narrowed down so that it lay between Canton, Nanking, Shanghai, and
Tientsin. Chefoo was mentioned, but not seriously considered, yet even
the possibility of location there, although remote, was so important a
matter to the Shantung College that it compelled the men at the head
of that institution to be on the alert so long as the question was
undetermined. By and by Dr. Happer became disposed to turn over the
management of his projected college to some other person, and he wrote to
Dr. Mateer, sounding him as to the vacancy, should it occur. The scheme
at that time seemed to be to locate the new institution at Shanghai, and
to unite with it the Shantung College; and in a long letter in response,
written January 9, 1890, Dr. Mateer went very candidly over the entire
situation. Among other things he said:
It will be necessary, however, to settle the policy of the
college, and also its headship, before making any definite
move. Whoever undertakes to make English and self-support
prominent features, and then aims at a Christian college, has,
as things are at present in China, a difficult contract on
his hands. I for one do not feel called to embark in such an
enterprise, and my name may as well be counted out.... Nor can
the school at Tengchow be moved away from Shantung. We might
go, and the apparatus might be moved; but not the pupils. It
is futile to talk of them or any considerable number of them
coming to Shanghai; nor will pupils go from central China north
to be educated save in exceptional cases. The distance and the
expense are both too great. Each section of China must have its
own schools.
Not long afterward the situation was such that Dr. Mateer and Mr. Hayes
addressed to the trustees of the endowment a paper in which a suggestion
was made that under certain conditions the fund raised by Dr. Happer
should be turned over to the Shantung College. In that paper there was
a frank statement of their attitude as to English. They were entirely
willing to introduce that language, but only under such conditions that
it could not seriously alter the character and work of the institution.
The paper is too long for introduction here. It will suffice to quote
from a letter sent by Dr. Mateer at the same time to one of the
secretaries of the Board, and dated February 9, 1891:
There are one or two things I want to say in a less formal way.
One is that in case our proposition in regard to English is not
satisfactory, you will take care that the proposed school is
not located in Chefoo as a rival of the college in Tengchow. It
would be nothing short of suicidal for the Board to allow such
a proceeding, and would be a great wrong, both to myself and
to Mr. Hayes. We do not propose to engage in such a contest,
but would at once resign, and seek some other sphere of labor.
Again, I wish to call your attention to what is the real
inwardness of our plan for English; namely, to teach it in such
a way, and to such parties only, as will insure its being used
in literary and scientific lines. We will not teach English
merely to anyone, nor teach it to anyone who wants merely
English. We will teach it to men, not to boys. Lastly, Mr.
Hayes and I have for several years had in mind the idea of a
post-graduate course in applied science, and have been waiting
for my visit home to push it forward; and even if the present
endowment scheme fails, we will still feel like pushing it, and
introducing some English as already indicated.
Nothing came of the suggestion that the money should be turned over to
the Shantung institution.
Dr. Mateer still continued to help in the college at Tengchow, as he had
time and opportunity. Early in the “nineties,” and after the movement
just considered had failed to materialize, he solicited from the Board
the privilege of seeking to raise an endowment fund, but at that time he
was unable to secure their consent. At the beginning of 1900 the Board
changed their attitude, and authorized an effort to be made to secure
contributions for this purpose. Of course, in order to be successful in
this undertaking, a satisfactory plan for the control of the college was
a necessity; and as to this Dr. Mateer was consulted, and he gave his
opinions freely. His preference was expressed for a charter giving the
endowment a separate legal status, but providing that the members of the
Board of Foreign Missions, acting in this distinct capacity, should be
the trustees. The general oversight of the institution he thought should
be assigned to a “Field Board of Directors,” composed of members of the
Shantung Mission. This was not a scheme that entirely satisfied him. The
specter, on the one hand, of a diversion of the college into a school for
teaching English, and, on the other, of making it a theological seminary,
would not altogether down; but in the ultimate appeal to the members of
the Board of Foreign Missions he recognized a safeguard that was not
likely to prove inadequate. When he was on furlough in 1903, he spent
a considerable part of his time in soliciting permanent funds for the
college, then already removed to its present location; but he was unable
to secure much aid. Ada was with him; and she says of his experience in
this work, “He was so accustomed to success in whatever he undertook that
it was hard for him to bear the indifference of the rich to what seemed
to him so important.”
The transfer of the college to another location was a question that
would not permanently rest. So long as it was whether it should go from
Tengchow to Chefoo, or be swallowed up in another more pretentious
institution at Shanghai, and not yet in existence, it was comparatively
easy to silence the guns of those who talked removal. But at the opening
of the twentieth century, even out there in north China, important
changes indirectly affecting this problem had occurred. The missions had
been strengthened by a number of new men, who came fresh from the rush of
affairs in the United States, and eager to put their force into the work
in China in such a way that it would tell the most. Even China itself
was beginning to awake from the torpor of ages. In Shantung the Germans
were building railroads, one of them right through the heart of the
province, on by way of Wei Hsien to the capital, and from that point to
be afterward connected with Tientsin and Peking. It is not strange that,
under the new conditions, the young members of the mission especially
should desire to place the college which loomed up so largely and
effectually in the work to which they had consecrated their lives where
it could be in closer touch with the swarming millions of the land and
with the movements of the new times. February 26, 1901, Dr. Mateer wrote
to the Board:
At a meeting of the Shantung Mission it was voted to remove the
Tengchow College to Wei Hsien, and then give up the Tengchow
station. Being at Shanghai, engaged in the translation work,
I was not able to be present at the mission meeting, and it
seems incumbent on me to say something on a matter of so much
importance, and that concerns me so much.... First, with
reference to the college. The major part of my life has been
given to building up the Tengchow College, and, of course, I
feel a deep interest in its future. As you can easily imagine,
I am naturally loath to see it moved from the place where
Providence placed it; and to see all the toil and thought given
to fitting up the buildings, with heating, lighting, and the
other appliances go for nothing; as also the loss of the very
considerable sums of money I have myself invested in it. The
Providence which placed the college in Tengchow should not be
lightly ignored, nor the natural advantages which Tengchow
affords be counted for nothing. It is not difficult to make out
a strong case for Wei Hsien, and I am not disposed to dispute
its advantages, except it be to question the validity of the
assumption that a busy commercial center is necessarily the
best place to locate a college. In view of the whole question,
it seems to me that unless an adequate endowment can be
secured—one which will put the college on a new basis—it will
not pay the Board to make the sacrifice involved in moving the
college to Wei Hsien.... However, I would rather go to Wei
Hsien than be opposed strongly at Tengchow.
On that part of his contention he lost; and it would be useless now to
try to ascertain the respective merits of the two sides to that question.
The second part of the letter just cited discussed the abandonment of
Tengchow as a mission station. The plan of those who took the affirmative
of this debate was to leave that city to the Southern Baptists, who
almost forty years before had preceded the Presbyterians a few weeks
in a feeble occupation, but who had been entirely overshadowed by the
development of the college. For the retention of the station Dr. Mateer
pleaded with his utmost fervor and eloquence. Though the decision
remained in uncertainty while he lived, and the uncertainty gave him
much anxiety, large gifts, coming since, from a consecrated layman, have
rendered the retention of the Tengchow station secure. The wisdom of the
decision is vindicated by present conditions. At the close of 1909 the
station reported a city church with three hundred members; a Sabbath
school which sometimes numbers five hundred pupils; thirty out-stations
with about five hundred members; twenty-four primary schools, giving
instruction to three hundred and sixteen boys and girls, and taught by
graduates of the higher schools of the station; a girls’ high school with
an average enrollment of forty-six pupils, and for the year then closing
having twelve graduates, nearly all of whom became teachers; a boys’ high
school with an attendance of forty, and sending up a number of graduates
to the college at Wei Hsien or to other advanced institutions, and having
a normal department with a model primary department; and also a helpers’
summer school; besides other machinery for reaching with the gospel the
three millions of people gathered in the neighborhood of Tengchow. Nor
has the work of the Presbyterians in the least hampered that of the
Southern Baptists.
The actual removal of the college was not effected until the autumn of
1904. In the interval between the time when it was determined to take
this step and when it was actually accomplished a number of important
things affecting the course of Dr. Mateer’s life occurred. Mr. Hayes, as
elsewhere stated, resigned the presidency; and Rev. Paul D. Bergen, who
had come out to the mission in 1883, was chosen in his place. Dr. Mateer
had been so closely associated with Mr. Hayes, and had such complete
confidence in him, that the resignation came almost like a personal
bereavement; but he rose nobly out of the depths, and wrote home to the
Board: “Mr. Bergen is clearly the best man that our missions in Shantung
afford for the place. He is very popular with the Chinese, which is much
in his favor. The time is as auspicious as it is important. Educational
affairs are taking a great boom, and it looks as if Shantung was going to
lead the van. If it is properly supported the college should do a great
work.” During the interval here covered Dr. Mateer came to the United
States on his third and last furlough, reaching China again in the autumn
of 1903, and bringing with him some substantial fruits of his efforts for
the college.
On his arrival he was confronted by another great problem as to the
institution. A combination had already been almost effected by the
American Presbyterians and the English Baptists in Shantung for a
union in the work of higher education in the province. The matter had
already gone so far that, although he feared that the scheme would
bring about such radical changes as to endanger the real usefulness
of the institution, yet he made no serious opposition, and it went
steadily forward to consummation. Under the plan adopted the Shantung
Christian University was established; and provision was made for a
joint maintenance of three distinct colleges in it, each at a different
location, chosen because of mission and other conditions—a college of
arts and science at Wei Hsien, a theological college at Tsingchow fu, and
a medical college at Tsinan fu. The plan also provides for a university
council, to which is committed the general control of the institution,
subject, of course, to certain fundamental regulations; and of this body
Dr. Mateer was one of the original members. The first meeting was held
at Tsingchow fu near the end of 1903. Writing to one of the secretaries
of the Board of Missions concerning this, he said: “All were present.
