CHAPTER III.

GIBRALTAR OF THE MOORS.

There is no place of which it is more difficult to form an idea without

seeing it, than Gibraltar. One naturally expects to find a fortress

closing the Mediterranean with its celebrated galleries and enormous

guns facing the Straits. It is nothing of the kind.

The Straits are, at the narrowest part, seven miles and a quarter

wide; but that part is fifteen miles from Gibraltar. It is only after

you have passed the Narrows that you see the “Rock” away to the left.

Ceuta, in like manner, recedes to the right; the width being here

twelve miles. The current runs in the centre, sweeping vessels along,

and instead of being exposed to inconvenience from either fortress,

they would generally find it difficult to get under their guns. The

batteries and galleries face Spain, and look landward, not seaward.

Whatever its value in other respects, it is quite a mistake to suppose

that it commands the Straits, or has ever had a gun mounted for that

purpose.

Gibraltar is a tongue three miles long and one broad, running out into

the sea, pointing to Africa, and joined to Spain at the northern

extremity by a low isthmus of sand: it presents an almost perpendicular

face to the Spanish coast. Seen from the “Queen of Spain’s Chair,” it

resembles a lion couching on the point, its head towards Spain, its

tail towards Africa, as if it had cleared the Straits at a spring.

Geologically speaking, it belongs to the African hills, which are

limestone, and not to those of the opposite Spanish coast, which

are crystalline. Mount Abyla is called by the Moors after Muza, who

planned the expedition, and Calpe is now named after Tarif, the leader

who conducted it. Seen from the mountains above Algesiras, the rock

resembles a man lying on his back with his head on one side. The

resemblance of Mount Athos to a man I have made out in a similar manner.

The side towards the Mediterranean is now made inaccessible by

scarping, but it was nearly so before. Towards the point at the south,

the rock lowers and breaks down till, on the Bay side, it shelves

into the sea; thence along the Bay, which in its natural state was

an open beach of sand, gently sloping up until shouldered by the

steep sides or precipices of the Rock. This level ground affords the

site for the present town. The southern and larger portion has been

converted into the beautiful pleasure-ground called the Almeida, or is

occupied by barracks and private residences. Half of this bristling

tongue was formed unapproachable,--man has fenced in the other. This

sea-wall from end to end is the work of the Moors. Antiquarians have

endeavoured to find here Roman and Phœnician remains. I should just as

soon expect to find a Roman fortress at John O’Groat’s, or a Phœnician

emporium on Salisbury Plain. It was reserved for a shrewder people than

Carthaginians, Romans, Greeks, or Goths, to discover Gibraltar’s worth.

There are three elevations on the ridge, one in the centre, and one

at each extremity. That in the centre is the highest; and here is the

signal station, from which works are carried straight down to the beach

at the ragged staff. The upper part of the Rock is like a roof, and

down it, like forked lightning, runs a zig-zag wall. Below this stony

thatching there is a story or two of precipices; the line of defence

drops over them and on the works, which shut in the town on the south,

and which consist of a curtain-bastion and ditch. In the rear of this

wall (the zig-zag) there are the remains of a still more ancient one. A

great amount of labour has been expended upon this almost inaccessible

height. These zig-zag, or flanking lines, are naturally assumed to

be modern, and the wall goes by the name of Charles V., who restored

the fortification below; but the loop-holes are for cross-bows. The

diagonal steps at the landing-places, the materials and the coating, as

well as the whole aspect, show them to be Moorish. Heterodox as this

opinion was held when I first broached it, it was not impugned after

two inspections by the officers best qualified to pronounce on such a

matter.

On the north, too, all our defences are restorations of the Moorish

works: even in the galleries they have been our forerunners. Their

open works were in advance of ours, and a staircase is cut out through

the Rock down to the beach. In fact, save in what is requisite for

the application of gunpowder, or what is superfluous for defence,

the Moors had rendered Gibraltar what it is to-day. They have

even left us structures of the greatest service, as resisting the

effects of gunpowder, and such as we are able neither to rival nor

to imitate. On the great lines, in consequence of the many changes

which have taken place, the original work has been displaced, or

covered up, and especially so along the sea-wall; but, ascend to the

signal-post,--crawl out on the face of the Rock to the north,--examine

even yet Europa Point--Rozier Bay, and everywhere you find the Moor.

