On Friday last I had a small object-lesson in Irish affairs. Colonel

O'Callaghan, of Bodyke, went to Limerick to buy cattle for grazing on

his estate. The cattle were duly bought, but the gallant Colonel had

to drive them through the city with his own right hand. I saw his

martial form looming in the rear of a skittish column of cows, and

even as the vulture scenteth the carcase afar off, even so, scenting

interesting matter, did I swoop down on the unhappy Colonel, startling

him severely with my sudden dash. He said, "I'm driving cows now,"

and, truth to tell, there was no denying it. Even as he spoke, a

perverse beast of Nationalist tendencies effected a diversion to the

right, plainly intending a charge down Denmark Street, _en route_ for

Irish Town, and the gallant Colonel waiving ceremony and a formidable

shillelagh, hastened by a flank movement to cut off this retreat, and

to guide the erring creature in the right way to fresh woods and

pastures new. I fired a Parthian arrow after the parting pair.

"Appointment?" I shouted, but the Colonel shook his head. It was no

time for gentle assignations. The cursed crew in front of him absorbed

his faculties, and then he half expected to be shot from any street

abutting on his path. Perhaps I may nail him yet. He has been

attempting to distrain. If the Colonel refuses to speak I will

interview his tenants. I have said I will pursue, I will overtake, I

will divide the spoil--with the readers of the _Gazette_. _Dixi._ I have

spoken! There is much shooting on the Bodyke estates, and in Ennis

they say that sixty policemen are stationed there to pick up the game.

Nobody has been bagged as yet, but the Clare folks are still hoping.

To-morrow a trusty steed will bear me to the spot. Relying on a

carefully-considered, carefully-studied Nationalist appearance, an

anti-landlord look, and a decided No-Rent expression in my left eye, I

feel that I could ride through the most dangerous districts with

perfect impunity. "Base is the slave that pays," says Ancient Pistol.

That is my present motto. One touch of No Rent makes the Irish kin.

The English people should be told that nearly all Irishmen, whether

Unionist or otherwise, are strong Protectionists. The moment Home Rule

becomes law a tremendous attempt will be made to shut out English

goods. "The very first thing we do," said to me an influential

Dubliner I met here, "is to double the harbour dues; you can't prevent

that, I suppose? The first good result will be the choking-off of all

the Scotch and Manx fishermen who infest our seas. At present they

bring their fish into Dublin, whence it is sent all over Ireland,

competing against Irish fishermen. Then we'll tax all manufactured

goods. We will admit the raw material duty-free, but we must be

permitted to know what suits us best, and we must, and will, tax

flour, but not wheat. We in Ireland, forsooth, must submit to having

all our flour mills closed to suit the swarming populations of

Manchester and Birmingham. They must have a cheap loaf. Dear me! and

so flour comes here untaxed, having given employment to people in

America, while our folks are walking about idle. Go down the river

Boyne, from Trim to Drogheda. What do you see? Twelve mills, with

machinery worth L100,000 or more, lying idle. One of those mills once

employed fifty or sixty men. Now it employs none. Tax flour, I say,

and so says everybody. We must have Protection, and very stringent

Protection. Irish manufacturers must be sustained against English

competition. Twenty years ago Dublin was a great place for cabinet

work. Now nothing is done there, or next to nothing. Everything must

come from London. At the same period we did a great trade in leather.

The leather trade is gone to the devil. We did a big turnover in boots

and shoes. Now every pair worn in the city comes from Northampton.

Ireland and Irish goods for the Irish, and burn everything English but

English coals. Give us Home Rule, and all these trades will be

restored to us."

Thus spoke the great Home Ruler, who declined to permit his name to

appear, as he said it might affect his business. His sentiments are

universal, and, as I have said, his opinions are shared by the great

majority of Irishmen, even though professedly Unionist.

