prussia and White Russia, but in the south it lifts into the
foothills of the Carpathian Mountains.
Gigantic armies are to move over this plateau, timbered in parts
with oak, beech, and lime, and in some sections deeply cut by small
rivers and streams forming fissures, some narrow and craggy, others
broad and sloping with marshy bottoms. Toward the south the soldiers
must cross narrow ravines in all directions, often covered with wild,
thick undergrowth. The chief river is the Vistula, which enters
by the southern boundary and flows first north, then northwest,
skirting the plateau region at a height of 700 feet, finally making
its exit near Thorn, thence on to the Baltic through East Prussia.
Its valley divides the hilly tracts into two parts: Lublin heights
in the east and the Sedomierz heights to the westward. Picture
in your mind the great armies approaching these ridges, the most
notable of which is the Holy Cross Mountains, rising peaks almost
2,000 feet above sea level.
The fighting forces in the northeast, where the plain slopes gradually
into the Suwalki Province, must pass over a country dotted with lakes
and lagoons, which farther on take on the character of marshes,
stagnant ponds, peat bogs, with small streams flowing lazily from one
to the other. Here and there are patches of stunted pine forests,
with occasional stretches of fertile, cultivated soil. Throughout
this section many rivers flow along broad, level valleys, separating
into various branches which form many islands and, during the rainy
seasons, flood the surrounding country.
Farther west the armies pass through broad valleys or basins, once
the beds of great lakes, whose rich, alluvial soil give forth abundant
crops of cereals. Here, too, flows the Niemen, 500 miles in length,
watering a basin 40,000 square miles in area and separating Poland
from Lithuania. It advances northward in a great, winding pathway,
between limestone hills covered with loam or amid forests, its
banks rising to high eminences in places, past ruined castles built
in the Middle Ages. In the yellowish soil along its banks grow
rich crops of oats, buckwheat, corn, and some rye. Naturally such
a section would be thickly populated, not only on account of the
fertile soil, but because the Niemen, like the Vistula, is one of
the country's means of communication and transportation. As many
as 90,000 men earn their livelihoods in navigating the steamers
and freight barges passing up and down this great waterway. At
Yurburg the Niemen enters East Prussia on its way to the Baltic.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XLII
THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF RUSSIAN POLAND
It is in the southern part of Russian Poland, among the foothills
of the Carpathians, that the armies come into possession of its
mineral resources, a fact which will have some influence on the
German military movements in this region. Up in the Kielce hills
copper has been mined for 400 years, though the value of these
mines has decreased on account of the much greater quantity found
in America. A hundred years ago the Kielce mines produced nearly
4,000 tons of copper a year. Brown iron ore is also found here
in deposits 40 per cent pure, while there are also veins of zinc
sometimes 50 feet thick, yielding ore of 25 per cent purity. Sulphur,
one of the ingredients for the manufacture of explosives, is found
at Czarkowa in the district of Pinczow. In the southwest, in Bedzin
and Olkuz, there are coal deposits about 200 square miles in area.
In the southern districts wheat is also grown in some abundance.
The military value of this country is further enhanced by political
conditions. Like the greater part of Galicia to the southward, it
is peopled by the Poles, who form one of the important branches
of the great Slavic family. At one time Poland was a kingdom whose
territory and possessions spread from the Carpathians up to the
Baltic and far into the center of Russia, ruling its subject peoples
with quite as much rigor as the Poles have themselves been ruled
by Russia and Germany.
Poland is a seat of conquest in the Great War. For not much over
a hundred years ago what remained of this old kingdom was divided
among the three great powers: Prussia, Austria, and Russia. Austria,
on the whole, has been much the best master. Germany tried in various
ways to Germanize her subjects in German Poland, thereby rousing
their bitter hatred. Russia was no less autocratic in attempting
to extinguish the spirit of nationality among the Poles under her
rule. But, naturally, the fact remains that between the Poles and
the Russians there are still ties of blood. In moving westward,
by this route Russia would be moving among a race who, in spite
of all they had suffered at the hands of the Czar, still would
naturally prefer Slav to Teuton.
We shall soon stand with the invading armies in the center of Russian
Poland, and enter the great city of Warsaw. This conquered citadel
with more than 400,000 inhabitants, is situated on the Vistula.