It is impossible to move about at Gibraltar, without having the old

tower in sight, and it is difficult to take one’s eyes off it when it

is so. No aspiring lines, no graceful sweeps, no columned terraces

exert their fascination, nor is it ruin and dilapidation that speak to

the heart. The building is plain in its aspect, mathematical in its

forms, clean in its outlines, with a sturdy and stubborn middle-aged

air, without a shade of fancy or of wildness. Nevertheless, the eye is

drawn to it, and then your thoughts are fixed on it--and they are so,

precisely because you cannot tell why.

It constitutes the apex of a triangular fort, and massy and lofty

itself, it thus assumes a station of dignity and command. The annals

of time are traced on it--here by the arrow-head still sticking,[29]

there by the hollow of the shot and shell. It has borne the brunt of

a score of sieges, and stands to-day without a single repair. On its

summit, seventy feet from the ground, guns are planted. The terrace

on the roof is cracked, but the surface is otherwise as smooth as if

just finished. The pottery-pipes fitted in to carry away the water, are

precisely such as might have been shipped from London. A semicircular

arch supports a gallery on the inner side. A window opening in this

gallery, now blocked up, is like a church window with the Gothic arch

chamfered. The exterior was plastered in fine lime, and there are

traces of its having been divided off into figures. It has now, by the

barbarians in possession, been rubbed over with dirty brown to make it

look _ancient_. The turrets on the walls below have been furbished up

to look like cruet-stands, and the staring face of a clock[30] is stuck

in a Saracen tower.

The upper story only is explored and open; the flooring is perfectly

smooth, and the roof stuccoed. There is a bath-room, and a mosque; the

former has a figured aperture slanting through ten or twelve feet of

wall to admit the light, as in the domes of Eastern baths. The other

parts of the building are as much unknown as those of the unopened

Pyramids. If these ruins had been in the hands of the tribe that live

on the rock above, there would have been exhibited at least as much

taste, and certainly more curiosity.

The standing walls adjoining the towers exhibit faces of arches that

covered in halls and surrounded courts. The second portion of the fort

is at present used as a prison. The lower enclosure is of greater

extent, and in the line of the wall is a remarkable Egyptian-looking

building, square with buttresses at the angles and a pyramidal

roof--roof and walls one mass of Moorish concrete (Tapia). It is

as perfect as it was a thousand years ago, and may be equally so a

thousand years hence. It is at present used as a powder-magazine,

and is divided into two stories. The flooring of the upper hall is

supported in the middle by a block of masonry some fifty feet square.

This apartment is curiously ventilated.

This Moorish fort is, as a whole, a building of great interest.

An architect of the last century speaks of it as one of the most

remarkable on the soil of Europe. It was no embellishment of, or

defence for a capital; it was raised in time of trouble on a remote

promontory as a protection for insurgents. It was antecedent to art in

Europe,--the people who raised it did not imitate Rome; they must have

brought this art with them. It stands a match for man and time, defying

at once the inventions of the one and the ravages of the other.

Here is an original in design and substance, a work surpassing those

of the Romans in strength, and equalling those of the Egyptians in

durability.

As the zig-zag lines have been attributed to the Spaniards, so on high

authority is a much more recent date[31] than that which I here assign

to them given to the Moorish fort and tower; but supposing them to

be of no earlier date than the fourteenth century, they would still

illustrate a style of architecture which the Moors introduced, and

which, like language, is lost in the mists of antiquity.

They are now busy in demolishing the works that connected the Moorish

fort with the harbour. Whilst tracing the old wall from the former to

the latter, I came upon a large arch, and satisfied myself that this

had been an entrance to an inner harbour. On subsequent reference to

James’s History of Gibraltar, I find that this was well known in his

time.