Our meeting was quite harmonious. We elected professors and discussed
and drew out some general principles relating to the curriculum and
the general management. Theoretically things seem quite promising; the
difficulty will come in practical administration. The buildings at Wei
Hsien are all up to the first floor. There should be no difficulty in
getting all ready by next autumn, at which time the college ought by all
means to be moved.” Early the next summer he wrote: “I started to Wei
Hsien about a month ago, overland. I spent over two weeks taking down
and packing my goods, and so forth, including workshop, boiler, engine,
dynamo, and so forth. I found it quite a serious undertaking to get
all my miscellaneous goods packed up, ready for shipment on boats to
Wei Hsien.... I remained in Wei Hsien twenty-four days, unpacking my
effects, getting my workshop in order, and planning for the heating and
lighting outfit.” In the same letter he expressed himself as follows
concerning the theological college at Tsingchow fu: “It was certainly
understood at the meeting of the directors last winter that it was to be
much more than a theological seminary in the strict sense of the word. It
was understood, in fact, that it would have two departments,—a training
school and a theological seminary proper. In this way only can the full
measure of our needs be supplied.... With this organization it is not
unlikely that the school at Tsingchow fu will be larger than the college
at Wei Hsien.”
This narrative as to Dr. Mateer and the Shantung College is now
approaching its close, and most readers probably will prefer that, so
far as practicable, the remainder of it shall be told in his own words.
December 21, 1904, he wrote to a friend: “The college is now fully moved
to Wei Hsien, and has in it about a hundred and twenty students. The new
buildings are quite fine,—much superior to those we had in Tengchow. Mrs.
Mateer and I have moved to Wei Hsien to live and will make this our home.
We are living in the same house with my brother Robert, making all one
family. This arrangement suits us very well. I am not teaching in the
college, but I would not feel at home if I were away from it. I hope it
has a great future.” In his report for himself and wife, for the year
1904-05, he says: “The greater part of the autumn was spent in overseeing
the building and fitting up of a workshop, and in superintending the
setting up of a new thirty-two horse-power steam boiler for heating and
lighting the college, together with a system of steam piping for the
same; also the setting up of engine and dynamo and wiring the college
for electric lights. I also set up a windmill and pump and tank, with
pipes for supplying the college and several dwelling houses with water.
I also built for myself and Mrs. Mateer a seven-kien house in Chinese
style, affording a study, bedroom, storeroom, box room, and coal room.”
This little, narrow, one-story house constituted their home during the
rest of his life in Wei Hsien, though they still look their meals with
the other family. They sometimes called this house “the Borderland,” for
only a narrow path separated them from the small foreign cemetery at the
extreme corner of the compound. In November, 1905, he wrote to one of the
secretaries of the Board: “The college is, of course, delighted at the
prospect of a Science Hall. I take some credit for having prepared the
way for this gift from Mr. Converse.” In his report for the year 1906 he
said: “During the early part of the winter I spent considerable time,
planning, estimating, and ordering supplies for the lighting, heating,
and water supply of the new Science Hall at Wei Hsien.”
We are at length face to face with the last stage in the active
connection of Dr. Mateer with the college. February 26, 1907, he wrote to
one of the secretaries of the Board of Missions:
I returned three days ago from the meeting of the College
Directors at Tsingchow fu. The meeting was prolonged and a very
important one. A number of important and embarrassing questions
were before us.... You will hear from others, of course, and
from the minutes, that Dr. Bergen resigned the presidency of
the college, and that in our inability to find a successor
I was asked to take the position temporarily, until other
arrangements could be made, and Dr. Bergen was asked to remain
as a professor, which he agreed to do. This provided for the
teaching, and makes it possible for me to take the presidency
without doing much teaching, which I could not do under present
conditions.
During the period of his service in this capacity the college not only
did well in its regular work; it also made some important advances. The
total attendance was one hundred and eighty-one, and a class of ten was
graduated at commencement. At Tengchow he had always valued the literary
societies very highly, and these now received a fresh impetus. Several
rooms of the new Science Hall were brought into use; two additional rows
of dormitories were built, one for college and personal teachers and
workmen, and one for students; not to mention lesser matters.
Nevertheless he found his official position in certain ways very
uncomfortable. Some of the reasons of this were casual to the internal
administration, and cannot now be appreciated by outsiders, and are not
worth airing here. Others were of a more permanent nature, and had to do
with the future conduct and character of the institution. The question
of English had been for a while hushed to sleep; but it was now awake
again, and asserted itself with new vigor. In a letter dated December 19,
1907, he said: “I am strongly in favor of an English School, preferably
at Tsinan fu, but I am opposed to English in the college. It would very
soon destroy the high grade of scholarship hitherto maintained, and
direct the whole output of the college into secular lines.” His fear was
that if English were introduced the graduates of the institution would
be diverted from the ministry and from the great work of evangelizing
the people to commercial pursuits, and that it would become a training
school of compradors and clerks. Later the intensity of his opposition
to the introduction of English was considerably modified, because of the
advantage which he perceived to be enjoyed in the large union meetings,
by such of the Chinese as knew this language in addition to their own.
He saw, too, that with the change of times a knowledge of English had
come to be recognized as an essential in the new learning, as a bond of
unity between different parts of China, and as a means of contact with
the outside world. Looking at the chief danger as past, he expressly
desired that the theologues should be taught English. At any rate he had
been contending for a cause that was evidently lost. At this writing the
curriculum of the college offers five hours in English as an optional
study for every term of the four required years; and also of the fifth
year. Dr. Mateer, besides, was not fully in sympathy with a movement that
was then making to secure a large gift from the “General Education Fund”
for the endowment of the institution. In the letter just quoted he says:
“The college should be so administered by its president and faculty as
to send some men into the ministry, or it fails of its chief object. I
am in favor of stimulating a natural growth, but not such a rapid and
abnormal growth as will dechristianize it. I do not believe in the sudden
and rapid enlargement of the plant beyond the need at the time. It would
rapidly secularize the college and divert it entirely from its proper
ideal and work.” These questions were too practical, and touched the
vitals of the institution too deeply, to be ignored by earnest friends
on either side. Some things as to the situation are so transparent that
they can be recognized by any person who looks at it from not too close
a point of view. The entire merits of the argument were in no case
wholly on one side; and as a consequence it is not surprising that wise
and good men differed as they did; and the only decisive test is actual
trial of the changes advocated by the younger men. It is also perfectly
plain that in this affair we have only another instance of a state of
things so often recurring; that is, of a man who has done a great work,
putting into it a long life of toil and self-sacrifice, and bringing it
at length to a point where he must decrease and it must increase; and
where in the very nature of the case it must be turned over to younger
hands, to be guided as they see its needs in the light of the dawning
day. He can scarcely any longer be the best judge of what ought to be
done; but even if he were, the management must be left for good or ill to
them. That evidently is the fight in which Dr. Mateer came ultimately to
see this matter. He courageously faced the inevitable. In this, as in all
other cases, no personal animosity was harbored by him toward anyone who
differed from him.
October 27, 1907, he wrote to an associate on the Mandarin Revision
Committee: “I have now dissolved myself from the management of the
college, and shall have very little to do with it in the future. It
has cost me a great deal to do it, but it is best it should be so. I
am now free from any cares or responsibility in educational matters.”
In a letter to Secretary Brown, dated December 21, 1907, he said: “In
view of the circumstances I thought it best to resign at once, and
unconditionally, both the presidency and my office as director. I have
no ambition to be president, and in fact was only there temporarily
until another man should be chosen. I did not wish to be a director
when I could not conscientiously carry out the ideas and policy of a
majority of the mission. It was no small trial, I assure you, to resign
all connection with the college, after spending the major part of my
missionary life working for it. It did, in fact, seriously affect my
health for several weeks. I cannot stand such strains as I once did.”
One of the striking incidents of his funeral service at Tsingtao was
the reading of the statistics of the graduates of the Tengchow College,
including the students who came with the college to Wei Hsien. These
have since been carefully revised and are as follows: Total receiving
diplomas, 205; teachers in government schools, 38; teachers in church
schools, 68; pastors, 17; evangelists, 16; literary work, 10; in
business, 9; physicians, 7; post-office service, 4; railroad service,
2; Y. M. C. A. service, 2; customs service, 1; business clerks, 2;
secretaries, 1; at their homes, 6; deceased, 22. These graduates are
scattered among thirteen denominations, and one hundred schools, and in
sixteen provinces of China. About two hundred more who were students at
Tengchow did not complete the course of studies.
The institution since its removal has continued steadily to go forward.
The large endowment that was both sought and feared has not yet been
realized, and consequently the effect of such a gift has not been tested
by experience; but other proposed changes have been made. A pamphlet
published in 1910 reports for the college of arts and sciences an
enrollment of three hundred and six students, and in the academy, eighty.
The class which graduates numbers seventeen, all of whom are Christians.
Down to that year there had been at Wei Hsien among the graduates no
candidates for the ministry, but during 1910, under the ministration of
a Chinese pastor, a quiet but mighty religious awakening pervaded the
institution, and one outcome has been a vast increase in the number of
candidates for the ministry or other evangelistic work. The pamphlet
already quoted speaks of more than one hundred of the college students
who have decided to offer themselves for this work. It is appropriately
added that “such a movement as this amongst our students inspires us with
almost a feeling of awe.... Our faith had never reached the conception
of such a number as the above simultaneously making a decision.” It has
recently been decided to bring all the departments of the university to
Tsinan fu, the provincial capital.
In the theological college at Tsingchow fu, according to the last report,
there were eleven students in the regular theological department and one
hundred and twenty-eight in the normal school. In the medical college
at Tsinan fu there were thirteen young men. The aggregate for the whole
university rises to five hundred and thirty-eight. On the Presbyterian
side this all began with those six little boys, in the old Kwan Yin
temple, in the autumn of 1864, at Tengchow. To-day it is a university,
and is second to no higher institution of learning in China.
It is said that Dr. Mateer never led in prayer, either public or private,
that he did not most earnestly ask that the Lord would raise up Chinese
Christian men, who as leaders would bring many to Christ. His prayers
during the forty-five years of his missionary life are receiving a
wonderful answer at Wei Hsien and at Tsingchow fu.
