It is surprising what efforts nature makes to support distress, and how

cheerfully she struggles when the prospect of relief is near at {119}

hand; every painful recollection of past sufferings quickly vanishes,

and new life seems to breathe through every vein. Those who live in

constant luxury, and are ignorant of the meaning of the bread of

carefulness, are strangers to the joy arising from an unexpected supply,

and sitting down to a table in the wilderness. Hunger needs not the

borrowed aid of sauce; and, in the language of Pope, “To enjoy, is to

obey.”—How delightful is such obedience!

The Indians seeing our distress by our looks, which were very meagre,

gave us all their provisions, consisting of bear, racoon, and moose. The

kettle was soon put on the fire, and we made a comfortable repast, with

cheerful hearts; the Indians during the time enjoying the happiness of

relieving our wants.

Notwithstanding the cruelty of Savages, they possess virtues which do

honour to human nature, and exhibit instances of generosity and kindness

which the most philanthropic soul cannot exceed. They are ignorant of

those mean sordid sentiments which disgrace many more enlightened, and

more wealthy; and from the knowledge I have of their disposition, I am

sure they would blush at the parsimonious conduct of those whom

Providence hath blessed with affluence.

After the repast, the chief (not willing to disturb us before) asked for

some tobacco, and having smoked some time, said he had bad news to tell

me, which some Indians had informed him of, concerning Mr. Fulton, then

at _Shekarkistergoan_, and which he was sorry to relate, as it affected

him exceedingly. I desired him to finish his pipe, and drink a glass of

rum before he began the story; and at the same {120} time mentioned my

surprise at not hearing of any remarkable circumstance, having traded

with a band of the Rat nation within a few days, who came from that

Lake. He told me he had met the band, and related the affair to them,

who were much astonished; but as Mr. Fulton’s men were not returned from

fishing when they left the place, the transaction was not known till

after their departure.

Mr. Fulton being obliged to divide his men into two parties, which is

called the _cawway_, or casting lots, which party shall hunt and fish,

and which shall stay with the master, did so accordingly. The fishing

party consisted of Charles Janvier, François St. Ange, and Lewis

Dufresne, all natives of Canada, who, being provided with axes,

ice-cutters, and fishing materials, set off, and at the expiration of

eight days arrived at a convenient place, where they built a hut, in

which they lived for some time tolerably well; but fish failing them,

and having no success in hunting, they were almost starved. In this

situation, said the chief, the bad spirit had entered into the heart of

Janvier, and he being the strongest man, supported hunger better than

his companions, by which he was enabled soon after to effect a

diabolical purpose he had formed, of killing the first Indian who should

come in his way, and which he had declared he would do. In the height of

their distress Janvier perceived a Savage at some distance, with a load

at his back, and instantly returning to the hut, told his poor

dispirited partners of their approaching relief. They instantly got up,

though very weak, and came out of the hut as fast as their feeble limbs

would allow them. The Indian arrived, took off his load, which was only

two otters, and two hares, and gave them to Janvier, who received them

with great satisfaction; and when he had skinned them, boiled {121} them

in the kettle without cleansing them, so extreme was their hunger. This

seasonable relief was soon devoured, and from the eagerness with which

Janvier eat, and the satisfaction which appeared in his countenance when

he looked at the Savage, the men were in hopes he had forgot the rash

determination he had formed, and flattered themselves his mind was not

so depraved as to entertain a thought of doing an injury to the man

whose timely assistance had saved their lives. The next morning the

Indian told them he was sorry he could not assist them further, having

no ammunition, but that he was going to Mr. Fulton for a supply.

