RUSSIA.
In a large well-lighted cabinet of his palace in St. Petersburg,
before an enormous table covered with heaps of papers, which,
notwithstanding their number, were evidently in exemplary order, sat
the vice-chancellor of the Russian empire, Prince Alexander
Gortschakoff.
Although it was still early morning, the prince was carefully dressed.
He wore a black frock coat, unbuttoned and thrown back on account of
the heat, over under-clothes of some white summer material. The fine
intelligent face, with its expression of suppressed irony about the
mouth, and with short, grey hair, was buried behind a high black cravat
and tall linen collar, and the eyes that usually looked out so keenly,
so prudently, with such good-tempered, almost roguish humour, through
their gold-rimmed spectacles, gazed into the young day displeased and
discontented.
Before the prince stood his confidential secretary, Monsieur von
Hamburger; a slender man, of the middle height, with an open,
intelligent expression, and lively, clever eyes.
He was in the act of bringing before the prince various personal
affairs, without any connexion to diplomacy. Before him, on the
prince's table, lay a large packet of acts and papers.
He had just ended a report, and with a pencil he held in his hand he
noted down the minister's resolution on its contents. Then he laid the
paper on the large pile of acts, took it up from the table and bowed,
to show that his business was concluded.
The prince looked at him with some surprise.
"Have you finished?" he asked shortly.
"At your command, Excellency."
"You have a heap of things you are taking away again?" said the prince,
glancing at the thick packet von Hamburger held beneath his arm.
"I shall have the honour of bringing these matters before you on some
future day," said the secretary.
"Why not to-day? You have been here but a quarter of an hour, and we
have still time!" said the minister, with a slight accent of impatience
in his voice.
Monsieur von Hamburger allowed his quick eyes to rest for a moment on
the prince's face in silence, then he said calmly, with a slight
smile,--
"Your Excellency must, I fear, have passed a bad night, and you feel in
no gracious mood. I have, besides these reports, various matters which,
on the ground of justice and courtesy, it is very desirable to consider
in a friendly spirit before presenting them to his majesty the emperor.
I think your Excellency will be angry with me by-and-bye if I expose
these affairs to the reception that at the present moment seems
probable."
The prince looked at him for a moment firmly through his gold
spectacles without his secretary's casting down his eyes, or at all
changing the smiling, cheerful expression of his countenance.
"Hamburger," he then said, still in a peevish voice, though the first
appearance of returning good humour was seen in the corners of his
eyes, "I shall make you my doctor! Alas! you don't know how to find the
remedy, but as far as the diagnosis is concerned, you are a born
physician. I shall no longer have the right of being in a bad temper
before you."
"Your Excellency will certainly never state," said von Hamburger,
smiling and bowing, "that I took the liberty of remarking upon your
temper; I only begged permission to defer my business until this
temper--your Excellency yourself used the expression--had passed away."
"Ought I not to be in a bad temper?" cried the prince, half laughing,
half impatient, "when the whole world is departing from its old orderly
course, when the balance of European power, already severely shaken,
kicks the beam,--and when all this takes place without Russia having
any part in it, without gaining anything for itself in the new
arrangement of affairs! I am glad," he added thoughtfully, "that
Austria is beaten, Austria, who with unheard-of ingratitude forsook us
in the hour of need, and with false friendship injured us more than our
open foes; but that victory should go so far as to enable Prussia to
dethrone the legitimate princes in Germany, and that the German nation
should be close to us, able to threaten our frontier, causes me heavy
anxiety. Prussia," he said, after a short pause, "was our friend--it
was, it must be so; but what now arises is not Prussia, it is Germany;
and I remember with what hatred against Russia the German nation was
saturated in 1848. In Paris they will do nothing, except ask for
compensation, which I think they will not get. Yes, if Napoleon could
have determined to act, then the moment would have come in which we
could have interfered; but to act alone is to us impossible."
"Your Excellency will hear what General Manteuffel brings; he will soon
be here," said von Hamburger, drawing out his watch.
"What will he bring?" cried the prince, impatiently; "forms of speech,
declarations--nothing more; and what shall we reply? we shall put a
good face on a bad game--_voila tout_."
Hamburger gave a meaning smile.