XII
WITH APPARATUS AND MACHINERY
“The things most likely to be needed in China, are first,
electrical engineering, especially telegraphy, and second,
civil engineering, especially surveying and laying out of
railroads. Special preparation in one or both of these
things would be very valuable. But what is more necessary
for immediate use, and as a preliminary to these things, is
a practical knowledge of scientific apparatus,—how to make
and how to use it. I have myself picked it up from books,
without any instructor, but only at a great expense of time and
labor.”—LETTER TO A PROSPECTIVE TEACHER, October 29, 1888.
Whenever a group of the early acquaintances of Dr. Mateer talked together
about him, one thing certain to be mentioned was his achievements with
apparatus and machinery, both with the making and with the using of
them. Out in China his reputation for this was so great that it at
times came near to being a burden to him. We have already seen that
the temporary superintendence of the mission press at Shanghai was
thrust upon him, contrary to his own preference, and because, as he
expressed it in a letter at that time, the men in control considered
him a “Jack-of-all-trades,” able to do anything at which he might be
put. If they then did really think of him as no more than a man who
with machinery could do a great many things without performing any of
them thoroughly well, they did him a great injustice, which their
subsequent knowledge amply corrected. As the years went by, and in this
sphere of his multifarious activity he rose to larger and more difficult
achievements, his fame as to this spread far and wide among both natives
and foreigners. At no time, however, did he permit his efficiency in this
line to loom up in such a form or in such a degree as to seem even to
others to put his distinctively missionary labors into the background.
It is a significant fact that in the eulogiums pronounced on him at his
death this feature of his character and work is seldom even mentioned. He
was—first, last, and all the time—a man whose life and whose abilities
were so completely and so manifestly consecrated to the evangelization
of the Chinese that when those who knew him best looked back over the
finished whole, his remarkable achievements with apparatus and machinery
scarcely arrested their attention.
Dr. Mateer himself regarded his efficiency in this sphere as due in
some measure to native endowment. He had an inborn taste and ability
for that sort of work; and stories have come down concerning certain
very early manifestations of this characteristic. It is related that
when he was a little boy he was suffering loss through the raids made by
the woodpeckers on a cherry tree laden with luscious fruit. He pondered
the situation carefully, and then set up a pole, close by, with a nice
lodging place for a bird at the top, and armed himself with a mallet down
at the foot. The woodpecker would grab a cherry, and immediately fly
to the pole in order to eat it; but a sharp blow with the mallet would
bring him from his perch to the ground. So the boy saved his cherries.
It is also related of him that when a mere boy he had a friendly
dispute with his father over the question whether a sucking pig had the
homing instinct. He maintained that it would return to its mother under
conditions that proved the affirmative; and in order to satisfy himself,
he placed a pig in a sack, and took it a long way from its familiar
haunts, and turned it loose. It had been agreed that the result was to
decide the ownership. To his delight, immediately the pig started on a
bee line for home, and never gave up the race until it was back in its
old place.
For the development and application of this natural gift he received
almost no help from others. Probably if that old workbench in the barn
at the “Hermitage” could speak, it might tell something as to oversight
and guidance of the boy by his father, in making and repairing traps
and tools for use in recreation and in work; but beyond this he had no
instruction. In his day at college a chemical or physical laboratory was
supposed to be exclusively for the professor to prepare his experiments;
the student was expected only to be a spectator in the classroom when
the experiments were shown. The man who occupied the chair of natural
philosophy at Jefferson when we were there had a gift for supplementing
his scanty outfit of apparatus with the products of his own skill and
labor, and if the student Mateer had found his way down into the
subterranean regions where these were wrought, he and Professor Jones
would have rejoiced together in sympathetic collaboration; but no such
unheard-of violation of ancient custom occurred. In the academy at Beaver
he first turned his hand to making a few pieces of apparatus which he
craved as helps in teaching. But it was not until he reached China that
this field for his talent opened before him, and continued to enlarge
all the rest of his life. In fact, even when he was absent from China,
on his furloughs, he did not get away from his work with apparatus and
machinery. During one of his earlier furloughs, while he was looking up
everything that could be helpful to his Chinese boys, he spent some time
in the Baldwin Locomotive Works, by special permission, in studying the
construction of locomotives, so that he might be able to make a model of
one on his return to China. In connection with this he showed such an
acquaintance with the structure of these engines that he could scarcely
convince some of the skilled mechanics that he had not been trained to
the business. Dr. Corbett wrote concerning him, after his death: “It was
my privilege to meet him at the World’s Fair at Chicago in 1893. He had
spent nearly a month there examining minutely many things of special
interest to him. As my time was limited he kindly became my guide for
a while, and gave me the benefit of his observations. We first visited
the department of electricity, which he had carefully studied in all its
various applications. We next went to Machinery Hall, where he had spent
days making drawings, measurements, and so forth, of the most complex
machinery. He seemed to understand everything as though this had been
the work of his life.” Dr. Hayes says: “Dr. Mateer’s ability to meet
exigencies was well shown a few years ago in Wei Hsien, when suddenly the
large dynamo failed to produce a current. He unwound the machine until he
located the fault, reinsulated the wire and rewound the coil; after which
the machine furnished its current as usual.... Electrotyping was hardly
in general use in the west until he secured an outfit of tools and taught
a class of native artisans. When electric fans came in vogue he purchased
a small one as a model and proceeded to make another.”
The time came when Dr. Mateer had a shop equipped to do a great variety
of work; and though not on a large scale, yet big enough to meet his
needs. Already in 1886 in a letter to his brother William he said: “In
order to repair apparatus, and in order to make many simpler articles,
I have fitted up quite a complete workshop, entirely at my own expense.
I have invested in the shop, in tools and materials quite one thousand
dollars. I keep a workman at my own cost, whom I have trained so that he
can do most ordinary kinds of work. There are a great many small articles
we can make here more cheaply than we can buy them. There are, however,
many articles we cannot make, especially those that involve glass or the
use of special machinery, or special skill.” That shop continued to
grow, and the variety of its output increased. Writing of this, Mrs. Ada
Mateer says:
So soon as possible in addition to the room used for carpenter
work, a side house was devoted to the purposes of a shop, which
grew in completeness as time went on. An upper story was used
for storing finished apparatus, for a painting, varnishing,
and drying room. The lower story was the shop proper, with
well, smithy, a long workroom, private room for chemicals and
so forth. Every conceivable amount of space in the shop—above,
around, and below—was occupied with materials, on boards hung
from above, in cases made of old boxes lining the walls, and
on the floor. The shop contained not only materials for things
that are to be, but became also a tomb of things that were, but
are not, as well as a hospital for things disabled. What old
histories were unearthed when, after forty years, this shop had
to be moved to Wei Hsien!
Up there it was perpetuated, the main difference consisting in larger and
better quarters, with some improved conveniences. His wife continues:
For every machine bought, the market was canvassed by
correspondence, and the best selected. Especially was this
true with reference to any tools or machinery used in
the construction of apparatus,—as machines for turning,
blacksmithing, plumbing, screw-cutting, burnishing,
electroplating, casting, and so forth. His shop was thoroughly
fitted with all appliances for the making of apparatus, or
electric or steam outfitting, so that he was ready to do
anything, from setting up a windmill or water system, or
installing an engine and dynamo, to brazing broken spectacle
frames or repairing a bicycle.
So far as it was practicable he turned over the actual mechanical labor
to Chinese workmen,—a skilled foreman and apprentices under the foreman’s
direction.
Why, though a missionary, did he employ so considerable a part of his
time in this way? Especially at the outset of his missionary career
stern necessity to meet his own needs and those of his associates drove
him to this line of work. Had he been set down in China at some such
place as Shanghai, where foreign articles could be purchased, very
likely his mechanical gifts would have remained largely dormant. But at
Tengchow he helped to make a stove out of odds and ends, because one
was indispensable in order to keep warm. For the same sort of reason he
extracted teeth and made false sets, cobbled shoes, and acted as master
workman of all the building trades in the erection of the “new home.”
Sometimes he was thus compelled to do things which seemed strange even to
him. When, in 1865, little Katie Mills died, he had to act the part of
undertaker. He said:
It fell to me to make the coffin, which I did as well as I
could from memory. I could not tell the carpenter, and I
had to do the work myself. He did the rough work, and I did
the cutting and fitting. I had to go entirely by my eye,
and I found it no easy matter to get it in every respect in
proportion. We covered it with black velvet outside, and
inside with white linen. It looked very well when finished,
and pleased Mr. and Mrs. Mills very much. It is a work I never
thought of doing.
At one point on the way through Siberia when homeward bound on his
last furlough the train was halted by some defect in the working of
the mechanism of the locomotive. Dr. Mateer, on account of the delay,
got out of his compartment and went to see what was the matter. He saw
that the locomotive was a huge Baldwin, with whose construction he had
familiarized himself when in the United States on a previous furlough,
and he quickly discovered the cause of the trouble. He could speak no
Russian, and the men in charge of the engine could speak no English,
but he managed to show them the cause of the defective working of the
mechanism, and how to remedy it; and soon the train was again speeding on
its way.
The time never came during his long residence in China when a necessity
did not occasionally force itself on him to utilize his mechanical gifts,
and not infrequently on the common utensils of life. In Wei Hsien he
often spent hours directing in such repairs as were needed for furnaces
and the like.
Few of his later and larger achievements in this field could be fairly
regarded as works of necessity, strictly speaking; they rather were meant
to be aids in the great enterprise of evangelizing the Chinese Empire.
He was thoroughly convinced that one of the most powerful agencies that
could be employed for this purpose was the school and the college.
He was equally sure that of all the studies that could be introduced
into the curricula of these institutions, none could be so effective
in opening the way for the gospel as that of the natural sciences, and
especially physics, inclusive of modern mechanical appliances of its
principles. He believed that if bright young men were educated in that
kind of knowledge, and sent out under Christian influences among their
own people, if they were also converted to Christianity, the outcome must
be the dissipation of the existing blind adherence to the superstitions
and ideas of centuries long remote in the past; and that with this must
come the opening wide of the door for the entrance of Christianity. That
was his forecast; and the present situation in China goes far toward
vindicating the wisdom of it. But to teach effectively the natural
sciences he must have apparatus. The only way he could secure this was by
buying what he could, and by utilizing his own ability to set this up,
and to add as much as possible for the outfit yet needed. Such was the
prime object not only of what in a more limited sense constituted the
apparatus of the school and college, but also of such larger appliances
as the plant for heating and lighting the premises. These were far more
than conveniences that helped to better work; they were themselves
constant exhibitions to the students and to the people at large of the
principles of natural science, and of their value in the affairs of
actual life.