Janvier’s heart being inexorable even to the kindness he had received,

desired the Savage to assist him in placing a large log of wood on the

fire, as his companions were unable to do it. The Indian cheerfully

complied, and stooping to take it up, Janvier knocked him down with an

axe and dragged him to the door of the hut, cut him up, and with the

most unfeeling barbarity put as much of the flesh of his deliverer into

the kettle as he thought sufficient for a meal. When it was dressed, he

compelled François St. Ange, and Louis Dufresne, to partake of it, and

obliged them to kiss the cross which hung at his breast, and swear by

all the saints never to reveal the transaction; threatening, at the same

time, that if they did they should share the same fate. Intimidated by

his threats, and the certainty that he would fulfil them, they solemnly

promised perfect compliance with his injunctions. Having overcome their

first aversion, which extreme hunger had occasioned, they ate

immoderately of the horrid meal, and soon after fell sick, with violent

reachings. During their indisposition they complained to each other

softly, that it was eating the Indian’s flesh {122} which had occasioned

their sickness: Janvier overhearing them, called them fools and rascals,

and asked them if they were afraid the Savage would come to life again;

and with an insolent sneer desired them to tell him which they thought

the best part of a man? The poor fellows only replied they were very

sick and could not tell the cause. In a few days (having no other

provision) the Indian was eaten up, and Janvier determined to have human

flesh if no other could be obtained. To this end he sought an

opportunity to quarrel with St. Ange—Dufresne not daring to interfere in

the dispute. Janvier willing, however, to appear as plausible in the

eyes of Dufresne as possible, widened the breach very artfully, till

pretending he was no longer able to contain his anger, asked Dufresne if

he did not think St. Ange deserved the Indian’s fate, for daring to say

he would reveal the circumstance he had so solemnly sworn to conceal.

Dufresne dreading the consequences of differing with him in sentiment,

said he thought St. Ange was to blame; upon which reply, Janvier

immediately struck him with an axe, and killed him: he then cut him up,

and boiled a part, of which he obliged Dufresne to partake, he not

daring to shew any reluctance. Fortunately for Dufresne the weather

became more moderate, and having caught plenty of fish, they proposed to

return to their master. Janvier, intoxicated with ideas of his

superiority, obliged Dufresne to drag him in an Indian slay to Mr.

Fulton’s house—a cruel imposition upon him, and a dreadful service to a

weak emaciated man! but knowing he was unable to resist, he made a

virtue of necessity, and obeyed the tyrant with seeming cheerfulness. On

the journey he was frequently reminded of his oath, and the fatal

consequences that would attend him if he should ever divulge the secret,

which Janvier assured him would produce instant death.

{123} Mr. Fulton was much rejoiced at their return, being in want of his

men, as the Indians were daily coming in with their winter hunt. Soon

after their arrival he made enquiry after St. Ange—but no answer was

given. He then addressed Janvier directly upon the subject, who said he

was gone on the hunt with a chief of the name of _Onnemay_, or the

Sturgeon, whom Mr. Fulton knew, and that he would soon return. One of

the Canadians contradicted him by saying that could not be true, as

_Onnemay_ left Mr. Fulton’s house the day before their return. Janvier

then said he might be mistaken in the chief’s name, as he was not well

acquainted with the Indian language, and Dufresne, for fear of a

discovery at that time, changed the conversation in hopes of pleasing

Janvier.

Several days elapsed, and St. Ange not returning, Janvier was again

questioned, who told them as before, and appealed to Dufresne for the

truth of his assertions, which he was obliged to confirm.

Mr. Fulton not being perfectly satisfied, examined them apart; from

Janvier he could not get any information, but Dufresne hesitated, and at

last said he had sworn not to reveal—but that St. Ange would never

return.—Mr. Fulton endeavoured to convince him that the breach of an

oath, so imposed, was no crime; and in the end he convinced the Canadian

that it was so far from being obligatory in the sight of God, that it

would be a sin of the most heinous nature in him to conceal the truth;

artfully adding, as an additional argument to induce him to reveal the

transaction, that if he had no doubt he was himself perfectly innocent,

he could not have any honest motive for secrecy, and that he had no

occasion to dread the resentment of Janvier, as he would engage to {124}

protect him from all hazard by the discovery. Thus persuaded and

encouraged, Dufresne disclosed the whole affair, but requested Mr.

Fulton’s secrecy, which he promised until the conversation should be

renewed, when it was agreed that he should relate every particular in

Janvier’s presence. Janvier was repeatedly urged by the rest of the men

to give them some information respecting the absence of St. Ange, but he

remained obstinately silent: some of them went so far as to accuse him

in pretty plain terms of knowing too much about him, but he treated

their insinuations with indifference.