During these researches, in which I spent a month, I had not the aid

that is generally obtained from the observations of others. I often

attempted to look into books, but was always constrained to throw them

aside, and return to the writings on the wall. What manner of men were

these Moors?--the ruins suggested the question, and books furnished no

answer.

On the sea-side, Gibraltar is open to the fire of vessels, and would

have been captured on one occasion, but for the dissensions between the

combined forces. We have retained it only by a new invention, _red-hot

shot_.

The land-entrance is defended as follows: first, the isthmus round

the north face of the Rock is dug out and filled with water, and

between this basin, called the Inundation, and the Bay, a causeway

only is left, which can be swept away at once by the enormous guns

from the overhanging caverns. Behind the Inundation, is the glacis,

elaborately mined; and behind the ditch there is a curtain, mounting

eighteen or twenty guns, which fills up the gap between the Rock

and the works on the port. As you advance along the narrow causeway

between the Inundation and the Bay, you have this curtain in front.

To the right stretches out into the water, a long low mole called the

“Devil’s Tongue,” and between it and the curtain, there is tier upon

tier of embrasures over the Port and the Port entrance. To the left

of the curtain, the sharp engineering lines scale the rocks, and link

the chain of defence to the Moorish Tower. Thence the cliffs sweep

away round to the left, parallel to the causeway, along which you are

advancing. The Rock is shaved into lines for musketry, or pierced with

port-holes, which stretch away in rows far and high. On the crest of

the first precipice, batteries and guns are scattered. You see them

again on the loftiest summit of the Rock, so that as you approach, you

pass over ground swept with metal, and through successive centres of

converging fire. This is by the Spaniards called “Bocca del Fuego.”

At each step, from all around, above, below, from Merlon, rock, and

cavern, mouths of iron--some of them caverns themselves--open upon you.

This is the only portion of the contour of the place that an assailant

could approach or batter. With a sufficient garrison, and superiority

at sea, so as to throw in provisions, the place is clearly impregnable.

The breaching batteries would have to be advanced beyond the guns

on the northern portion of the rock, and the advanced works would

be looked into, and down upon. In no sieges had either breach been

attempted, or third parallel drawn. The batteries on the crest of the

Rock, termed Willis’s, were the effectual defence, by their plunging

fire into the Spanish works. The siege, properly speaking, was an

attempt to starve, by cutting off supplies at sea, and to break down

by sheer superiority of fire and shelling. The operations from the

sea would have been successful but for the red-hot shot. The vaunted

galleries have been constructed since the siege, and are mere matters

of ostentation.

Gibraltar has neither dock nor harbour. The Bay and anchorage are

commanded by the Spanish forts, St. Barbara and St. Philip. These are

levelled at present; but they will arise on the only occasion that

we can require protection--that is to say, a war with Spain. They,

therefore, must be restored in the mind’s eye, if you would form any

estimate of the value of this fortress in case of war. They were

dismantled during the late war by the Spanish government, lest the

French _should occupy them_, and destroy the English shipping. The

Spanish government, however, formally reserved its right to rebuild

them. The question has been lately raised by our sinking one of their

men-of-war in their own waters, while pursuing a smuggler.

The guns of St. Barbara command the anchorage and batter the harbour;

the shells from it and St. Philip pass clean over the Rock, lengthways,

and can be dropped into every creek where a shoulder of rock might

shelter a vessel from the direct fire. During the siege by France and

Spain, the post was of no use. Unless when superior at sea, we had to

sink our vessels to save them.

In Gibraltar, there is little trade except contraband; the natural

commerce having been systematically discouraged, that the martial

departments might not be troubled, and with the view of reducing it

to a mere military establishment. The fiscal regulations of Spain,

which sustain this traffic, would long since have fallen but for its

retention by England. We, therefore, lose the legitimate trade of all

Spain for the smuggling profits (which go to the Spaniards) at this

port.