Dr. Mateer utilized his outfit of apparatus and machinery as a means of
reaching others besides the students in his own institution, with the
influence of modern science, thus opening a way into their minds for the
gospel. As to one of his methods of accomplishing this object Ada gives a
graphic account:
At the time when the official examinations were held in
Tengchow, a large number of scholars came to town, hoping
to secure a degree, which should be the first step toward
official preferment. So many of these, having heard the fame
of the foreign machine, came to see and to hear, that Dr.
Mateer used to give up his time to them during the days they
were at leisure. Finally the opportunity to do good in this
way proved so great that a place was provided for the purpose,
which was also much used at the Chinese New Year, when all the
town and countryside give themselves up to recreation. After
the “Mandarin Lessons” began to bring in money, he devoted the
profits to the building of a large museum, with an entrance on
the street. One half was a big audience room, so arranged that
it could be darkened down for stereopticon or cinematograph
exhibitions. But it usually served as an audience room, where
the crowds could sit and listen to preaching, while the
detachment that preceded them was shown through the inner room
by expert assistants. What a chamber of wonders that inner room
proved to them! Here was a man, using a single hand to turn
a small crank, grinding corn as fast as a woman or a donkey
could do it on the millstones with much more labor. Here in
cases were birds stuffed, and on the walls pictures of strange
animals. Here was a man turning a large crank that in some
mysterious way made a little iron car overhead first send
out sparks, and then run all around the room on a circular
railroad. They wondered if it would not have been easier for
the man to drag the car around on the ground! There was an oil
engine at the end of the room, that was a wonder, no mistake;
and a “shocking” machine that shocked them indeed; and untold
other wonders. When the tour of the room was finished, the
crowd was let out by another door, their almond eyes quite
round, while a signal given by a steam siren showed it was time
for the next group to go in, and “open-open-eyes,” as they call
sight-seeing.
Occasionally a mandarin of high order came to witness the marvels. The
report of the Shantung Mission for 1909 says that through the agency of
the chapel and museum twelve thousand people were brought into touch with
the gospel during the year; so the work still continues.
Another good account to which Dr. Mateer turned this peculiar gift
was that of starting industries for native Christians and promoting
self-help among the needy. Now it was a loom for weaving coarse Chinese
linsey or bagging, or a spinning or a knitting machine, that he ordered;
again, he inquired for a roller press to be used for drying and pressing
cotton cloth after dyeing; and more than once he sent for a lathe for
a Chinese blacksmith. In 1896 he interested himself in procuring an
outfit for a flouring mill. He said: “The enterprise of starting the
mill was conceived by Chinese Christians, and they are going to form a
company to raise the money. I do not think that there is a roller mill
in China,—certainly not in north China.... We personally will not make
a cent out of it; but we are interested to get the Chinese Christians
started in an enterprise by which they can make a living, and introduce
improvements into their country.”
His apprentices went out in many instances master blacksmiths,
machinists, and electricians, and had no difficulty in finding places. A
Chinese general temporarily at Tengchow employed one of these men as a
blacksmith, and his order was so evidently filled according to western
methods that he paid a visit to the wonderful shop of this wonderful
master. The very last man for whom he obtained a place was his most
skilled electrician and his latest foreman. This man started a shop up at
the capital of the province, and for its outfit Dr. Mateer carried on an
extensive correspondence and procured large invoices of goods. Because
of the provincial university established there under the new educational
régime there was imperative need of such an establishment, and the
outlook for success was excellent. Unfortunately for the proprietor,
however, the Chinese officials were equally alive to the opportunity
and were jealous of a rival. So they managed to compel him to sell out,
though they broke the fall a little for him by retaining him as foreman.
It is said that the thought of this workman’s troubles lay heavy on the
heart of Dr. Mateer in his last illness. It was usually for the poor
that he interested himself after this practical fashion; yet he did not
refuse to lend aid to others in promoting enterprises that would be of
general advantage. For a wealthy Chinaman who owned a coal mine that had
been flooded with water he went to a great deal of trouble in order to
put him in the way of securing a suitable pump. But whether it was for
rich or poor that the opportunity came to render such services, he put
aside all thought of his own ease or name or profit, and did the best in
his power.
He had special satisfaction in the manufacture of electrical machines,
though it was no easy matter to cut and bore the large glass wheels
without breaking them, and to adjust all parts so that the greatest
efficiency was attained. Ada says:
When a machine was perfected, giving an unusually long spark,
he always liked to take me over at night to the shop to see it
perform. I well remember the last time,—at Wei Hsien. At one
end of the shop was the windmill. Here he stopped to show me
a way of equalizing the stroke of the windmill pump piston,
by hanging on an old kettle of scrap iron. Then he took me
into an inner room, where on one end of a long table stood the
newly finished machine,—a beauty, no mistake. Having forgotten
some necessary key, he took the lantern and went to get it,
leaving me in the dark. I noticed sounds, the dripping of water
in the well; but what was the ticking I heard? On the return
of the lantern I saw the cause,—a number of clock dials all
hung on the wall, and all to be run by one clock by means of
electricity. These were for the college recitation rooms when
they should be finished. Then Calvin made the new machine
do its work. Adjusting carefully the mechanism, and then
measuring the spark, he exclaimed with boyish glee, “There,
isn’t that a beauty!”
Dr. W. A. P. Martin, of Peking, related in the “Chinese Recorder” of
December, 1908, this incident as to Dr. Mateer: “It was once my privilege
to spend part of a vacation in his hospitable home at Tengchow. I found
him at work constructing scientific apparatus with his own hands and
wrestling with a mathematical problem which he had met in an American
magazine. When I solved the problem, he evinced a lively satisfaction, as
if it were the one thing required to cement our friendship.” The problem
was to find the diameter of an auger, which, passing through the center
of a sphere, will bore away just one half of its bulk. It is easy to see
that to a man of that sort his work and the scientific and practical
problems constantly arising in connection with the making of apparatus
and the adjustment of machinery must have been in themselves a rich
source of pleasure, though he never allowed himself to be so fascinated
by his shop as to break in on what he conceived to be his higher work.
Speaking of his last years, Ada says: “He would go out wearied with the
baffling search for a way of expressing clearly in Chinese a thought
none too clear in the original Greek, his forehead grooved with the
harrows of thought. He would come back from the shop an hour later, with
well-begrimed hands, a new spot on his long Chinese gown, a fresher pink
in his cheeks, a brighter sparkle in his eyes, and his lips parted with
a smile. Then, having washed, he would immediately set himself again to
the work of revision.”
He loved also to share this joy, so far as it could be done, with others.
At the Synod of China with his apparatus he gave several exhibitions
that were greatly appreciated. At Wei Hsien he rendered similar services
in the high schools, and at Chefoo in the school for the children of
missionaries. The Centennial Fourth of July, being quite an exceptional
occasion, he celebrated not with ordinary gunpowder, but by setting off
a considerable quantity of detonating chemicals. In the early days at
Tengchow a home-made electric fly whisk whirled above the dining table,
and a little pneumatic fountain playing in a bell glass rendered the room
and the meals additionally pleasant to the family and to the guests. Ada
writes:
But the thing that most of us will remember longest is an
illustrated lecture on electricity delivered to the college in
Wei Hsien, and afterward to the foreigners there. As we sat
in a darkened room in the college watching the long sparks
of fire, the twisting circles of many-colored light, half
illuminating a tall, white-bearded figure in a long black gown,
he seemed to us like some old magician, learned in the black
arts, now become bright arts, invoking to his aid his attendant
spirits. Nor was the enchantment diminished when afterward,
more wonderful than a palmister, he showed us by the x-rays the
bones of our hands. A few weeks later one of the ladies of the
compound gave an evening entertainment in which each one in the
station was hit off in some bright way, and we were to guess
the name. One number of the programme was this: A black-robed
figure with cotton beard appeared, leading a youth whom he
seated in a chair. Then the venerable personage proceeds to
examine the head of the stripling with a stereoscope covered
with black cloth, supposed to be a fluoroscope, while an
alarm clock in a tin pail near by supplies the crackling of
electricity. He gives a careful examination, shakes his head,
and pronounces the verdict in one word, “Empty.” In explanation
of the tableau it only needs to be said that between the
exhibition and the entertainment Dr. Mateer had given the young
men of the station their examination in the language.
XIII
THE MANDARIN VERSION
“I am mortgaged to the Bible revision work.... It cost me a
great effort to engage in it, but it will probably be the most
important work of my life.”—LETTER TO SECRETARY BROWN, June 13,
1896.
To tell this part of the story of Dr. Mateer’s life satisfactorily, I
must begin with the first general missionary conference, held at Shanghai
in May, 1877. For two years previous he had served on a committee to
prepare the way for the meeting, and in this capacity he had rendered
much valuable assistance. At that conference he read a paper in which he
elaborately discussed the subject of “The Relation of Protestant Missions
to Education.” The meeting was regarded as successful, and a second was
called, to assemble at Shanghai, in May, 1890. It was at this conference
that the movement for a revision of the Bible in Chinese took actual
measures toward realization.
For the sake of any readers not well informed as to the Chinese language,
a few preliminary statements concerning it may be desirable here. In a
very broad and general sense it may be said that as to elements, one
tongue prevails throughout China proper; but that there is also much
important variation in this general tongue. First of all, it needs lo
be noted that the language takes on two principal forms,—the classic, or
Wen-li, and the spoken, or Mandarin. The classic has come down through
the centuries from the times of Confucius and Mencius, and remains
comparatively the same as it is found in the writings of those sages.