Mr. Fulton having disposed of all his goods, prepared to leave his

wintering ground, and every thing being properly arranged they departed.

The first night after their departure Mr. Fulton loaded a brace of

pistols, and having previously acquainted his men with the discovery

Dufresne had made, and the punishment he intended for the villain, came

out of his tent and stood by the fire round which the Canadians were

seated. The conversation about St. Ange being purposely renewed, Mr.

Fulton remarked it was cruel to leave him in the woods with the Indians,

and blamed Janvier particularly, as he was the foreman of the party, and

therefore the more responsible. Janvier nettled at the repetition of the

subject, (for guilt is soon angry) replied that St. Ange was able to

take care of himself, and that he had not any controul over him.

Dufresne was then censured; upon which, agreeably to the plan settled

with Mr. Fulton, he divulged the whole transaction, and gave a full

account of every particular of Janvier’s conduct. Janvier attempted to

take instant revenge for the aspersion, as he called it, and denied the

charge with the most hardened effrontery and solemn asseverations. Mr.

Fulton then thought it a proper time {125} to interfere; and to cover

him if possible with confusion, asked him “which was the best part of a

man?” Janvier replied, with ready insolence, that those who had eaten

human flesh could easily tell: but being repeatedly urged, and at length

thrown off his guard, he replied in great wrath, the feet. The party

encouraged by this confession, pressed the charge, till at last he

confessed the facts he was accused of, and declared that in a similar

situation he would kill his brother.

Mr. Fulton could no longer suppress his resentment, and going up to

Janvier, told him he was an abandoned villain, first for killing a

harmless Indian who had generously relieved his wants, and afterwards

eating him like a cannibal; that not content with these atrocious acts,

he had encreased his guilt by another deliberate murder on a defenceless

man, his companion, his fellow-labourer, and friend; that he was a

disgrace to human nature, and ought not to be suffered to live a moment

longer; and without allowing him time to reply, shot him through the

head. The men were ordered to bury him, and in the morning Mr. Fulton

continued his journey to _Michillimakinac_, where on his arrival he

surrendered himself to the commanding officer, who on a close

examination of the men, honourably acquitted him; but recommended him

not to venture again into those parts, where the Indian was killed, lest

the Savages should hear of the transaction, and resent the death of one

of their tribe, whereby the innocent might suffer for the acts of the

guilty.[80]

In the month of February I had a visit from a trader, dressed in a

smoked leather shirt; who was accompanied by three Indians, and had been

absent five days from Fort Albany.[81] He said he was induced to come

{126} from a motive of curiosity to see me, not having heard of any

person wintering so far inland before, except the servants belonging to

the Hudson’s Bay Company. At that time I had very little provisions, and

eight men to maintain, besides Mr. Joseph La Forme’s Canadians; our

chief food was _tripe de roche_; on his arrival the kettle was on the

fire with the leaves: he asked what food I had; I ordered some to be

taken out of the pot, and put into a bark dish, which he tasted, but

could not swallow. I informed him that it had been a principal part of

our diet for many days, and in the best of times we had nothing but wild

animal food, and seldom any flour, as the quantity of Indian corn we

were able to bring along with us from Pays Plat was not sufficient to

last the winter. When I had given him a description of my mode of

living, which he confessed was very different from the comforts he

enjoyed, I took him into my store, and shewed him the packs of beaver I

had collected: this increased his surprise, as he could not conceive how

it was possible to transport a sufficient quantity of goods to barter

for the value I seemed to be in possession of. He asked me to return

with him, and promised to supply me with provisions; but I told him I

was engaged in an employ, and had supported the same disagreeable

situation the preceding winter at Lac la Mort; and as I could not expect

to pass my life among the Indians with so much ease as in England, my

duty obliged me to remain till the season was over, when I should return

and endeavour to make myself some amends for the hardships I had

endured, by giving a good account of the merchandise intrusted to my

care, and receiving a reward for my labours. In the morning he took his

leave, wishing me the speedy arrival of some Indians who might be able

to relieve me from such pressing necessity by supplying me with plenty

of more nourishing and palatable food.