It was, next to Paris, the most brilliant city of Europe in the
early part of last century. But under Russian influence it became a
provincial town in spirit, if not in size. It once had the character
of prodigal splendor; within late years it became a forlorn, neglected
city, not the least effort being made by the Russian authorities to
modernize its appearance and improvement. From a sanitary point
of view it became one of the least progressive cities of Europe.
And yet, as the armies march into the capital, there are still
signs of the city's past glory: over thirty palaces rear their
lofty turrets above the tile roofs of the houses, among them the
palace of the long-dead Polish kings.
However, from a military point of view, Warsaw maintained great
importance in the Great War. It is at this time one of the strongest
citadels of Europe, and around it lies the group of fortresses
called the Polish Triangle. The southern apex is Ivangorod on the
Vistula; the eastern, Brest-Litovsk; the northern being Warsaw
itself. To the northwest lies the advanced fort of Novo Georgievsk.
This triangle is a fortified region with three fronts: two toward
Germany and one toward Austria, and the various forts are fully
connected by means of railroads.
It would appear, therefore, that Russian Poland would offer excellent
conditions for an army on the defensive. And this is quite true, the
Vistula, especially, serving as a screen against the attacking armies
from the west. As a matter of fact, it would have been extremely
difficult to take Warsaw by a frontal attack. Warsaw's weakness
lay in the north in the swamp regions.
One of the greatest dangers in all wars, against which a military
commander has to guard his army, is that of being flanked. The road
or roads leading from the rear to the base of supplies, along which
not only food supplies for the soldiers, but, quite as important,
ammunition, is brought up, either in wagons, automobiles, or in
railroad trains, are the most sensitive part of an army's situation.
Unless they are very short--that is, unless an army is very close
to its base of supplies--it is impossible to guard these lines
of communication adequately. Therefore, if the enemy is able to
break through on either side of the front, there is great danger
that he may swing his forces around and cut these lines of
communication. The army that is thus deprived of its sources of
supply has nothing left then but to surrender, sometimes even to
inferior forces. Sometimes, of course, if the army is within the walls
of a fortified city and is well supplied with food and ammunition,
it may hold out and allow itself to be besieged. This may even
be worth while, for the sake of diminishing the enemy's strength
to the extent of the forces required for besieging, usually many
times larger than the besieged force. But in the case of Warsaw
we shall see that that would not have been a wise plan; hardly
any food supply that could have been laid by would have maintained
the large civil population, and the big guns of the Germans would
soon have battered down the city's defenses.
This the Russians realized from the very beginning. As is well
known now, Russia had never intended to hold Poland against the
Teutons. Her real line of defense was laid much farther back. It was
only on account of the protest of France, when the two Governments
entered into their alliance, that any fortifications at all were
thrown up in Poland. A real line of defense must be more or less
a straight line, with no break. And the marshes in the north, as
well as the tongue of East Prussia projecting in along the shores
of the Baltic toward Riga made that impossible. Russia's real line
of defense was farther east, along the borders of Russia proper
and along the line of railroad already referred to. By studying
this territory east of Poland it will become obvious why Russia
should prefer this as her main line of defense against a German
invasion.
As we witness the armies moving along what was once the frontier
between Poland and Russia proper we shall find the plain of Poland
dips into a region which apparently was once a vast lake which
drained into the Dnieper, but the outlet becoming choked, this
stagnant water formed into those immense morasses known as the
Pripet Marshes, forming over two-fifths of the whole province of
Minsk and covering an area of over 600 square miles. Even when
more than 6,000,000 acres have been reclaimed by drainage, the
armies found some of these marshes extending continuously for over
200 miles. In the upper Pripet basin the woods were everywhere full
of countless little channels which creep through a wilderness of
sedge. Along the right bank of the Pripet River the land rises above
the level of the water and is fairly thickly populated. Elsewhere
extends a great intricate network of streams with endless fields
of bulrushes and stunted woods. Over these bogs hang unhealthy
vapors, and among the rank reeds there is no fly, nor mosquito,
nor living soul or sound in the autumn.