This is accepted as the model for all writing; and for that reason
Chinese students have been required to spend the greater part of their
time in memorizing those ancient books, so that they might not only
absorb their teaching, but also especially that they might be able to
reproduce their style. The classic Chinese is stilted and so condensed
that in comparison with it a telegram would seem diffuse; and though
many of the characters are the same as those used in writing the spoken
language, yet the meaning and often the sound of characters is so
different that an illiterate person would not understand it on hearing
it read. The spoken language, on the other hand, may be compared with
English as to its use. Good English is very much the same throughout
the countries where it is the vernacular, and though it takes on local
dialects, it remains everywhere intelligible. So, broadly speaking, is
it also as to the spoken Chinese in a large part of the empire. From the
Yangtse up into Manchuria, though the pronunciations differ very much,
the colloquial if put into writing is understood. In other words, with
differences of dialect and pronunciation it is the speech of perhaps
three hundred millions of people. The regions excepted lie along the
coast from Shanghai down, and inland south of the Yangtse, where the
distinct tongues are numerous and are largely unintelligible except in
their own localities.
It has been the rule in China that a mandarin must not be a native of
the province where he holds office; and, of course, it is essential that
he should be acquainted with the speech which constitutes the _lingua
franca_. Perhaps for this reason it is called Mandarin. But down to the
time when missionary publications rendered it common in print, it was
not employed in that mode. All books, business or government documents,
the one newspaper of the country, which was the court gazette, and all
letters were in the higher or, as it is called, the Wen-li form, the only
exception being some novels, and even these were streaked with Wen-li.
This, however, ran through gradations,—from the highest, which is so
condensed and so bristles with erudite allusions that only a trained
scholar can understand it, down to a modification which is so easy that
with a slight alteration of particles it is almost the same as the
Mandarin.
During the long period of the nineteenth century preceding the meeting
of the second general missionary conference, a number of translations of
the Scriptures, some of them of the whole, and some of parts, had been
made, and had come more or less into use. The men who did this pioneer
work deserve to be held in perpetual esteem, especially in view of the
difficulties under which they labored. Among the missionaries who sat
in that conference there was no disposition to withhold this honor, or
to disparage the value of these early translations; but there was so
widely prevalent among them and their associates at that time on the
field a conviction that no existing version was satisfactory, that they
recognized it as a duty to take up the subject, and to initiate steps
looking to the production of a better. An informal consultation as to
this was held by a few men, a couple of days before the conference
assembled; but inasmuch as Dr. Mateer had not been invited, he did not
attend. Another consultation was held the following day, and because
of his great interest in the subject of a Bible revision, he attended
without an invitation. The views expressed clearly indicated that there
was a general agreement that a revision was desirable, but it also was
made very plain that beyond this there was a wide divergence of opinion.
We will allow one of his letters to a representative of the American
Bible Society, under date of May 26, 1890, to tell the next step in this
great undertaking:
As I walked home from the meeting, and revolved in my mind
the difficulty of the situation, the idea of an executive
committee, to whom the whole work should be intrusted, came
across my mind. When I reached my room I sat down, and in a few
minutes and without consultation with anyone, wrote out the
plan, which without essential modification was subsequently
adopted. It seemed to strike all parties very favorably. On
the second day of the conference two large, representative
committees were appointed by the conference, one on Mandarin
and one on Wen-li. I was a member of both these committees.
Each committee had a number of meetings, in which the subject
was freely and fully discussed in all its bearings. It was
evident that there was a general desire for a version in simple
Wen-li, and, the difficulties being less in regard to the work
already done, a conclusion was first reached in regard to this
version. In Mandarin the difficulties were greater.
An agreement, however, was reached. The version in the higher classic
style then gave the most trouble, but a satisfactory basis for this also
was agreed upon; and the reports as to all three versions were adopted
unanimously by the conference. In the same letter he says: “I worked
hard for these results, and felt no small satisfaction in seeing such
perfect unanimity in the adoption of the plan proposed. I have never done
anything in which I felt more the guiding hand of God than in drawing up
and carrying through this plan.”
The selection of translators for each of the projected new versions was
handed over respectively to executive committees; and Dr. Mateer was
appointed on that having charge of the Mandarin, and made chairman of it.
He heard that he was talked of as one of the revisers for that version,
but as yet he had not decided what was his duty, if chosen. It will
again be best here to take up from one of his letters the thread of the
narrative. Under date of December 13, 1890, he writes to Dr. Nevius:
I can truly say that before I went to the conference I never
even dreamed of what has come to pass. It never occurred to me,
before the conference, that I should take any prominent part in
the matter of Bible translation. I felt that education was the
only field in which I should come to the front. I was never in
my life so providentially led as I was in this matter. I was
selected chairman of the Mandarin Executive Committee and have
been pushing the getting of translators. The first few months
were spent in corresponding and comparing notes as to men.
We took a ballot recently, which resulted in the election of
five, ... I being the only one who received a unanimous vote.
We are now voting for the others, to make up the seven.... My
book of “Mandarin Lessons” has no doubt brought me forward,
and its preparation has in a measure fitted me for the work.
My personal preferences are against the work of translation,
and I would fain decline it, but I don’t see how I can in view
of the circumstances. I feel my incompetency, especially in
Greek and Hebrew, and you may be sure I am very loath to give
up the educational and literary work on my hands. Much of it
is half finished. But if the Mandarin Bible is to be made,
some one must do it; moreover, the men who do it must have
the confidence of the missionary body; otherwise it will be a
failure. As it is, circumstances have led me to the position,
and the strong opinion of the men on the committee, and of
others, leads me to feel that I cannot lightly refuse.
In November, 1891, the revisers met at Shanghai. Dr. Mateer, in a letter
written in the following January, said:
The scheme for the revision of the Chinese Bible set on foot
by the conference is now fairly organized, and approved by
the three great Bible societies. The work of pushing the
organization has fallen largely on me, and I feel no small
sense of relief now that it is successfully accomplished.
Contrary to my own desire, I am compelled to lake a share as
one of the revisers in Mandarin; not that I do not relish the
work, but because it will of necessity interfere with many
of my cherished plans. We had a meeting of all the revisers
of the three versions, and it was a fairly harmonious and an
altogether successful meeting. A great work is before us which
I trust we may, in the good providence of God, be enabled to
accomplish.
The interval of about a year and a half between the general conference
and the organization just mentioned was required because of the
difficulty of selecting and securing the translators. These for the
Mandarin version, as that body was originally constituted, consisted
of Henry Blodgett, George Owen, Chauncey Goodrich, J. R. Hykes, Thomas
Bramfitt, J. L. Nevius and C. W. Mateer. During the years in which this
work was continued there were in the membership so many changes caused by
death, removal and other causes, that Dr. Goodrich and Dr. Mateer alone
continued from the beginning until the translation of the New Testament,
the part of the Bible first revised, was tentatively completed. Mr.
Baller of the China Inland Mission stands next in length of service,
having joined the committee in 1900. Dr. Mateer in the work of revision
had the assistance of two Chinese Christians whose services were so large
and valuable that they deserve more than a passing mention here. In a
recent letter Dr. Goodrich pays them the following just tribute:
Dr. Mateer, in the work of rendering the Scriptures into a
universal Mandarin colloquial, had two exceptionally fine
teachers. The first was Mr. Tsou Li Wen, an ordained pastor,
who left his parish to engage in this work. Mr. Tsou was
trained by Dr. Mateer in his college, receiving his theological
training under Drs. Nevius, Mateer and others. He was a man
of beautiful spirit, discriminating mind, and a fine sense of
language. He was also a man of indomitable perseverance. After
a strenuous day’s work of eight hours or more, he would often
toil by himself far into the night, seeking for some phrase
or phrases which expressed more exactly or more beautifully
the meaning of the original. And before the final review, both
he and my own lamented teacher (Chang Hsi Hsin) would bestow
the greatest pains, in the hours when they should have been
sleeping, in a careful inspection of the work. Thus did Mr.
Tsou toil, while separated from his family for long periods of
time; his work on Bible revision being as truly a labor of love
as that of any member of the committee.
But alas! Mr. Tsou’s life burned out all too soon in his
exhausting labors. But how I should like to see his crown, and
his shining face!
Happily for the work, Dr. Mateer had another scholar, trained
also in his school, Mr. Wang Yuan Teh, a young man of keen,
incisive, logical mind, who had read all the best books in the
Mandarin colloquial. Mr. Wang was quick to see any fault in
the structure of a sentence, and insistent on its being put
right. He also worked most faithfully in this translation,
refusing offers which came to him of a salary several times the
amount he received. I think he was held, partly by Dr. Mateer’s
personality, which drew him strongly, and partly by his own
love for the work itself. When the chariot of fire came for Dr.
Mateer, he left us, much to our regret and loss.
The work of these two men has entered largely into the present
translation of the New Testament, and the influence of their
work, as of Dr. Mateer’s, abides, and will continue to be felt,
till the great work of rendering the Bible into a universal
Mandarin is finished.
Dr. Mateer himself, in the preface to his “Mandarin Lessons,” makes
acknowledgment of the valuable services rendered in the preparation of
that work by Tsou Li Wen, and also by his own wife.
The Mandarin Committee, at the meeting in 1891, after organization,
proceeded to divide up the books of the New Testament among themselves
for work, and adopted a plan of procedure. Each man was first carefully
to revise or translate his own portion; and then to send it around to
the others, who were to go over it, and write their suggestions of
emendations, each in a column parallel to the proposed text. Next, the
original translator was to take these emendations, and with their help
was to prepare a text in Mandarin for submission to the entire committee.
Broadly speaking, this was the method pursued to the end, though with
some modifications compelled or suggested by experience. It was hoped
that comparatively rapid progress would be made; but in reality the
committee did not come together again until September, 1898; and even
then, only the Acts of the Apostles was ready for general revision. For
this delay there were various causes, such as the death of Dr. Nevius
and the resignation of others, and the absence of Dr. Mateer on furlough
home; but the chief cause was that every member was burdened with so much
other work that only a fraction of his time could be given to this duty.
Dr. Mateer, for example, found himself loaded down with other literary
and missionary labors. At the meeting held at Tengchow, in 1898, he
was elected chairman of the committee. This was an honor, but it also
carried with it peculiar duties which materially added to his burden.
The committee could muster only five members for that sitting, but they
proceeded with their work, and at the end of two months and a half they
finished the book of Acts; and then they separated.