Gibraltar does not command the Straits. It does not present means of

repairs for the navy. It does not afford shelter for shipping in case

of war. It does not advantage, but seriously incommodes our trade. It

does not afford the means of invading or of overawing, or even in any

way annoying Spain, however much it may irritate her; for no fertile

country, populous region, or wealthy city is exposed to it, and there

is no highway by land or sea which it can command.

William III., when he conspired for the partition of the Spanish

monarchy, on the demise of Charles the Second, stipulated for

Gibraltar, the ports of Mahon, and Oran, and a portion of Spain’s

transatlantic dominions. On the death of the last of the line of Philip

Le Bel, Louis XIV. was bought off by the offer of the crown for his

grandson. The English and the Dutch then set up Charles the Third,

and sent a squadron in his name to summon Gibraltar to surrender. The

garrison consisted only of one hundred and ninety men; but it held

out. The Dutch and English battered, and took it. The flag of Charles

the Third was hoisted, but suddenly hauled down and replaced by the

English, to the surprise and indignation of our Dutch allies. Thus was

revealed the secret condition of the compact.

Gibraltar was all that England did get out of that war, and as this

robbery went a great way to ensure her discomfiture, and to establish

Philip the Fifth upon the throne, we may consider Gibraltar as the

cause of the first of those ruinous wars which, made without due

authority, and carried on by anticipations of Revenue, have introduced

among us those social diseases which have counterbalanced and perverted

the mechanical advancement of modern times.

Gibraltar was confirmed to us at the Treaty of Utrecht, but without any

jurisdiction attached to it, and upon the condition that no smuggling

should be carried on thence into Spain. These conditions we daily

violate. We exercise jurisdiction by cannon shot in the Spanish waters

(for the Bay is all Spanish). Under our batteries, the smuggler runs

for protection; he ships his bales at our quays; he is either the agent

of our merchants, or is insured by them; and the flag-post at the top

of the Rock is used to signal to him the movements of the Spanish

cruisers.[32]

We take it for granted that Gibraltar has been honourably, some will

even say chivalrously, won in fair fight; that it has been secured by

treaty and is retained on duly observed conditions; or, perhaps, we

never trouble ourselves about such matters, and imagine, therefore,

that other nations are equally indifferent; but if any one of us would

take the trouble to imagine the fortress of Dover in the possession of

France, or Austria, or Russia, he would then comprehend why Napoleon

said that “Gibraltar was a pledge which England had given to France by

securing to herself the undying hatred of Spain.”[33]

Now let us see the cost. The first item in the account is the Spanish

War of Succession. From the consequences of that war and the retention

of Gibraltar, the family compact of the Bourbons arose. The subsequent

European wars are thus partly the cost-price of Gibraltar.

This combined power weighed constantly against England and her

fortune. If these effects were to be calculated in money, it would

be by hundreds of millions. The actual outlay, however, is enormous.

Gibraltar must have cost at least, 50,000,000_l._[34] If any one

were to do us the favour of taking it off our hands, we should save

30,000,000_l._ more, for the interest of that sum is absorbed by its

yearly outlay.

I cannot speak of this place in any sense as English. I must recollect

only and describe it as Moorish. To the Moors it owes its reputation

and its strength; and it had for them value. It was acquired by them in

a fair, open, stand-up fight. It was selected with judgment, fortified

with skill, and defended with valour. The reason why the place was

of importance to the Moors was, that they were _invading Spain from

Africa_, and that, without the _superiority at sea_.

We have had experience of Gibraltar for a century and a half: we have

carried on great wars during that time, maritime and territorial

combined. The Mediterranean, as much as the ocean, has been the field

of our operations. Spain has been the arena of contest. In the history

of time, there has been no series of events so calculated to bring out

the value of this fortress, if it had any (except as above stated), yet

what have we to show?--Merely a position which we have defended. We

have never acted from it; we have never invaded Spain by it; we have

never supported Spain through it; we have never refitted at it. It has

figured in war solely in consequence of operations against it, or by

the necessity of accumulating and locking up there our resources for

its protection.