"Your Excellency must permit me to say," said he, "that personally I am
convinced it is not right to regard the new formation of Germany with
enmity; to prevent it is impossible; the old European balance of power
has long been out of joint, and Russia is weighty enough," he added
proudly, "not to fear any fresh distribution of power. Russia, that
great and mighty nation, must not hang on to old traditions; she must
go forth to meet the future free and unprejudiced; if the possessions
of other states are increased, so be it--the power of Russia is not
curtailed by an unalterable frontier."
He took from a portfolio he had brought with him a folded parchment,
and laid it on the table beside the prince. He had listened
attentively, and his quick eyes looked thoughtfully before him.
"What are you placing on the table?" he asked.
"The Treaty of Paris, your Excellency," replied Hamburger.
A fine smile appeared on the lips of the prince, a flashing glance flew
from his eyes towards his secretary.
"Hamburger," he said, "you are a very remarkable man; I think we must
be careful in your company."
"Why, Excellency?" asked the secretary, in a calm, naive tone.
"I think you can read people's thoughts," replied the prince, whose ill
humour had gradually vanished.
"In your Excellency's school one must learn a little of everything,"
said von Hamburger, laughing and bowing.
The prince took the Treaty of Paris and turned it over.
For a short time he pursued his thoughts in silence.
Then he looked up and asked,--
"Is General von Knesebeck, whom the King of Hanover has sent here,
already at Zarskoe Selo?"
"He went there immediately after your Excellency had given him an
audience; his imperial majesty had commanded apartments to be prepared
for him."
"Has the emperor seen him yet?" asked the prince.
"No, your Excellency," replied von Hamburger; "you requested the
emperor not to receive him until you had spoken to General Manteuffel."
"True," replied the prince, thoughtfully; "the emperor feels great
sympathy for the King of Hanover, but I would rather that he did not
enter into any engagement. We could do little alone; the only thing
would be for the emperor to use his personal influence with the King of
Prussia to dissuade him from a policy of annexation. It is, however,
highly important to proceed most cautiously in this affair; before
taking each step his majesty must be perfectly clear as to its results
and consequences."
A groom of the chambers entered and announced,--
"General von Manteuffel."
The secretary rose, and withdrew by a side door leading from the
cabinet.
The prince stood up.
Every trace of displeasure had vanished from his countenance, there was
nothing to be seen but calm and complete courtesy.
General von Manteuffel entered. He wore the full uniform of an
adjutant-general of the King of Prussia, the blue enamelled cross of
the Order of Merit around his neck, upon his breast the stars of the
Russian orders of Alexander Nevsky and of the White Eagle, with the
broad ribbon of the first, and the star of the Prussian Order of the
Red Eagle.
The general's sharply-marked features, with the thick bushy hair
growing low down upon the forehead, and the full beard only slightly
cut away at the chin, had not the severe, almost gloomy expression
which they were accustomed to wear. He approached the Russian minister
with great cordiality and easy politeness, as if he were about to pay a
simple visit of courtesy; but the quick, animated grey eyes glanced
searchingly from beneath their thick brows, and were fixed with an
expression of restless expectation upon the prince.
The prince held out his hand to the general, and invited him by a
courteous movement to place himself in an easy chair near the
writing-table.
"I rejoice," he said, "to welcome your Excellency to St. Petersburg,
and I beg you to excuse me," he added, with a hasty glance at the
general's full uniform, "for receiving you in my morning dress. I
expected a private and friendly conversation."
"I have to deliver a letter from my gracious sovereign to his majesty
the emperor," replied the general, "and I wished to be ready to appear
before his majesty at any moment, of course after I have spoken with
your Excellency upon the object of my mission."
The prince bowed slightly.
"The object of your mission is explained in the royal letter?" he
inquired.
"It simply accredits me," replied the general, "and refers to my
personal explanations of its contents. The political situation is so
peculiar that it is impossible for an ambassador to proceed entirely by
written instructions."
"Count Redern imparted this to me," said Prince Gortschakoff, "when he
informed me of the honour of your visit."
And leaning lightly on the arm of his chair, he looked at the general
with an expression of polite attention.
"The king has commanded me," said General Manteuffel, "to lay before
your Excellency and his majesty the emperor the principles that must at
the present moment govern the Prussian policy in Germany and in Europe,
with the perfect candour and the complete confidence demanded by the
close connection between the two royal families, and the friendly
relations between the governments."
The prince bowed.