Not even infantry could pass over this region--not to consider
cavalry or artillery, save in the depth of a cold winter when the
water and mire is frozen. Even then it would be impossible to venture
over the ice with heavy guns. An invading army must, therefore,
split in two parts and pass around the sides, and nothing is more
dangerous than splitting an army in the face of the enemy. It is
behind these vast marshes that we shall find the Russians planned
to make their first determined stand.
Here, too, the Russians expected to have the advantage of being
surrounded by their own people, for this is the country of the
White Russians, so called on account of their costumes. Here the
purest Slavic type is preserved; they have not blended with other
stocks, as the Great Russians with the Finns and the Little Russians,
farther south, with the Mongols. For a while this territory was
subject to the kings of Poland, who oppressed its inhabitants most
barbarously, from the effects of which they have not even fully
recovered. To-day White Russia is one of the poorest and most backward
parts of the empire. And even yet the great bulk of the landlords
are Poles.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XLIII
AUSTRIAN POLAND, GALICIA AND BUKOWINA
Let us now pass ahead of the armies into the southern section of
the eastern front. Here we have to consider only Austrian Poland,
Galicia and Bukowina, for here there is much less swaying back and
forth, the Russians maintaining their lines much more steadily than
farther north. This section is an undulating terrace which slopes
down to the Vistula and the Dniester; behind rise the Carpathian
ranges, forming the natural frontier between the broad, fertile
plains of Hungary and Russia. Here the population is quite dense,
there being 240 inhabitants to the square mile. Nearly half of
the total area is in farm lands, about one-fourth woodland, and
the rest mostly meadow and pasture, less than a quarter of one
per cent being lake or swamp. Rich crops of barley, oats, rye,
wheat, and corn are grown here, while the mineral resources include
coal, salt, and petroleum, the latter especially being important in
modern warfare on account of the great quantities of fuel necessary
for motor carriages.
Here, in Galicia, we shall witness the conquests of the important
city of Lemberg--with its 160,000 population--fourth in size of
all Austrian cities, only Vienna, Prague, and Triest being larger.
Further in toward the mountains we shall see the storming of the
strongly fortified city of Przemysl (pronounced Prshemisel), also
important as the junction of the network of railroads that the
Austrians had built throughout the country, including several lines
passing over the Carpathians into Hungary. And farther west still we
shall look upon the invasion of the old Polish city of Cracow, also
strongly fortified. This section is especially rich in industries,
mines, and agriculture.
Here, too, are staged many of the battles of the rivers--parallel
with the mountain ranges flows the Dniester in a southeasterly
direction, into which, flowing down from the north and running
parallel with each other, empty the Gnila Lipa, the Zlota Lipa, and
the Stripa, all of which figure prominently in the war movements,
for each of these is crossed several times by both armies engaged
at bloody costs.
As will be noted by reading the chapters on the fighting on the
eastern front, here, as in East Prussia, the Russians make a determined
advance and actually succeed in conquering this territory from
the Austrians. At one time we find them even in possession of all
except one of the chief passes in the Carpathians and threatening
to overrun the plains of Hungary. To hold Russian Poland it was
necessary that they should have a firm grip of East Prussia and
Austrian Poland, thus protecting the flanks of their center. Had
they been able to hold their grip, then they could have straightened
out their entire line from north to south, and Warsaw would have
been safe. But we shall see both their extremities driven back;
therefore Warsaw was in danger, in spite of its fortifications.
That the Austrians should have allowed themselves to be thrust
back over the Carpathians is one of the surprises of the early
stages of the war. For these mountains are only second in size
in all Europe to the Alps themselves, forming the eastern wing
of the great European mountain system. They are about 800 miles
long and nearly 250 miles wide in parts. Some of the higher peaks
reach 8,000 feet above sea level.
Imagine the vision of an army marching along the roads from the
foothills to the mountains leading through mysterious, shadowy
spruce forests, where the soil is covered with rich carpets of
moss. Foaming streams ripple in among the moss-covered bowlders.
Then the paths emerge on the cheerful, emerald-green pastures of the
slopes, alive with the flocks of goats, sheep and cattle, attended
by their shepherds. A little farther and the whole scenery changes,
and the armies approach tremendous mountains of solid granite,
ominously dark, shining like hammered iron, rising abruptly from
the stone débris and black patches of mountain fir, and towering
bluffs and crags seem to pierce the sky with their sharp peaks,
bastions and jagged ridges, like gigantic fortresses. Clouds of white
mist, driven and torn by gusts of wind, cling to the precipitous
walls, and masses of eternal snow lie in the many fissures and
depressions, forming large, sharply outlined streaks and patches.