The question of its value for England can only arise in the case of

Spain being against us. Spain being with England, Gibraltar would be at

our disposal as Ceuta was during the last war. In the hands of Spain

no sane man would ever think of attacking it. When William III. fixed

upon it, it was because he was seeking for something to cover his real

purpose, which was to involve the nation in foreign wars.

Gibraltar is the very point where it would be desirable for Spain

that an invader should land. It is the apex of a rocky province, well

defended and destitute of towns and subsistences. Without the command

of the sea, you cannot attack Spain from the sea; and having that

command it is the plains of the Guadalquiver you would seek, the open

entrances into Grenada and Valencia. It would be the towns of Malaga,

Cadiz, and Barcelona--there the vital parts are exposed.

The Carthaginians attacked Spain from Africa. The Romans, like the

English, supported Spain; at least, they began by doing so. Yet neither

Carthaginian nor Roman fixed upon Gibraltar. Scipio has told the whole

story, and Livy has preserved his words, yet no one seems to have read

them. They are of special value; for the contest for Spain, and through

Spain, for the world, was not so much between Rome and Carthage,

as between two families, the Scipios and the Barcas. The passage I

refer to, is in Scipio’s speech to the soldiers before the walls of

Carthagena, the spot where Spain was most vulnerable from Africa, and

where Africa might be most heavily struck from Spain.[35]

Had the Moors been able to do what the Carthaginians did, they would

not have fixed on this rock. Having been defeated at sea before the

first invasion, they had to steal over by the nearest point. Gibraltar

was their _tête de pont_ across the Straits. Ceuta, their place

of arms, was immediately opposite, yet, with all these propitious

circumstances, Gibraltar came to be of importance only _as commanding

the Bay of Algesiras_, which they had made strong, though not naturally

so, by sheer building and fortification.

Gibraltar now lives on its former credit. There are no Scipios or

Hannibals now-a-days, nor even Napoleons or Walpoles.[36] We are now

men learned in facts. Gibraltar being a place of great strength, it is

assumed to be a place of great value, and we are perfectly content with

having for the sake of it disturbed Europe, endured the abomination and

the load of public debt, sullied our name, and squandered our treasure.

And yet this cost would not be wholly vain, if the word “Gibraltar,”

could but bring some of that blood to the cheek of the Englishman,

which it causes to rush to the heart of the Spaniard. No doubt there is

for the Spaniard, a conflict of disgusts, and he has severally been

under obligations to England and France, when spoiled by the other;

but that has been, as regards him only, a temporary relaxation of

wickedness and perfidy, and in aiding him, each has only been opposing

its own antagonist.

The Spaniard alone in Europe has retained the faculty of looking at a

nation’s acts as those of a man, and appreciating it thereby. He does

not ask what it says or intends, or what food it eats, or how many

servants it has. He looks at its _dealings_ with himself. The Spaniard

knows that his two neighbours, for one hundred and forty years, have

been seeking to rob and overreach him; plotting one day the partition

of his property, the next, the supplanting of his heir; constantly

engaged in intrigues amongst his servants, and the one or the other

insisting on ruining his steward. He sees that, during all that time,

they have gained nothing; but while injuring him, have themselves

squandered incalculable fortunes and innumerable lives,--what can he

feel towards them but hatred and disgust? Fortunate is it for them, he

does so; for this prevents either of them getting a footing in Spain:

if the one could, the other would and could also; and the scenes of

the Inquisition would then be repeated. But in the struggle of Rome

and Carthage the world remained the prize of the victor; the struggle

between England and France will be certainly at the cost of both, and

assuredly will terminate in the supremacy of neither, and out of Spain

that contest may yet come, unless there be sense enough in one country

or the other to know what its agents are about, and to stop them.

GIBRALTAR AS EXHIBITED IN MURRAY’S HAND-BOOK.