A word of comment on the patriotic sentiments of my friend. I went to

Delany, of George Street, Limerick, for a suit of Blarney tweed. He

had not a yard in the place. He was indicated as the leading clothier

and outfitter of the city, but the Mahony Mills were not represented

amongst his patterns. He had Scotch tweeds, Yorkshire tweeds, West of

England tweeds, but although the Blarney tweeds are said to be the

best in the world as well as the handsomest, I had to seek them

elsewhere. An English friend says, "The Irish politicians are rather

inconsistent. They came into this hotel one evening, six of them,

red-hot from a Nationalist meeting, cursing England up hill and down

dale, till I really felt quite nervous. I hadn't got a Winchester like

that. (I hope it won't go off.) They agreed that to boycott English

goods was the correct thing, and of course they were for burning all

but English coals, when the leader of the gang said, 'Now, boys, what

will you drink,' and hang me! if they didn't every one take a bottle

of Bass's bitter beer! Did you ever know such inconsistency?"

The quirks and quips of the Irish character would puzzle a

Philadelphia lawyer. Spinning along the lane to Killaloe, with Mr.

Beesley, of Leeds, and Mr. Abraham Keeley, of Mallow, balanced on

opposite sides of a jaunting car, we came on a semi-savage specimen of

the genuine Irish sort. Semi-savage! he was seven-eighths savage, and

semi-lunatic, just clever enough to mind the cows and goats which,

with a donkey or two, grazed by the way-side. He might be

five-and-twenty, and looked strong and lusty. His naked feet were

black with the dirt of his childhood, and not only black, but shining

and gleaming in the sun. His tattered trousers were completely worn

away to the knee, showing his muscular legs to perfection. The rags

that clothed his body were confusing and indefinite. You could not

tell where one garment ended and another began, or whether there were

more than one at all. Cover a pump with boiling glue, shake over it a

sack of rags, and you will get an approximate effect of his costume.

His tawny, matted hair and beard had never known brush, comb, or

steel. It was a virgin forest. He scratched his head with the air of

the old woman who said "Forty years long have this generation troubled

me;" and ran after the car with outstretched hand. I threw him a

penny, upon which he threw himself at full length, his tongue hanging

out, a greedy sparkle in his eye. My Irish friend instantly stopped

the car.

"Now I'll show you something. This man is more than half an idiot, but

watch him." Then he cried:

"Come here, now, I'll toss you for the penny."

The man came quickly forward.

"Now then, put down your penny, and call. What is it? Head or harp,

speak while it spins!"

"Head," shouted the savage, and head it was.

He picked up the second penny with glee, and said with a burst of wild

laughter. "Toss more, more, more; toss ever an' always; toss agin,

agin, agin."

The car-driver was disgusted. "Bad luck to ye for a madman. Ye have

the gamblin' blood in ye. Bedad, ye'd break Monty Carly, ye would."

Then looking at the gambler's black and polished feet, he said:--

"Tell me, now, honey, is it Day an' Martin's ye use?"

Ennis (Co. Clare), April 29th.

No. 16.--CIVIL WAR IN COUNTY CLARE.

The name of Bodyke is famous throughout all lands, but few people know

anything about the place or the particulars of the great dispute. The

whole district is at present in a state of complete lawlessness. The

condition of matters is almost incredible, and is such as might

possibly be expected in the heart of Africa, but hardly in a civilised

country, especially when that country is under the benignant British

rule. The law-breakers seem to have the upper hand, and to be almost,

if not quite, masters of the situation. The whole estate is divided

into three properties, Fort Ann, Milltown, and Bodyke, about five

thousand acres in all, of which the first two comprise about one

thousand five hundred acres, isolated from the Bodyke lands, which

latter may amount to some three thousand five hundred acres. Either by

reason of their superior honesty, or, as is sometimes suggested, on

account of their inferior strategic position, the tenants of the Fort

Ann and Milltown lands pay their rent. The men of Bodyke are in a

state of open rebellion, and resist every process of law both by

evasion and open force. The hill-tops are manned by sentries armed

with rifles. Bivouac fires blaze nightly on every commanding eminence.

Colonel O'Callaghan's agent is a cock-shot from every convenient

mound. His rides are made musical by the 'ping' of rifle balls, and

nothing but the dread of his repeating rifle, with which he is known

to be handy, prevents the marksmen from coming to close quarters. Mr.