{127} This civility from one of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s servants

leads me to make some few observations in vindication of that

respectable body, whose character has been so severely, and I think so

unjustly, censured.

Mr. Joseph Robson, one of the company’s servants, who resided in their

factory six years as surveyor and supervisor of the buildings, in a work

published by him some years since,[82] animadverts in very strong terms

on the mode in which the governors of forts exert what he calls their

uncontroulable authority, and asserts that their extreme tyranny is a

perpetual source of personal disgust. He also says, that “the overplus

trade is big with iniquity, and no less inconsistent with the company’s

true interest, than it is injurious to the natives, who by means of it

are become more and more alienated, and are either discouraged from

hunting at all, or induced to carry all their furs to the French.” It

may be necessary here to observe, that the overplus trade arises from

the peltry which the company’s servants obtain in barter with the

natives beyond the ratio stipulated by the company, and which belongs to

themselves.

This is a heavy charge, and, if true, a very proper cause of complaint;

but it should seem there is not sufficient ground for the accusation,

for Mr. Robson afterwards says that this overplus trade is of little

advantage to them, for “that part of it, they always add to the

company’s stock, for the sake of enhancing the merit of their services,

and apply the remainder to their own use, which is often expended in

bribes to skreen their faults, and continue them in their command.” What

a strange degree of folly, as well as of guilt! that the governors are

so {128} weak and so wicked as to commit enormities only to make a

temporary advantage, and are obliged to distribute the wages of iniquity

in order to skreen themselves from its consequences among the company,

and their confederates in vice; whereas by a contrary conduct they would

be equally rich, more respected, and also feel an inward satisfaction of

mind from the consciousness of having discharged their trust with

integrity; ideas too absurd to be admitted. With regard to the company,

it cannot be supposed they are ignorant of this “overplus trade,” or the

means by which their servants obtain the advantages arising from it; if

they are not, and no impartial person will suppose they are, they not

only allow but approve of the conduct of their governors, from a

conviction of its being beneficial to the interests of the company; a

proper reward for the labours of their servants, or from some other

motive, which because it is adopted by men so respectable, and so much

above reproach, must be allowed to be wise and prudent.

In the next place, I believe it will be very difficult to prove that the

conduct of the governors has “alienated the natives from the company’s

interest, and discouraged them from hunting.” The former is at present

by no means clear, as I am credibly informed the New Northwest

Company,[83] whose trade extends to the boundaries of the settlements of

the Hudson’s Bay Company, find very little encouragement from the

Indians; if therefore the natives were disgusted, they would embrace the

first opportunity of shewing their dislike, by carrying their peltry to

the new traders; nothing can be more natural than to expect that this

would be the consequence; but as they have not done so, the inference is

fair that they are not disgusted.

{129} Another observation is, “that the cruel and oppressive behaviour

of the governors and captains towards the inferior servants, not only

deters useful people from engaging in the company’s service (a

circumstance they should attend to for their own interest), but

furnishes one pretext for the bad character that is given of the

company.”

Though in the particular department in which I have been many years

engaged as an Indian interpreter and trader, I have had few

opportunities of a personal and intimate acquaintance with many of the

company’s servants (having been in a commerce in direct opposition to

their interest), yet I can speak with confidence in regard to some of

them whom I have conversed with; that in every point of view I believe

them to be useful servants, and well skilled in the language of the

natives.—So far in answer to the assertion “that useful people are

deterred from entering into the service.” And by way of refuting the

charge of “cruelty and oppression,” I need only add, what none I think

will deny, that they have been so well satisfied with the conduct of

their superiors, that many of them have continued in the service more

than twenty years.

I believe, upon the whole, it will appear that the conduct of the

governors at home and abroad, is perfectly consistent with the true

interests of the company, and that any other mode of behaviour would

tend to anarchy and confusion; and I must declare for my own part that I

never heard of that personal disgust which Mr. Robson so much complains

of, but have rather found an anxious solicitude to be employed in their

service.