"The success of the Prussian arms," proceeded the general, "the
sacrifices which the government and the people have made to attain this
success, impose upon Prussia the duty of providing for its own
advantage, and also of securing on a firm and lasting basis the new
formation of Germany and its national unity. Before all things the
recurrence of those difficulties which have just been overcome must be
rendered impossible."
The prince was silent, his eyes only expressed courteous attention.
"The king," continued General von Manteuffel, "has accepted the
conditions of peace proposed by the French mediation; they are already
known to your Excellency, at the same time he has declared that one of
the principles which I just now mentioned renders the increase of
Prussia's power by territorial acquisitions absolutely imperative, and
Austria has already consented to such extension of Prussia in the
north."
A half compassionate, half contemptuous smile appeared for a moment on
the prince's lips, then his features resumed their expression of calm
attention.
"The king," added General Manteuffel, fixing his gaze immoveably upon
the eyes of the prince, "the king has now decided that the extension of
power necessary for Prussia and Germany will be obtained by the
incorporation of Hanover, Hesse Cassel, Nassau, and the town of
Frankfort."
The general was silent, as if awaiting a remark from the minister.
Not a feature of the prince's face moved. His eyes looked cordially at
the general through his gold spectacles, and those eyes plainly said:
"I hear."
General von Manteuffel calmly proceeded.
"The king is deeply and painfully touched by this necessity of causing
princely families related to him to undergo the hard lot of the
vanquished; his majesty would have struggled against it longer, had not
his duty to Prussia and to Germany been victorious in his royal heart
over his natural clemency and his regard to family ties."
Again the general appeared to expect an answer, or at least a remark
from the prince, but his countenance remained as quiet and unchanged as
a portrait, and there was still only one expression visible in it--a
firm determination to listen with the most respectful and polite
attention to everything that might be said to him.
General von Manteuffel continued:
"The events which have just taken place necessitate various alterations
in the European relations prescribed by the treaty of Vienna, and the
king therefore holds it needful to lay before his majesty the emperor
the constraining principles upon which he acted, and upon which he must
continue to act; he especially desires that these principles should
find full and complete justification from this government, who in
common with Prussia is almost alone in Europe in adhering to the
intentions of that treaty."
The prince bowed slightly.
"The treaty of Vienna," he said, shrugging his shoulders, "is scarcely
ever spoken of in modern diplomacy."
"His majesty the king," proceeded General von Manteuffel, "is so
penetrated by the justice of the principles laid down by that treaty
and by the Holy Alliance; he has so deeply complained of Austria's
renunciation of that treaty and that alliance, the Prussian policy in
the year 1855 testified so strongly to her faithfulness to that treaty,
that my most gracious sovereign most ardently desires his majesty the
emperor should be convinced that only absolute necessity could induce
him to decide on the approaching alterations in Germany, or to permit
royal families related to him to feel the hard consequences of war."
"We are acquainted with the consequences that war brings upon the
vanquished," said the prince, with quiet courtesy, "for ten years we
have borne those consequences on the shores of the Black Sea."
"A misfortune in which Prussia is free from blame," replied General von
Manteuffel, "which we have always deeply deplored, the removal of which
we should welcome with joy."
The prince was silent, but a slight gleam in his eye showed the
watchful general that his words were well received.
He continued:--
"His majesty would deeply regret that the necessities of German policy
should in any way alter the bands of friendship, and the perfect
confidence subsisting between the courts of Berlin and St. Petersburg.
He rather hopes, not only that these will continue to unite Prussia and
the newly constituted Germany with Russia, but also that a new, and
politically a still stronger basis of alliance between these two powers
may in the nature of things be formed."
The prince cast down his eyes for a moment. Then he said in a calm
conversational tone:--
"Here we feel--and I assure you the emperor, my most gracious
sovereign, feels most of all, the great importance of close and true
friendship with Prussia--and I do not doubt," he added, courteously,
"that under any circumstances this friendship would ensure an active
alliance. Only at the present moment I can scarcely discover its basis.
Russia is recovering and collecting herself," he continued, with a
shade of greater animation in his voice; "and has no intention of
mixing herself up in the affairs of European policy, or in the
reconstruction of national groups, so long as Russian interests are not
directly and unmistakeably injured. We might," he said, with an
expressive look, "complain of alterations in Germany by which royal
families, nearly related both to your king and to the emperor, are
disinherited; in this circumstance I find it impossible to perceive a
motive for more friendly policy, or the foundations for a more
practical alliance. Besides, to speak candidly, I think that the new
state of affairs in Germany is not calculated to strengthen the
political friendship of the court of Berlin with us. You best know how
inimical the German movement of 1848 was towards Russia--Germany will
scarcely accept entirely the political guidance of Prussia."