The Magyars inhabit the great central plains of Hungary which
constitutes ethnologically a vast island of Magyars in a sea of
Slavs. The Carpathian slopes on the Hungarian side of the ranges,
including the mounts of the Tatra--with the exception of the Zips
district, which is peopled with German-Saxon colonists--are inhabited,
in their western parts, by two million Slovaks, in the eastern
parts by half a million Ruthenians or Little Russians, and on the
Transylvanian side by nearly three million Rumanians. The border
lines between these Rumanians and the Magyars and between the
Hungaro-Slav groups (Slovaks and Ruthenians) and the Magyars lie
far down within the borders of the great central Hungarian plains.
This line at one point extends to within a few miles of the Hungarian
capital of Bupapest.
* * * * *
CHAPTER XLIV
THE BALKANS-COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES
This survey of the fighting ground in eastern Europe brings us
now to the "cockpit of the war." From a military point of view, as
well as from the political, the Balkan theatre is of equal importance
with other big fronts in Europe. It is the gateway to the Orient
for central Europe. Here the armies engaged are numbered only by
the hundred thousands, none reach a million. But from the point of
view of human interest and political intrigue it is by far the most
picturesque. Here the hatred between the combatants is most bitter;
indeed so bitter that when it burst into flame a mad whirlwind of
passion swept over half the world. For here the great conflagration
began.
A map of the Balkan Peninsula is almost, on the face of it, a full
explanation of the causes of the war. The military campaigns, studied
in connection with their physical environment, explain all the
diplomatic intrigues of the past fifty years, for they are the intrigues
themselves translated into action.
Geographically speaking, the Balkan nations are those situated in
the big peninsula of southern Europe which lies below the Danube
River and the northern border of Montenegro. Some authorities,
however, include Rumania, and others even bring in Austria's Slavic
provinces, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The most noticeable feature of this vast war-ridden region is its
mountains. Those same Carpathian Mountains, which form the natural
boundary between the land of the Magyars and the Russian plains,
take a sudden turn westward at the Rumanian frontier, then sweep
around in a great semicircle, forming a shape resembling a scythe,
the handle of which reaches up into Poland, the blade curling around
within the Balkan Peninsula. Behind the handle, and above the upper
part of the blade, stretch the broad plains of Hungary, through
which flows the great Danube, the largest river in Europe next
to the Russian Volga--a river which flowed with blood during the
Great War. Just in the middle of the back of the blade this great
river bursts through the mountain chain, swirling through the famous
Iron Gate into the great basin within the curved blade. On the south
of its farther course to the Black Sea lie the plains of northern
Bulgaria.
The curving chain of mountains below the Iron Gate is the Balkan
Range. But excepting for the plains of Thrace, lying south of the
Balkans, over toward the Black Sea and above Constantinople, the rest
of the peninsula is almost entirely one confused tangle of craggy
mountains, interspersed throughout with small, fertile valleys and
plateaus. This roughness of surface becomes especially aggravated
as one passes westward, and over toward the Adriatic coast, from
Greece up into the Austrian province of Dalmatia, the country is
almost inaccessible to ordinary travelers.
What is the political value of this beleaguered domain? The broad,
significant fact is that any road from western Europe to the Orient
must pass through the Balkan Peninsula, and that these mountains
almost block that road. From north to south there is just one highway,
so narrow that it is really a defile.
This road stretches from the seat of the war at Belgrade on the
Danube down a narrow valley, the Morava, thence through the highlands
of Macedonia into the Vardar Valley to Saloniki, on the Ægean Sea.
At Nish, above Macedonia, another road branches off into Bulgaria
across the plains of Thrace and into Constantinople. This was the
road by which the Crusaders swarmed down to conquer the Holy Land.
This was the road by which, hundreds of years later, the Moslems
swarmed up into the plains of Hungary and overran the south of
Europe, until they were finally checked outside the gates of Vienna.
Nothing is more significant of the terror that these marching hosts
inspired than the fact that, with the exception of a few larger
towns, the villages hid themselves away from this highway in the
hills.