{130} Mr. Carver, in his history of North America, observes, “that on

the waters which fall into Lake Winnepeek, the neighbouring nations take

a great many furs, some of them they carry to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s

factories, situated at the entrance of the Bourbon River, but this they

do with reluctance on several accounts; for some of the _Assinipoils_

and _Killistinoe_ Indians,[84] who usually traded with the company’s

servants, told him that if they could be sure of a constant supply of

goods from _Michillimakinac_, they would not trade any where else; that

they shewed him some cloth, and other articles purchased at Hudson’s

Bay, with which they were much dissatisfied, thinking they had been

greatly imposed on in the barter.”

To this Mr. Carver adds, “that allowing their accounts true, he could

not help joining in their opinion; but afterwards he admits that this

dissatisfaction might probably proceed, in a great measure, from the

intrigues of the Canadian traders; and that the method they took to

withdraw the Indians from their attachment to the Hudson’s Bay Company,

and to engage their good opinion in behalf of their new employers, was

by depreciating, on all occasions, the company’s goods, and magnifying

the advantages that would arise to them from trafficking entirely with

the Canadian traders: in this they too well succeeded; and from this,

doubtless, did the dissatisfaction which the _Assinipoils_ and

_Killistinoes_ proceed.” But, says he, further, “another reason

augmented it, the length of the journey to the Hudson’s Bay Factories,

which they informed him took up three months during the summer heats to

go and return, and from the smallness of their canoes they could not

carry more than one third of the beaver they {131} killed, so that it is

not to be wondered at that the Indians should wish to have traders come

to reside among them.” As Mr. Carver did not travel in the interior

parts as a trader, he could not have any interested commercial motives;

on that account he is certainly entitled to credit as an impartial

observer: the public will judge of his remarks, and how far they tend to

censure, or approve, the conduct of the Hudson’s Bay Company.

I am induced to indulge this digression in consequence of a new

publication on the present state of Hudson’s Bay by Mr. Umfreville.[85]

It has unfortunately happened that the company’s enemies have been

frequently of their own household, persons in whom they placed

confidence and to whom they entrusted the mysteries of their commerce.

Differences will naturally arise, and doubtless have arisen between the

governors and their servants, in which case no man is, or ought to be,

obliged to stay in a service that is disagreeable to him; but then it is

certainly sufficient to leave the employ, and highly improper to

endeavour to prejudice the interest he once thought and felt it his duty

to promote; and I am of opinion that not a single transaction, or

circumstance, should be revealed that has not an immediate reference to

the cause of the disagreement, or is necessary to support or vindicate a

reputation. The present governors are men of great probity, and probably

may not condescend to take notice of these heavy charges against them;

but as the most exalted virtue may be injured by groundless assertions,

I trust the public will not be displeased with any endeavours, however

feeble, to vindicate the character of so respectable a body. As I do not

intend to enter on the subject more fully, I shall only entreat the

reader, if {132} he wishes further satisfaction on this head, to peruse

the publication of Mr. Robson, who was one of the company’s servants,

and who, Mr. Umfreville acknowledges to be a true and impartial writer.

From his account the reader will judge of the propriety of Mr.

Umfreville’s censures on the conduct of the governors of the Hudson’s

Bay Company. A more copious examination of Mr. Umfreville’s publication

would exceed the limits I have prescribed to myself; and I cannot but

think that those who peruse it will readily perceive how much injustice

he has done to the governors and the company.

{133} _Arrival of more Indians.—Rum gets short; adopt the usual Mode to

encrease the Stock, which enables us to conclude our Traffic for the

Season.—Take leave of the Indians, and proceed on our Journey

homewards.—Account of an Indian Courtship.—Servile State of the Women

after Marriage.—Observations on the Confidence which the Indians put in

the Master of Life,—&c.—Arrive safe at Pays Plat._

Soon after the departure of the trader, a large band, consisting of

about 100, came in; my stock of rum was very small, which was a

misfortune, as rum is too important in treaties with the Indians to be

easily dispensed with. On their arrival they wished to drink, but I

continued to barter for all their furs before I gave them any rum:

having finished the business, they grew clamorous, when I gave them as

much rum as I could spare, upon receipt of which they embarked in

tolerable good humour.

John Long's journal, 1768-1782 · 第 9 / 18 段