[Illustration: MANDARIN REVISION COMMITTEE AT WORK
DR. S. LEWIS (American Methodist Episcopal)
DR. GOODRICH (Congregational)
DR. MATEER (Presbyterian)
M. BALLER (China Inland Mission)]
That meeting by actual experience brought out distinctly not only the
difficulties of necessity arising from the translation of particular
books of the Bible, and indeed of every verse; but also others of a
more general character, some of which had previously been more or less
clearly seen. Should the new version take as its basis one or more of the
translations already in existence; or should it go back straight to the
original Greek, and use the existing translations merely as helps? In
any case, constant reference to the original was a necessity. For this,
which of the published texts should be accepted as the standard? The
meeting also disclosed a wide divergence of opinion as to the style of
Mandarin that ought to be employed. On that subject in 1900, Dr. Mateer
expressed himself fully and strongly, in an article published in the
“Chinese Recorder.” He said:
The Mandarin Bible, in order to fulfill its purpose, should be
such as can be readily understood by all when heard as read
aloud by another. The fundamental distinction between Wen-li
and Mandarin is that the former is addressed to the eye, the
latter to the ear. In all Protestant churches the reading of
the Scriptures has, from the first, constituted an important
part of public worship. In order that this reading may serve
the purpose intended, the Scripture must be so translated
as to be intelligible to the common people. Only thus will
they hear it, as they did its Author, “gladly.” It is not
enough that those who know “characters” should be able to
read it intelligently, but rather that those who do not know
“characters,” and who in fact constitute by far the greater
part of the Chinese people, should be able to understand it
when it is read to them. Here then is the standard to be aimed
at,—a version that represents the Chinese language as it is
spoken, and addresses itself to the ear rather than to the eye.
He summarized the chief characteristics of the proper style thus: that
words should be employed which the people who commonly use Mandarin can
understand; that sentences should conform to the model of the spoken
language; and, concerning both of these requisites, that such care should
be taken as to brevity, the order of words and clauses, the connective
particles, and the evident movement of thought as expressed, that the
Chinese would recognize in it a people’s book; and yet one that is free
from undignified colloquialisms and localisms. All this he held up as an
ideal, not likely to be fully realized by any set of translators, but if
distinctly aimed at, more sure to be nearly approached. Toward the close
of the work on the Mandarin version still another question of a general
nature arose. Throughout most of their labors the committee had before
them the revised easy Wen-li translation, and for a part of the time
they also had the revised classic Wen-li Bible. Ought the three revised
Chinese versions to be harmonized, so as to eliminate all variations?
That, of course, would be ideal. On this question the report of the
Mandarin Committee, which was as to substance prepared by the chairman,
took the negative. It said:
The differences are not great, and where they exist, the
versions will serve Chinese students as a sort of commentary.
There are a multitude of questions in Biblical interpretation
which no translation can settle once for all. Moreover,
ninety-nine out of a hundred of those who use the Mandarin
will never look at any other translation. Two versions in
perfect accord seem like a fine product, but it is difficult
of realization. An attempt at reconciling the present versions
would develop many difficulties. A Mandarin sentence
especially is not easy to tamper with. The change of a single
word would often dislocate a long sentence, and necessitate
retranslation and adjustment to the context.
The Mandarin committee of translators continued their tentative revision
of the New Testament until late in 1906, a period of fifteen years,
counting from the date of their first meeting for organization and
assignment of specific duties. They held eight different sessions,
being almost one each year after they were ready with actual work;
and none of the sessions were shorter than two and a half months, and
one of them stretched out to six months. They assembled at Tengchow,
near Peking, at Shanghai, and most frequently at Chefoo. In the final
report is the record: “The chairman can say for himself that he has
given the equivalent of about seven years all-day labor to this work.
He was present at every meeting, and first and last missed but one
day’s session.” Each of the meetings took on distinctive incidental
associations. The third was held at Shanghai, and from December, 1900,
ran over some months into 1901. At that time, on account of the Boxer
uprising, missionaries were temporarily there as refugees from all the
provinces directly concerned in the version. The sittings were in a small
upper room in the Union Church, which came to be called “the Jerusalem
Chamber,” and visitors were many. They saw two rows of men, one on each
side of a long table, yellow faces being sandwiched alternately with
white, as each translator had, as usual in this work, his Chinese
assistant at his side. Often the discussions were carried on in Mandarin,
so that these assistants might be able to understand and pass their
opinion. Incidentally it may be noted that besides his work on the
revision, Dr. Mateer often met with the refugee missionaries during this
period and greatly gratified them by participating in the discussion of
practical problems.
After the Mateers returned from their furlough, the sessions were all
held at Chefoo, first in one of the rooms of the China Inland Mission
Sanitarium, and later in a large upper room in the Missionary Home,
overlooking the bay. Usually at the commencement of their meetings they
sat together for three hours in the morning, and reserved the rest
of the day for such private study as they wished to make; but as the
time wore on they would increase the sittings to as many hours also in
the afternoon, and crowd the private review into such odd moments as
were left. To anyone, these protracted labors on such a work must have
become exceedingly tedious and almost irksome; but to no one was it more
so than to Dr. Mateer. He knew Mandarin almost as if it had been his
native tongue; but the Mandarin which he knew had often to be modified
and expressions adjusted, so that a Scripture written in it would suit
other regions of China as well as those with which he was familiar. In
writing his “Mandarin Lessons” and in preparing his educational books
he had only to ascertain to the best of his ability how to express his
ideas in Chinese, and that was the end of the search; but here he had
to do his best, and then submit his product to the opinion of others,
and often with the result of changes which did not commend themselves to
his preference. Yet, on his return home from the sittings he would say:
“I ought not to complain. I get my way oftener than any other man does.
Only I cannot help thinking of the work I have laid aside unfinished in
order to do this.” After each meeting the year’s work was printed, marked
“Tentative Edition,” and with a slip inviting criticism was sent to the
missionaries in north China and Manchuria. These criticisms were all to
be canvassed before the edition could be printed that was to be presented
to the Centenary Conference, to which they were to report.
The final meeting for the tentative revision of the New Testament lasted
for more than five months, and the work was pushed with even more than
the usual vigor. The Centenary Missionary Conference for China was only a
year ahead when they began. After the conference the revision was to run
the gauntlet of criticisms, and these were to be canvassed; and thus at
last the revision was to take its permanent form. Mrs. Mateer gives the
following graphic account of one of the closing incidents of that session.
Passage had already been engaged for the Goodrich family on a
steamer sailing north. The baggage was all carried down, the
family all waited on the upper veranda, with hats on, and the
Doctor’s hat was ready for him to seize as soon as he should
get out of the meeting. The “rickshaw” men were waiting, ready
to run with their loads. But still no sound of approaching
feet! Finally, as it got dangerously near the hour of sailing,
Mrs. Goodrich said, “I must go and hurry them up.” So she
marched boldly down the hall, listened a minute at the door,
and came back with her fingers on her lips. “Those dear men
are praying,” she whispered; and tears filled our eyes as our
hearts silently joined in the prayer. Of course, every morning
session was opened with prayer; but this was the consummation
of all these years of toil, the offering of the finished work
at the altar.
Although the committee completed their revision at that session, so
far as this was possible until the conference should meet and approve
or disapprove it, there was very considerable work of a tedious nature
left to Dr. Mateer to perform. The finishing touches yet to be put upon
portions of the version were not a few; but the thing that required of
him the most protracted and delicate attention was the punctuation.
For this he introduced a new system which seemed to him to be best
for the Chinese language, and which can be estimated fairly only by a
scholar in that tongue. To him also as chairman came the criticisms
which were invited from all quarters, most of which were welcomed,
but some of which touched him to the quick. At length, in the spring
of 1907, the conference assembled at Shanghai, and the report of the
Committee of Revisers was made to that body. He wrote to a friend in
the United States concerning it: “We had a grand missionary conference
in Shanghai, which, of course, I attended. There was more unanimity and
less discussion than in the former conference.” The report received a
hearty approval, and the version was started on its course of examination
by all concerned, as preparatory to its final completion. It was issued
from the press at Shanghai in 1910. It was called a revision, the aim
being to offer it, not so much as a rival to the older versions, as an
improvement upon them; but in reality it was an almost entirely new
translation, though in making it advantage had been taken of the valuable
pioneering done by the others. Writing to a friend after the conference
had adjourned, Dr. Mateer frankly said:
Please note that we still have opportunity for final revision,
in which many defects will be eliminated. There are places
not a few with which I myself am dissatisfied, many of which
I see can be improved. I refer especially to texts that are
excessively literal, and where foreign idioms are used to
the detriment of the style. It must also be remembered that
many terms and expressions that seem strange and perhaps
inexpressive at first will on further use seem good and even
admirable. Every new translation must have a little time to win
its way. That our version will appeal strongly to the great
mass of the Chinese church I have no doubt.
During the long years he was engaged in this great undertaking he learned
some valuable lessons concerning the translation of the Scriptures.
He came to speak of it as an art, for which special training and
experience are needed. In an article which appeared after his death,
in the November issue of “The Chinese Recorder” for that year, he gave
at length a discussion of “Lessons Learned in Translating the Bible
into Mandarin.” He pointed out difficulties that hamper the making of
a version in the Mandarin as compared with the Wen-li in either of its
forms. To appreciate these, one needs to be a master in those tongues.
But he also indicated others that lie in the way of a translation of
the Scriptures into any sort of Chinese. Many of the very ideas of the
Bible on moral and spiritual subjects had never entered the Chinese
mind, and consequently there are no suitable words or phrases to express
them. Just as western science has to invent its own terms when it enters
China, so also within limits must the translator of the Bible introduce
a vocabulary suited for his purpose. He believed that in the China of
to-day prejudice had so far begun to yield that this could be effectively
and wisely done. In fact, each branch of modern thought that has been
grafted on the stem of the Chinese has already brought with it new words,
so that hundreds of these have recently been coined and are on the
tongues of the leaders. Along with the lack of an adequate vocabulary
goes another thing that adds to the difficulty. In the translation of
other books the main need is to express the thought, and in doing this
considerable freedom is usually tolerated; but accuracy of expression,
because of the very nature of the Bible, is of the first importance
in a version. Besides, the Chinese Christians seem especially disposed
to insist on this quality. The tendency of a translator is apt to be
toward adapting the Scripture to what is conceived to be the taste
of the Chinese, to write up to the style with which the educated are
familiar, or down to the level of the uneducated speech. Another defect
is to magnify or to minify peculiarities of expression originating in
the region where the Scriptures were written. Dr. Mateer thought that he
recognized very distinctly tendencies of this sort in the older versions,
though abating in more recent times. His article concluded as follows:
The Bible does not need any doctoring at the hands of
translators. The Chinese church is entitled to have the Bible
just as it is, in a strictly faithful and accurate translation.