"I think your Excellency is mistaken on this point," said General von
Manteuffel, with some animation; "the democratic movement of 1848 only
used the national ideas as its banner; it beheld in Russia the
principle of reaction, and following the lead of its orators, it
used hatred to Russia as one of those catch words which move the
masses--true national feeling in Germany has no enmity to Russia, and
would welcome any accession to her national strength, or to her
powerful position in Europe!"
The prince was silent. His features expressed doubt.
General von Manteuffel continued:--
"Permit me, your Excellency, to explain the views which his majesty the
king, my master, entertains on this matter, and which, as I need hardly
say, are thoroughly shared by the Minister President Count Bismarck."
The prince slightly inclined his head, and listened with the utmost
attention.
The general's features kindled, and he spoke in a voice full of
conviction.
"History teaches us that all alliances arising from momentary and
fleeting political combinations, even though sealed by the most solemn
treaties, pass away as quickly as the circumstances that have created
them. When, on the contrary, firm political relations between two
nations and governments have arisen in the natural course of events,
the alliance remains firm through every change of time, and reappears
on every practical opportunity, whether founded on treaties or not. The
first and most important condition of such a natural combination is a
negative one, namely, that the interests of the two states should in no
way cross each other, in no way clash. This first and indispensable
condition exists in an eminent way in the relations between Prussia and
Russia. I am sure your Excellency will agree with me. It is Prussia's
mission to act towards the west. The German nation longs for unity,
longs for a strong and powerful leader; Prussia's calling, Prussia's
noblest ambition is and must ever be, to place this leadership in the
strong hand of her king. Prussia must struggle to command the whole of
Germany; she cannot rest until she has attained this high aim for
herself and the whole nation. What is now gained is a step--an
important step--on the great path which Prussia's German policy must
pursue--but it is not its completion. But this completion will come;
for its greatest hindrance, Austria's power and influence in Germany,
is broken--broken for long enough--as I believe, for ever. The path
upon which Prussia has entered, which she must pursue to the end, may
be crossed by the interests of France, of Italy, of England, but never
by those of the grand Russian nation, ever increasing in preponderance
and strength. For what is the aim, the legitimate aim, of Russian
policy?"
Prince Gortschakoff's keen eyes looked inquiringly at the general's
animated countenance; the conversation now approached its most
important point.
The general looked down for a moment; then he continued with some
slight hesitation:--
"Your Excellency must forgive me, if to you, whose genius inspires and
guides the policy of Russia, I venture to describe the aim and object
of this policy; nevertheless perfect candour is the foundation of
friendship, and in proportion to our comprehension of opposing
political problems, we see the reason, the necessity for this
friendship."
The prince bowed again in silence, and waited.
"The problem of the great founder of the present Russian monarchy,"
proceeded General von Manteuffel slowly, as if he sought carefully for
the most correct expressions for his thoughts, "Peter the Great's
problem, was the creation of a state possessing European culture, and
in order to solve this mighty problem he was forced to establish the
seat of his government as near as possible to cultured Europe; he
formed canals through which civilization poured in through the veins of
his vast kingdom, and made it live and bear fruit. So I understand the
choice of St. Petersburg as a capital for new Russia, for with regard
to the interior affairs and the resources of the great nation, this
spot could never have risen to be its capital. Russia's resources lie,
not in the north, not in this distant corner of the empire, they lie in
the south, they lie there, where the great national powers of
productiveness stream in rich abundance from the soil, they lie there,
where the natural course of the world's commerce unites Asia to Europe,
those continents to which Russia stretches out her two hands; these
resources," he added, after a moment's silence, during which he gazed
firmly at the prince, "lie near the Black Sea!"
Some slight emotion passed rapidly over the features of the Russian
statesman; involuntarily his eyes turned towards the parchment which
von Hamburger had laid before him on the table.
Manteuffel continued:--
"The first great problem which Peter the Great proposed to himself is
solved--Russia's broad, gigantic and national organization is saturated
with European cultivation, and we must own with some shame that in one
century you have outrun the whole of Europe."
"We had only to acquire what Europe had laboriously created," said
Prince Gortschakoff politely.