Stannard MacAdam seems to bear a charmed life. He is a fine athletic

young man, calm and collected, modest and unassuming, and, as he

declares, no talker. He has been described as a man of deeds, not

words. He said, "I am not a literary man. I have not the skill to

describe incident, or to give a clear and detailed account of what has

taken place. I have refused to give information to the local

journalists. My business is to manage the estate, and that takes me

all my time. You must get particulars elsewhere. I would rather not

speak of my own affairs or those of Colonel O'Callaghan."

There was nothing for it but to turn my unwilling back on this

veritable gold mine. But although Mr. MacAdam could not or would not

speak, others were not so reticent, and once in the neighbourhood the

state of things was made plainly evident. The road from Ennis to

Bodyke is dull and dreary, and abounds with painful memories.

Half-an-hour out you reach the house, or what remains of it, of

Francis Hynes, who was hanged for shooting a man. A little further and

you reach the place where Mr. Perry was shot. A wooded spot,

"convaynient" for ambush, once screened some would-be murderers who

missed their mark. Then comes the house of the Misses Brown, in which

on Christmas Eve shots were fired, by way of celebrating the festive

season. From a clump of trees some four hundred yards from the road

the police on a car were fired upon, the horse being shot dead in his

tracks. The tenantry of this sweet district are keeping up their rifle

practice, and competent judges say that the Bodyke men possess not

less than fifty rifles, none of which can be found by the police. Said

one of the constabulary, "They lack nerve to fire from shorter

distances, as they think MacAdam is the better shot, and to miss him

would be risky, as he is known to shoot rabbits with ball cartridge.

At the same time, I remember Burke of Loughrea, who was shot, had

also a fine reputation as a rifleman, but they settled him neatly

enough. I saw him in the Railway Inn, Athenry, just before he was

killed, with a repeating rifle slung on his back and a revolver on his

hip. I saw him ride away, his servant driving while Burke kept the

cocked rifle ready, the butt under his armpit, the trigger in his

hand. He sat with his back to the horse, keeping a good look-out, and

yet they shot both him and his servant as they galloped along. The

horse and car came in without them. To carry arms is therefore not a

complete security, though no doubt it is, to some extent, a deterrent.

But my opinion is that when a man is ordered to be shot he will be

shot. Clare swarms with secret societies, and you never know from one

moment to another what resolutions they will pass. I don't know what

the end of it will be, but I should think that Home Rule, by giving

the murderers a fancied security, would in this district lead to

wholesale bloodshed. The whole country would rise, as they do now, to

meet the landlord or his agent, but they would then do murder without

the smallest hesitation."

His companion said--the police here are never alone--"The first thing

Morley did was to rescind the Crimes Act. When we heard of that we

said 'Now it's coming.' And we've got it. Every man with a head on

him, and not a turnip, knew very well what would happen. The police

are shot at till they take no notice of it. Sometimes we charge up the

hills to the spot where the firing started, but among the rocks and

ravines and hills and holes they run like rabbits, or they hand their

arms to some fleet-footed chap to hide, while they stay--aye, they do,

they actually stand their ground till we come, and there they are

working at a hedge or digging the ground, and looking as innocent and

stupid as possible. They never saw anybody, and never heard any

firing--or they thought it was the Colonel shooting a hare. We hardly

know what to do in doubtful cases, as we know the tenants have the

support of the Government, and it is as much as our places are worth

to make any mistake under present circumstances. The tenants know that

too, so between them and Morley we feel between two fires."

The trouble has been alive for fifteen years or so, but it was not

until 1887 that Bodyke became a regularly historic place. The tenants

had paid no rent for years, and wholesale evictions were tried, but

without effect. The people walked in again the next day, and as the

gallant Colonel had not an army division at his back he was obliged to

confess himself beaten at every point. He went in for arbitration, but

before giving details let us first take a bird's eye view of his

position. I will endeavour to state the case as fairly as possible,

premising that nothing will be given beyond what is freely admitted by

both parties to the dispute.

The Colonel, who is a powerfully-built, bronzed, and active man,

seemingly over sixty years old, left the service just forty years ago.

Four years before that his father had died, heavily in debt, leaving

the estate encumbered by a mortgage, a jointure to the relict, Mrs.