This they demand of us who translate it for them. They do not
want to know what the writers would have said if they had
been Chinese, but what they actually did say. This is the
manner in which the Chinese who have learned English are now
translating foreign books into their own language, and this
is very evidently the spirit of the times. The English Bible,
especially the Revised Version, is a monument of careful and
accurate translation. Translators into Chinese cannot do
better than follow in the same line. I have a number of times
heard students when using commentaries, or hearing lectures
on various portions of Scripture, express their surprise and
dissatisfaction that the Bible had not been more accurately
translated. I have known Chinese preachers, when quoting a
text which had a marginal reading saying that the original
says so and so, to remark with strong disapproval, “If the
original says so, why not translate it so, and be done with
it?” On one occasion in our committee, when a question was
raised about giving a metaphor straight or paraphrasing into
a comparison, one of our literary helpers said with vigorous
emphasis: “Do you suppose that we Chinese cannot understand and
appreciate a metaphor? Our books are full of them, and new ones
are welcome.” If we do not give the Chinese the Bible as it
is, they will condemn us, and before long will do the work for
themselves.
In conclusion, it is worthy of remark that no one man can make
a satisfactory translation of the Bible. There are limitations
to every man’s knowledge of truth and of language. Every man’s
vision is distorted in some of its aspects. This is a lesson we
have been learning day by day, and are still learning. If any
man wishes to find out his limitations in these respects, let
him join a translating committee.
With regard to the difficulties in the way of this revision, Dr. Goodrich
thus expresses himself:
No literary work of such peculiar difficulty has been
undertaken in China since the first translation of the
Scriptures by Morrison. To produce a Bible whose language shall
run close to the original, simple enough to be understood by
ordinary persons when read aloud in the church or in the home,
and yet chaste in diction; this work to be done by a committee
chosen from widely distant localities,—from Peking on the
northeast, to Kneichow in the southwest,—might well frighten
any body of men. For the first years together the work was
almost the despair of the committee. Their efforts to make
themselves mutually understood and to unite on a rendering
were often immensely prolonged and exasperatingly amusing.
But they were trying to do for China what Wyclif did for the English
and what Luther did for the Germans,—to make a translation of the Bible
into a vernacular form of national speech which would be everywhere
intelligible; and they took courage and pressed forward slowly but surely
toward their goal. In doing this they not only have accomplished the end
immediately sought, but they also have put into the hands of the people
at large a model which will largely mold all their coming literature.
The conference at Shanghai in 1907 approved the report on the New
Testament and decided to proceed to the revision of the Old Testament,
and appointed an executive committee to select the men to do this work.
The members chosen were the same five who had served toward the close of
the revision of the New Testament, with the exception of a new translator
needed because one of the old committee had gone home. Dr. Mateer was
especially anxious that they might be saved from the necessity of
breaking in and training several inexperienced members. Of course, he
had foreseen that he would probably be selected, but when informed that
this had been done he reserved his decision until he knew of whom besides
himself the committee was to consist. To Dr. Goodrich of the American
Board, with whom he had been so intimately associated, he wrote several
times, urging him to accept; and in one of these letters he said: “There
is a variety of reasons why I am perhaps as loath as you are to do this
work. So far as money, reputation, or personal taste goes, I should
rather do other work. But then it seems as if duty calls to this. Neither
you nor I can ignore the fact that the experience and training of all
these years have fitted us in a special manner for this work. We can do
it better and faster than new men.” He was again made chairman, and as
such he proceeded to distribute the first of the revision work, for which
he selected Genesis and certain of the Psalms. He began his personal
labors at the opening of the year, and in the summer the committee
assembled at Chefoo to consider what had then been accomplished. The
Goodrich and the Mateer families went into residence during their
projected stay, and took for this purpose a house occupied usually as
headquarters for the school for the deaf, Mrs. Goodrich, because of the
condition of Mrs. Mateer’s health, having charge of the housekeeping. The
meetings were held in a little chapel of the China Inland Mission, in the
neighboring valley. It was while so situated that Dr. Mateer was stricken
with his fatal illness.
In a letter which he addressed “To the dear ones at home,” on the
occasion of his seventieth birthday, he said:
God has also blessed me in enabling me to accomplish several
of the leading purposes of my life. From my boyhood I longed
for a liberal education. My next great desire was to give at
least forty years to work in China. Soon after I came to China
I began educational work on a very small scale, but aspired
to raise up a college that might be a power for good. I early
formed the purpose of becoming an adept in the spoken language,
and in aiming at this saw the need of a text-book for learning
the language, and set about making it. All these purposes I
have been enabled, by the blessing of God, to accomplish. My
great work for the last ten years has been to lead in the
translation of the Bible into Mandarin. This has been a most
trying and laborious task, which is not yet completed. The New
Testament is nearly done, but whether the Old Testament will be
completed, who can tell? My desire and hope is to complete it.
To prepare a mature and approved translation of the Bible for
the use of two hundred and eighty millions of people will be
for the glory of God in China.
XIV
INCIDENTS BY THE WAY
“There are many trials and self-denials in missionary
life, but there are also not a few compensations and some
advantages.”—LETTER “TO THE DEAR ONES AT HOME,” at his
seventieth birthday.
The statement just quoted is general, and admits of application in the
case of every faithful foreign missionary; but Dr. Mateer meant it
especially as an expression of his own experience. In the story of his
life work as already here told we have seen it constantly exemplified.
There, however, still remain other instances that deserve permanent
record. In speaking of them as “incidents by the way,” and in gathering
them into a single chapter, I do not mean to indicate that they are
unimportant. Some of them concerned the depths of his life. But his work
after he reached China was chiefly along the lines that have been traced
in the preceding chapters, and those matters now to be related, however
important, were incidents by the way.
Of the trials that overtook him, none were so keenly felt as his
bereavements. Only two or three of these can be mentioned here,—such
as occurred within the circle of his own relatives out in China. The
first was the death of Mrs. Capp, the sister of Mrs. Julia Mateer.
This occurred on February 17, 1882, at Tengchow. She went down into the
shadows with the tender ministrations of her sister and of Dr. Mateer. In
writing to a brother of her deceased husband, he said:
On Sabbath afternoon,—yesterday,—we buried her on the hill west
of the city, with other missionary friends who have gone before
her. She was greatly beloved by the Chinese, and there were few
of the Christians here who did not weep to part with her. Mr.
Mills conducted the funeral service in English, and made some
excellent remarks, admirably adapted to the occasion. One of
our native elders made a very effective address in Chinese. Her
work is done, and it is well done. Her memory will not soon die
amongst the Chinese in this city and neighborhood. We will miss
her, oh, so much,—her help, her counsel, her genial society,
her spiritual power! Her school will miss her the most: her
place in it cannot be filled. She was ready to die, and strong
in faith, yet she longed to live, not that she might enjoy
life, but, as she several times said, that she might save some
more souls. She repeatedly assured us of her joy that she had
come to China, and declared that she had never counted it a
sacrifice, but a privilege. I told the Chinese over her coffin
to imitate her as she did Christ,—her zeal and earnestness in
all duty, and her untiring endeavor and desire to save souls.
Sixteen years later, almost to a day,—February 16, 1898,—Julia finished
her earthly work and entered into the heavenly rest. I have already
mentioned that sorrowful event in the life of Dr. Mateer, and said
something of her character. Her biography is soon to be given to the
world in a distinct volume. Under these circumstances it would be
superfluous to make any extended record concerning her here. It is due,
however, to her husband to quote at least a part of one paragraph from a
brief memoir of her written by him shortly after her death. In telling of
her varied labors and achievements he said this, which so far as it was
known to her in life, must have been an immeasurable satisfaction:
Before the end of her first year in China she look an active
part in opening the little school which ultimately grew
into the Shantung College. To this school she gave the best
energies of her life, and to her in no small degree is due its
continued success. She was an accomplished teacher, especially
of young boys.... She did far more than teach, during the
earlier years of the school; she did fully two thirds of the
work involved, giving her time day and night to every detail.
She kept the accounts, looked after food and clothing and a
hundred nameless things. To the end she was the confidante
and adviser of all, in their troubles, trials, and plans, in
their marriage alliances, and in their spiritual exercises.
The thoughtful care she gave to all her pupils when they were
sick endeared her to the hearts of all who were in the college.
She studied medicine on her own account, and had no mean skill
as a physician. All the sick in the native church, and all
the sick in her own neighborhood, heathen and Christian, came
to her, and she never refused a call. There is no graduate
of the Tengchow College who does not have a place for her
in his heart, close by the side of that of his own mother.
During her illness there is probably not one of these young
men, scattered as they are over all north China, who did not
pray earnestly for her, many of them in public as well as in
private; and many of them have written her the most anxious and
affectionate letters. On her sixtieth birthday, last July, the
students of the college and graduates with their most imposing
ceremony presented her with a decorated silk gown, and placed
a large title, or sign, in gilt letters over the front door of
the house, “_Character-nourishing aged mother_.” It was the
proudest day of her life when these young men presented her
with this most fitting token of their loving reverence and
esteem.
In view of the hatred and prejudice which confronted her and her husband
when they arrived in Tengchow nearly thirty-five years before, it must
have almost seemed to her like the illusion of a dream.