"The last great measure of the Emperor Alexander," continued
Manteuffel, "completed the work, and opened even the lowest strata of
the people to the living spirit of civilization--in short, the first
phase of Russian policy is completed, St. Petersburg has fulfilled its
mission. In my opinion the problem of the future is this--to use
Russia's internal productiveness as a centre-point for the fruitful
development of her national strength, to inspire the organization
already created, and to urge it to greater activity. For this you
require the Black Sea and its rich basin; there lies the real centre of
Russia, there must she develop her future, as the far-seeing eye of the
Emperor Nicholas rightly discerned, when he endeavoured to secure the
future of Russia in that direction."
Again the prince's eyes glided towards the parchment containing the
document so important to Russia.
"But upon this path," said the general, with emphasis, "which I am
convinced Russia ought to take, and to pursue to the very end, as we
must continue our path in Germany, the Russian interests will never
clash with those of Germany; rather shall we rejoice to see our
powerful neighbour as fortunately accomplishing her national mission as
we hope to accomplish our own."
He was silent, and looked at the prince inquiringly.
He said in a calm tone, with a slight sigh:
"Alas! the sad result of the Crimean war has placed an insurmountable
barrier in the path, which your Excellency so brilliantly describes;
and----"
"We too," cried Manteuffel, "have been often and long delayed upon our
path; nevertheless we never forsook it,--we never gave up the hope of
reaching the goal."
The prince was silent a moment. Then he said slowly:
"I agree with your Excellency, that the interests of Prussia, even of
the new Prussia and Germany, will not jostle those of Russia. I will
not doubt, too, what your Excellency tells me, that the national
movement in the Germany of to-day does not inherit the hatred to Russia
by which the democratic movement of 1848 was actuated. I regard these
assurances with satisfaction, as a guarantee that no cloud will arise
between us. Yet with the same candour with which your Excellency has
spoken to me, I must say that I cannot perceive how the present
situation and (if the lawful claims of treaties are regarded, the
lamentable) alterations in the European balance of power can form a
stronger political connection--can offer a firmer basis of eventual
alliance in the future. You pursue your path with victorious
success,--our own is closed for a long time, perhaps for ever."
"Permit me, your Excellency," said General von Manteuffel quickly, "to
express myself on this point with the reckless freedom which," he
added, laughingly, "you must expect in a soldier fresh from the camp,
who only dabbles in diplomacy."
The prince's eyes half closed, and he looked at the general with an
expression of good-natured satire.
Manteuffel passed his hand lightly over his moustache, and said:
"The Emperor Napoleon desires compensation for his consent to the new
acquisitions of Prussia and the new constitution of Germany."
"Ah!" cried the prince.
"And," proceeded Manteuffel, "they are far from bashful in Paris in
pointing out what they shall require as compensation."
"I have not been initiated in this bargaining," said the prince, with a
look of great interest and lively anxiety.
"I can inform your Excellency fully," returned General Manteuffel;
"they will demand the frontier of 1814, Luxemburg and Mayence."
The prince's face grew still more animated.
"_Will_ demand?" he asked.
"The demand is not yet stated officially," replied the general;
"Benedetti has only named it in confidence."
"And what did Count Bismarck reply?" asked the prince.
"He put off the discussion of the question and its answer until after
the conclusion of peace with Austria."
The prince gave a fine smile and a slight nod with his head.
"I can, however, tell your Excellency the answer beforehand," said the
general.
"And it will be?" asked the prince.
"Not a foot's breadth of land, not a fortress,--no compensation," said
General Manteuffel, in a firm, clear voice.
Prince Gortschakoff looked at him with surprise, as if he had not
expected this short and simple answer.
"And what will France do?" he asked.
The general shrugged his shoulders.
"Perhaps declare war," he replied,--"perhaps be prudently silent, wait,
and arm; any way, it will be a sharp disappointment, and war must be
the final result."
The prince looked at this man with astonishment, who had just discussed
with such fine intellect all the aims and threads of political
interests, and who now, with soldier-like bluntness, spoke as of an
ordinary event, of a war whose thunders must shake Europe to its very
foundations.
"That is the situation," said Manteuffel; "I beg your Excellency's
permission to express my views on its consequences, and the position of
Russia with regard to them."
"I am most curious to hear!" said the prince.