O'Callaghan, now deceased (the said jointure being at that time

several years in arrear), a head rent of a hundred guineas a year to

Colonel Patterson, with taxes, tithe rent-charges, and heaven knows

what besides. In 1846 and 1847 his father had made considerable

reductions in the rents of the Bodyke holdings, but the tenants had

contrived to fall into arrears to the respectable tune of L6,000, or

thereabouts. Such was the state of things when the heir came into his

happy possessions.

A Protestant clergyman said to me--"Land in Ireland is like

self-righteousness. The more you have, the worse off you are." Thus

was it at Bodyke.

Something had to be done. To ask the tenants for the L6,000 was mere

waste of breath. The young soldier had no agent. He was determined to

be the people's friend. Although a Black Protestant, he was ambitious

of Catholic good-will. He wanted to have the tenants blessing him. He

coveted the good name which is better than rubies. He wished to make

things comfortable, to be a general benefactor of his species; if a

Protestant landlord and a Roman Catholic tenantry can be said to be of

the same species at all, a point which, according to the Nationalist

press, is at least doubtful. He called the tenants together, and

agreed to accept three hundred pounds for the six thousand pounds

legally due, so as to make a fresh start and encourage the people to

walk in the paths of righteousness. When times began to mend, the

Colonel himself a farmer, commenced to raise the rents until they

reached the amount paid during his father's reign. The people stood it

quietly enough until 1879, when the Colonel appointed agents. This

year was one of agricultural depression. A Mr. Willis succeeded the

two first agents, but during the troubles he resigned his charge. The

popular opinion leans to the supposition that his administration was

ineffective, that is, that he was comparatively unused to field

strategy, that he lacked dash and military resource, and that he

entertained a constitutional objection to being shot. The rents came

under the judicial arrangement, and reductions were made. Still things

would not work smoothly, and it was agreed that bad years should be

further considered on rent days. This agreement led to reductions on

the judicial rent of 25 to 30 per cent., besides which the Colonel, in

the arbitration of 1887, had accepted L1,000 in lieu of several

thousand pounds of arrears then due. After November, 1891, the tenants

ceased to pay rent at all, and that is practically their present

position. The Colonel, who being himself an experienced farmer is a

competent judge of agricultural affairs, thinks the tenants are able

to pay, and even believes that they are willing, were it not for the

intimidation of half-a-score village ruffians whose threatened

moonlighting exploits, when considered in conjunction with the bloody

deeds which have characterised the district up to recent times, are

sufficient to paralyse the whole force of the British Empire, when

that force is directed by the feeble fumblers now in office.

That they can pay if they will, is clearly proved by recent

occurrences. Let us abandon ancient history and bring our story down

to date. The number of incidents is so great, and the complications

arising from local customs and prejudices are so bewildering that only

after much inquiry have I been able to sort from the tangled web a few

clear and understandable instances, which, however, may be taken as a

fair sample of the whole.

New brooms sweep clean. The new agent, Mr. MacAdam, began to

negotiate. Pow-wows and palavers all ended in smoke, and as meanwhile

the charges on the estate were going on merrily, and no money was

coming in to meet them, writs were issued against six of the best-off

farmers; writs, not decrees, the writ being a more effective

instrument. One Malone was evicted. He was a married man, without

encumbrances, owed several years' arrears, had mismanaged his farm, a

really good bit of land, had been forgiven a lot of rent, and still he

was not happy. A relative had lent him nearly L200 to carry on, but

Malone was a bottomless pit. What he required was a gold mine and a

man to shovel up the ore, but unhappily no such thing existed on the

farm. The relative offered to take the land, believing that he could

soon recoup himself the loan, but Malone held on with iron grip,

refusing to listen to the voice of the charmer, charmed he never so

wisely. The relative wished to take the place at the judicial rent,

and offered to give Malone the house, grass for a cow, and the use of

three acres of land. Malone declined to make any change, and as a last

resort it was decided to evict him. On the auspicious day MacAdam

arrived from Limerick, accompanied by two men from Dublin, whom he

proposed to instal as caretakers in Malone's house. The Sheriff's

party were late, and MacAdam, waiting at some distance, was discovered

and the alarm given. Horns were blown, the chapel bell was rung, the

whole country turned out in force. Anticipating seizure, the people

drove away their cattle, and shortly no hoof nor horn was visible in

the district. A crowd collected and, observing the caretakers, at once

divined their mission, and perceived that not seizure, but eviction,

was the order of the day. They rushed to Malone's house, and, with his

consent and assistance, tore off the roof, smashed the windows, and

demolished the doors. The place was thus rendered uninhabitable.