We have previously seen that Dr. Mateer’s brother John became the
superintendent of the mission press at Shanghai in 1872. He continued in
that position until 1876, when he returned home. For a good many years
he was in business in the United States, and then he returned to China
and took charge of the mission press of the American Board at Peking. In
April, 1900, Dr. Mateer was called by telegraph to come to that city as
quickly as possible, on account of the dangerous illness of his brother;
but John died the day before his arrival. In a letter to the surviving
brothers and sisters Dr. Mateer, after describing the funeral services,
added:
It is evident that his work here in the press was highly
appreciated. He was also held in high esteem by the members of
the other missions, and was well and favorably known in the
American legation. Several of the speakers said that John’s
life was a well-rounded and successful one, achieved in the
face of great difficulties. From the standpoint of worldly
wisdom his life could scarcely be called successful; but from
the spiritual, it certainly was. In this regard he was probably
superior to any member of the family. His mind was clear to
the end and filled with confident hope. As his disease grew
more serious he showed no fear, and to the last he faced death
without a tremor. May God give unto each of us who remain grace
to face the king of terrors with the same triumphant faith. We
buried him in the foreign cemetery, just north of the city, in
the most beautiful spot in that cemetery, and just by the side
of Rev. Mr. Morrison of our mission.
It did not fall to the lot of Dr. Mateer to have any experience of
perilous adventure and of hairbreadth escapes such as have come into the
lives of missionaries in uncivilized lands, and even in China. Still he
by no means escaped serious risks. In his earlier itinerations he was
several times threatened with attacks from individuals or crowds, and
sometimes he armed himself in order to defend himself from assault. The
second year of his residence in Tengchow, because of negotiations going
forward for the renting of a house near the south gate, a meeting of as
many as a thousand people composing the most influential clan in the
city assembled in one of the temples, and demanded of the officials
permission to kill the man who controlled the house, and the foreigners;
but the excitement passed away without any open outbreak. In the summer
of 1867 there was a great scare at Tengchow over the approach of a body
of “rebels.” These were in reality robbers, consisting of the dregs left
behind at the suppression of the Tai-Ping rebellion, who burned and
laid waste large districts of country, and mercilessly slaughtered the
people. Their approach to Tengchow had so often been reported that nobody
knew what to anticipate; but at length they, sure enough, made their
appearance in the neighboring country. The inhabitants crowded into the
city by thousands, bringing with them donkeys, cattle, and everything
that could be hastily removed, so that not only the houses, but the
streets and vacant places were crammed with them, the mission premises
not being excepted. Julia found in the situation a fine opportunity to
give the gospel to the women; and her husband was equally diligent among
the men, though he was unfortunately hampered by the absence of his
Chinese assistant. A British war vessel called early in the scare and
offered to remove the missionaries to a place of safety; and later the
“Wyoming,” a United States naval vessel, anchored out in the bay, where
she could bring her guns to play, if necessary, for the protection of
American citizens. Happily, after five days of this state of things the
rebels again vanished, but not without leaving in their trail sickness
and desolation. The missionaries do not seem to have been much alarmed
at any time during the excitement, though no one could tell what might
happen.
In 1870 there was a cruel massacre of a large number of French Roman
Catholic missionaries and of some others at Tientsin, and much valuable
mission property was destroyed. The news of this spread rapidly over
north China and kindled the animosity of the natives against foreigners
to such a degree that the situation in many localities became very
dangerous. At Tengchow rumors of plots to wipe out the missionaries there
were frequent, and the native Christians and others who were friendly
communicated to them information that justified serious apprehension.
A meeting of all the members of both the Baptist and the Presbyterian
station was called, and then another the next day, and by an almost
unanimous vote it was declared that it was the duty of all to take refuge
in Chefoo or elsewhere until the danger was substantially ended. Dr.
Mateer in these meetings advocated brief delay and further inquiry, but
when he found himself in a minority of one, he yielded his judgment to
that of all the others. Just as soon as possible a message was sent to
Chefoo for a ship to come up and take the families to that place, and a
couple of British vessels promptly responded. All valuables that could
be quickly packed and easily removed were shipped; and the premises at
Tengchow were placed in charge of as trusty Chinese as could be obtained
for the purpose, and a promise was given by the chief official of
the city that he would see that constables watched the property. Dr.
Mateer did not go on the ship, but remained a day along with a Baptist
missionary in order to complete the arrangements required for the proper
keeping of the houses and goods, and then he followed on horseback down
to Chefoo. The prompt appearance of the ships in the harbor and the
removal of the missionaries seem to have made a most wholesome impression
on the people, and the excitement soon subsided, and a rather general
desire prevailed, even among the non-Christian Chinese, that they should
return. The American minister at Peking also greatly gratified the
refugees and their fellow-laborers from the United States by the to them
somewhat novel experience of his taking an earnest practical interest
in their welfare. He advised them to return to Tengchow, and solicited
the privilege of sending them back on an American warship. After an
absence of about a month Dr. Mateer went thither on a preliminary trip,
and was pleasantly surprised at the friendly altitude of the people. In
due time the other missionaries and their families followed; but at the
meeting of the synod which ensued a little later he was compelled, after
a brief sojourn at Tengchow, to go down to Shanghai and remain there for
a year and a half in charge of the mission press. Just how real was the
danger that caused this temporary flight to Chefoo, and how imminent,
is a secret that perhaps no man clearly knew, and which certainly the
missionaries never ascertained. Writing in his Journal, just after his
return, concerning his reluctant acquiescence in the vote of all except
himself in favor of going, he says:
Nevertheless acquiescence was one of the hardest trials of my
life. My mind was filled that night with a tumult of emotions;
and I did not sleep a wink till the morning light dawned. I did
not know how much I loved Tengchow, and perhaps I overrated the
damage our leaving would do to our own cause here, especially
to our schools. I am not sure, however, that I did. The future
remains to be seen. God may, and I trust he will, turn it to be
a blessing both to us and to the native Christians. Aside from
the question of the actual amount of danger at that time I felt
a strong aversion to going in any case, unless when my life was
in such instant peril that there was no possible doubt.... I am
not yet convinced, however, and though I do not wish to make
any rash vows, yet I think that I will not fly from Tengchow
again unless there is a great deal more imminent danger.
When, in 1894-95, the war between Japan and China raged, Tengchow being
a port on the sea, and not far from Japan, was of course likely to be a
place directly involved in the hostilities. The missionaries elected to
remain at their post, and asked the consular agent of the United States
at Chefoo to notify the proper military official of their presence,
number, calling, and nationality, and to say that in case of attack they
would hoist the American flag over the mission premises, and that if the
Chinese found themselves unable to defend the city they would exert
their influence to have it surrendered without loss of life. The Japanese
did come, and they, as a diversion from the seizure of Wei-hai-wei,
bombarded the place on three successive days. As to this, Dr. Mateer says
in his autobiographical sketch for his college classmates, “I watched
the progress of affairs from the lookout on top of my house, but escaped
untouched, though eight shells fell close around the house, and one went
over my head so close that the wind from it made me dodge.”
During the Boxer uprising of 1899-1900, though the movement originated
in Shantung, the missionaries and native Christians of that province
suffered less than in adjacent provinces. The reason for this is that
after the murder of Brooks in 1899, the anti-foreign governor, Yu Haien,
was at the solicitation of the missionaries and the Foreign Office
removed. Unfortunately he was not deposed, but was merely changed to
Shansi. This accounts for the terrible carnage there. The new governor
of Shantung, the since famous Yuan Shih K’ai, did his best to hold the
Boxers in check in his own province, and in the main was successful. The
prompt and efficient action of Consul Fowler, of Chefoo, in removing the
missionaries from the interior also helped to save life. Still it was
bad enough in the western parts even of Shantung. The native Christians
in many places were robbed, beaten, and so far as possible compelled by
threat of death to disown their faith. The story of the destruction of
the property of the mission at Wei Hsien, and the narrow escape of the
missionaries, through the courage of one of their number, is about as
thrilling as any that is told of that period of widespread burning and
carnage. In the eastern side of the province, beyond ominous excitement
at such places as Tengchow and Chefoo, there was no serious disturbance.
Probably this was due in part to the wholesome respect which the Chinese
living not too far from the sea had come to feel for foreign war vessels,
and for the troops which they could promptly disembark.
Just before the siege of Peking began Dr. Mateer had made his visit to
that city, to bury his brother John. The earlier part of 1900 he remained
at Tengchow quietly at his work, and sending his orders just as usual
for supplies needed by the college and personally. In July, by order
of the American consul, the missionaries were brought down to Chefoo
on a gunboat. Dr. Mateer and Mr. Mason Wells, however, lingered behind
for a while. It was vacation, and Dr. Mateer occupied his time with the
Mandarin version. Among the Chinese a wild rumor gained some currency
that he was leading an army of many thousand men to relieve Peking; and
the fact that his _fiancée_ was shut up there gave at least piquancy to
the report. Later he went on down to Shanghai, and there spent six months
on the Revision Committee; and so he did not get back to Tengchow until
June, 1901, when the Boxer uprising was at an end.
In a communication which he published in “The Herald and Presbyter” later
in 1900, he gave at considerable length his views as to the causes of
that dreadful outbreak. These do not differ essentially from the ideas
which have come to be generally accepted in the United Stales. The
missionary propaganda he frankly acknowledges to have, by the very nature
of its message, aroused the malignity of evil men; and this also to have
been much aggravated by the habit of Roman Catholics of standing between
their converts and the enforcement of Chinese laws; but he denied that
this was the main cause. He holds that the outbreak was chiefly due to
the traditional hatred of foreigners; to the territorial aggressions of
the western nations in China; to the ill treatment of Chinese abroad and
in their own ports by foreigners; and last, but by no means least, to the
German operations in Shantung, consisting of their revenge for the murder
of some German priests, the occupation of Kiao-chow, and the survey and
building of a railroad through the province. The high-handed encroachment
of Russia in Manchuria and the construction of a railroad through that
province, and the guarding of it by Russian troops, added fuel to the
flames. Summing up, he says: “The whole movement is anti-foreign,—against
all nationalities and occupations, ministers of governments, consuls,
merchants, missionaries, teachers, and engineers, railroads, telegraphs,
churches, schools, and Christian converts,—everything in short that is in
any way connected with the detested foreigner. It is the conservatism of
old China rising up and bracing itself for one last desperate struggle to
suppress the new China that is supplanting it.”