"The situation I have just described," proceeded the general, "gives
Russia the power of deciding for all future time the relations
that shall exist between that empire and Germany. If the Russian
policy uses adverse circumstances to make difficulties for us, this
policy,--forgive me, your Excellency, I must touch on every possibility
to make my views clear,--this policy, even though it secures success to
France for a time, will not prevent the regeneration of Germany; and
under all future circumstances--for ever--Prussia and Germany will
regard Russia as a foe, who is ready to come to an understanding with
the western powers upon the affairs of Europe, and to make their
interests her own."
General von Manteuffel spoke in a firm and decided voice, and fixed his
eyes firmly on the vice-chancellor.
The prince's eyes fell, and he bit his lips.
"I beg your Excellency to forgive me," said the general, "for having
touched upon an eventuality, which is doubtless far removed from your
enlightened policy. I now come to the other course--namely, that
Russia, according to the old traditions of the two courts, shall regard
the enlargement of Prussia with friendly and favourable eyes, and shall
make use of the present opportunity to arrange with new Germany the
foundations of that close connection which, according to my
convictions, ought to exist in future, and which will so greatly
further the interests of both nations. The compensation being refused,"
he proceeded, "France will probably declare war immediately,--we do not
fear her; at this moment the whole of Germany would unite and accept
war without hesitation, especially if we had Russia as a well-wisher to
back us. But Russia can have no more favourable opportunity for
breaking the bann which the treaty of 1856 laid upon her development
and her natural and needful aims. Whilst we hold France in check, no
one will prevent you from bursting asunder the unnatural chains with
which the western allied powers, in conjunction with ungrateful
Austria, fettered you upon the Black Sea, that spot where lies the
future of Russia."
The prince's eyes brightened, his features expressed a smiling consent
to the ideas so forcibly and convincingly unfolded by General von
Manteuffel.
He continued:
"If, however, as I personally believe will be the case, France, who has
already let the right moment go by----"
Prince Gortschakoff several times nodded his head.
"If France," said the general, "is silent for the present, assembles
her forces, and arms, our position is even better, because it is more
certain. During the period of suspense which will precede the
inevitable war, we gain time to bind the national strength of Germany
more strongly and closely together, and you have time to complete your
preparations in the south and west, and to form ties across the ocean
which will, under any circumstances, secure to you your natural
confederates."
"General," said the prince, smiling; "you have comprehensively and
successfully studied the affairs of Russia."
"Because I love Russia," replied the general, with perfect frankness;
"and because I regard a close and indissoluble friendship between
Russia and Germany as the salvation of Europe in the future. But I am
coming to a conclusion. When, after a longer or a shorter interval from
the reconstruction of Germany, a decisive war breaks out with France,
then that alliance of the western powers so prejudicial to you falls to
pieces; you will have nothing to do, except to hold in check Austria's
desire for revenge, and you will obtain perfect freedom again to open
the Black Sea to your national interests, and your national progress.
We, as we press onwards on the path leading to our national aims, shall
behold with joy the swift and mighty strides which Russia will make in
the fulfilment of her national destiny. Yes," he continued, "we will at
all times and in every way support you. Could I for a moment doubt what
decision would be made by so enlightened a policy as your own, I would
say,--'Choose, your Excellency, whether two states, whose interests can
never be inimical, shall mutually harass each other--or whether by a
perfect and close understanding they shall support each other in
gaining the powerful position that nature assigns them--whether hand in
hand they shall guide the fate of Europe?'"
He ceased and looked at the prince in suspense.
From his face all trace of the cold reserve he had assumed at the
commencement of the interview had completely vanished. A deep
earnestness appeared on his features. His gaze rested on the Prussian
ambassador.
"My dear general," he said, in a firm, clear voice, "if the principles
and the views which you have so candidly, so warmly, and so
convincingly stated are those of your government----"
"They are in every respect those of my gracious sovereign, and of his
ministers," said Manteuffel, calmly and decidedly.
"Then," replied the prince, "I will tell you with the same frankness,
that in all fundamental principles our judgment on the present state of
affairs perfectly coincides with your own."
A flash of joy shone in the general's deep grave eyes.
"It only remains," said the prince, "to use these common principles and
views in practical arrangements, and to make them the firm basis of
common action in the future."
"I am ready to do this at any moment," said the general.
"But first of all," continued the prince, "we must gain the consent of
his majesty the emperor to, our agreement; if it is agreeable to you,
let us drive at once to Zarskoe Selo. You will have the trouble," he
said, smiling, "of repeating to the emperor what you have just said to
me."