“It was captured during the War of the Succession by Sir George Rooke,

July 24th, 1704, who attacked it suddenly, and found it garrisoned

by only one hundred and fifty men, who immediately had recourse to

relics and saints. It was taken by us in the name of the Archduke

Charles; this was the first stone which fell from the vast but ruinous

edifice of the Spanish monarchy, and George I. would have given it up

at the peace of Utrecht, so little did he estimate its worth, and the

nation thought it ‘a barren rock, an insignificant fort, and a useless

charge.’ What its real value is as regards Spain, will be understood

by supposing Portland Island to be in the hands of the French. It is

a bridle in the mouth of Spain and Barbary. It speaks a language of

power which alone is understood and obeyed by those cognate nations.

The Spaniards never knew the value of this barren rock until its

loss, which now so wounds their national pride. Yet Gibraltar in the

hands of England is a safeguard that Spain never can become a French

province, or the Mediterranean a French lake. Hence the Bourbons north

of the Pyrenees have urged their poor kinsmen-tools to make gigantic

efforts to pluck out this thorn in their path. The siege by France

and Spain lasted four years. Then the very ingenious M. d’Arcon’s

_invincible_ floating batteries, that could neither be burnt, sunk,

nor taken, were burnt, sunk, and taken by plain Englishmen, who stood

to their guns on the 13th of September, 1783.”--(p. 341.)

“Gibraltar, from having been made the hotbed of revolutionists of

all kinds, from Torrijos downwards, has rendered every Spanish

garrison near it singularly sensitive; thus the Phœnicians welcomed

every stranger who pryed about the Straits, by throwing him into the

sea.”--(p. 226.) “There is very little intercommunication between

Algeciras and Gibraltar; the former is the naval and military position

from whence the latter is watched, and the _foreigner’s_ possession of

Gibraltar rankles deeply, as well it may. Here are the head-quarters

of Spanish preventive cutters, which prowl about the Bay, and often

cut out those smugglers who have _not_ bribed them, even from under

the guns of our batteries: some are now and then just sunk for the

intrusion; but all this breeds bad blood, and mars, on the Spaniards’

part, the _entente cordiale_.”--(p. 227).

FOOTNOTES:

[29] The last one disappeared while I was at Gibraltar.

[30] This Vandalism was gazetted, and the turret termed “Stanley Tower.”

[31] Afterwards, at Madrid, Don P. Gayangos referred me to Ibn Batuta

as fixing the date in the fourteenth century. On consulting that

traveller, I find that he spoke of repairs under Abn El Haran, who

ascended the throne of Fez in 1330. An inscription which existed in

the last century, and of which a fac-simile is given in Col. James’s

History of Gibraltar, seems to fix the date at A.D. 750. The following

is the passage from Ibn Batuta:--“A despicable foe had had possession

of it for twenty years, until our lord the Sultan Abn El Haran reduced

him; he then rebuilt and strengthened its fortifications and walls, and

stored it with cavalry, treasure, and warlike machines.”

[32] When this was told to M. Thiers, he would not believe it, till he

went out and watched the balls and flags, and had the use explained to

him by a boatmen of the port.

[33] Napoleon in captivity, being asked if he really had the

intention of attacking Gibraltar, or the hope of getting possession

of it, answered, “It was not my business to relieve England from

such a possession. It shuts nothing, it opens nothing, it leads to

nothing,--it is a pledge given by England to France, because it ensures

to England the undying hatred of Spain.”

[34] The following is only suggested as a rough guess:--

Ordinary expenditure during ninety years

of peace £18,000,000

Extraordinary expenditure during

fifty-five years of war 22,000,000

Sieges, including expenses of fleets

for its defence, vessels for its supply,

loss of ships to the enemy, &c. 10,000,000

Fortifications 5,000,000

------------

£55,000,000

============

[35] “Potiemur præterea cum pulcherima opulentissima que urbe tum

opportunissima, portu egregio unde terra marique quæ belli usus poscunt

suppeditentur * * Hæc illis arx, hoc horreum, ærarium, armamentarium,

hoc omnium rerum receptaculum est. Huc rectus ex Africa cursus est.

Hæc una inter Pyrenæum et Gades statio. Hinc omnis Hispania imminet

Africæ.”--LIVY.

[36] He did his best to restore it to its rightful owner.

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