This having been happily effected, the Sheriff's party arrived an hour

or so late, in the Irish fashion. Possession was formally given to the

agent, who was now free to revel in the four bare walls, and to enjoy

the highly-ventilated condition of the building. The crowd became more

and more threatening, and if they could have mustered pluck to run in

on the loaded rifles, Sheriff, agent, and escort must have been

murdered without mercy. The shouting and threatening were heard two

miles away. But the tenants had taken other measures. A firing party

was posted on a neighbouring hill, and as the Sheriff left the shelter

of the walls a volley was poured in from a clump of trees four

hundred yards away, one bullet narrowly missing a man who ducked at

the flash. The riflemen were visible among the trees, and the Sheriff

returned the fire. Several policemen also fired into the clump, but

without effect, and their fire was briskly returned from the hill,

this time just missing the head of a policeman covered by a bush, a

bullet cutting off a branch close to his ear. The police then prepared

to charge up the hill, when the firing party decamped. No arrests were

made, although the marksmen must have been dwellers in the

neighbourhood. A policeman said, "We know who they are; you can't

conceal these things in a country place; but we have no legal

evidence, and although we saw them at four hundred yards, who will

accept our identification at such a distance? And of course no jury

would convict. We have no remedy in this unfortunate country. So long

as Gladstone and such folks are bidding for the people's votes so long

we shall have lawlessness. But for the change of Government all would

long have been settled amicably. But I heard a young priest say to the

people, 'Hold on a bit till the new Government goes in.'"

To return to the Malone affair, Mr. MacAdam applied to the police for

resident protection not for himself, but for the caretakers, whom he

now proposed to instal in a farmhouse in the occupation of one of the

Colonel's servants, and from which no one had been evicted. The

authorities refused protection on the very remarkable plea that the

situation of the aforesaid premises was so dangerous! so that had the

place been quite safe, they would have consented to protect it.

MacAdam determined to carry out his plan, with or without protection.

He left Limerick at midnight with an ammunition and provision train of

seven cars, with two caretakers and four workmen, with materials to

fortify the place. He had previously given the authorities notice that

he meant to occupy Knockclare, the house in question, and before he

started they sent a police-sergeant from Tulla, a twenty miles drive,

to formally warn him off, for that his life would assuredly be taken,

and the officer also demanded that he should be permitted to

personally warn the caretakers of the risk they ran. This was granted,

but the men stuck to their guns. At the eviction a man had funked,

frightened out of his seven senses. The police declined all

responsibility, but offered to guard the farm for a shilling per man

per day. MacAdam thought this proposal without precedent, and left the

police to their own devices, driving along the twenty miles of hilly

road, with sorry steeds that refused the last hill, so that the loads

had to be pushed and carried up by the men. This was at eight or nine

in the morning, after many hours' toilsome march. The fun was not over

yet. Like the penny show, it was "just a-goin' to begin."

The crowd turned out and with awful threats of instant death menaced

the lives of the party, who, with levelled rifles, at last gained the

building. The people brought boards, and showed the caretakers their

coffins in the rough. They spoke of shooting, and swore they would

roast them alive that night by burning the house in which they were

sheltered. A shot was fired at MacAdam. A sergeant with one man

arrived from Tulla police-barracks and urged the party to leave before

they were murdered. MacAdam would hold his post at all risks. Later

eight armed policemen arrived, and then two carmen started to go home.

A wall of stones blocked the road. They somehow got over that, and

found a second wall a little further on. Here was a menacing crowd,

and the police who followed the car drew their revolvers, and with

great determination advanced on the mob, saving the carmen's lives,

for which they were publicly praised from the Bench. But the jarveys

returned, and by a circuitous route reached Limerick via Killaloe,

thanking Heaven for their whole skins, and vowing never to so risk

them again. The County Inspector who refused the party police

protection explained that he did so "out of regard for the safety of

his men." He said, "I had more than Mr. MacAdam and his party to

consider. I must preserve the lives of the men in my charge."

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