General von Manteuffel bowed.
"I hope," he said, "that my devotion to my country, and my honest love
to Russia, will give my words clearness and conviction."
Prince Gortschakoff rang.
"Order the carriage," he said to the groom of the chambers.
"Will you excuse me for a moment," said he to General von Manteuffel,
"I shall be ready to accompany you immediately."
He withdrew by a side door. Manteuffel walked to the window and looked
thoughtfully through the panes.
After five minutes the prince returned. He wore his ministerial undress
uniform, the broad orange ribbon of the Black Eagle beneath his coat,
and upon his breast the star of this highest Prussian Order, above the
star of the Order of Andreas.
The groom of the chambers opened the door.
"Precede me, I beg," said the minister, with a courteous movement, "I
am at home."
General von Manteuffel left the room and awaited the prince who
followed him.
* * * * *
Late in the afternoon of the same day the splendour of the evening sun
flooded the magically beautiful park surrounding the imperial palace of
Zarskoe Selo; that park of which it is said, that a fallen leaf is
never allowed to remain on the well-kept roads, that magnificent
creation of the first Catharine, which a succession of mighty autocrats
have embellished until it has attained the charms of Fairyland.
General von Knesebeck appeared from one of the side doors of the
enormous castle, which with its ornaments of gilded bronze, and its
colossal caryatides glittered in the rays of the setting sun from
amidst dark masses of lofty trees. He had arrived that morning at
Zarskoe Selo at the emperor's command, and he awaited an audience,
during which he was to deliver a letter to the emperor from his king,
who had sent the general to beg Alexander II. to interfere on his
behalf.
Grave and sad, the general walked through the glorious alleys, lost in
gloomy thought. The distinguished attention with which he had been
received, the equipages and servants placed at his disposal, had not
removed the impression made on him, both from his conversation with
Prince Gortschakoff, and from the remarks of gentlemen about the court,
that there was little hope for his king. They had all expressed
sympathy and interest; but in the atmosphere of a court there is a
certain fluid, always perceptible to those accustomed to such circles,
from which they can almost always tell beforehand whether or no a
mission will be successful.
The general had not approved of the policy of the Hanoverian court, his
quick eyes had perceived the weakness of Austria, and he had deeply
deplored the unaccountable command of the Hanoverian army during its
short campaign. Many ties bound him to Prussia, and with his whole
heart he grasped the thought of a United Germany; but he was a true
servant to his king, and deep grief overwhelmed him when he thought of
the future that was now inevitable, unless his mission attained
success.
He walked slowly on, farther and farther, lost in thought.
Suddenly an artistically contrived ruin, producing an excellent effect,
arose before him in the solitude, amongst lofty trees. He went up to
it, a doorkeeper in the imperial livery obsequiously opened the door
after glancing at the general's uniform, and he entered a lofty
circular space lighted only from above, dark, severe, and simple, an
English chapel. Before him in exquisite Carara marble rose a figure of
Christ, Dannecker's marvellously beautiful creation. The Saviour with
one hand points to his breast, the other is raised with inexpressible
grandeur towards heaven.
The general stood still for a long time before this affecting figure.
"We must lay our sorrows on the Saviour's divine breast, and humbly
await wisdom from heaven," he whispered, "does a secret warning draw me
hither now, and lead me to this beautiful and holy image?"
Overcome by the powerful impression made upon him by this work of
genius, he folded his hands and stood before it for some time.
He slightly moved his lips as he said:
"If the wheel of fate, as it rolls along unceasingly, must crush so
much in its path, grant at least that the German Fatherland may gain
might and greatness, and the German people happiness, from the
struggles and the sufferings of the days that are gone!"
With a long look at the sculptured figure he turned away, and passing
by the door-keeper, he returned to the park.
He walked again towards the palace, and stood still before the large
lake, compelled by art to flow out from between the two halves of the
castle, and to fall down in waterfalls with many cascades. Here is the
so-called Admiralty, where the grand dukes exercise themselves in
building the models of ships; near the pretty landing place boats are
crowded from all the five divisions of the world; the Turkish kaik, the
Chinese junk, the Russian tschelonok, and the whaling boat of the
Greenlander, lie side by side, and skilful sailors in the emperor's
employment are at the disposal of those who wish to embark.
The general was looking at this interesting and varied picture, when a
servant approached him hurriedly, and informed him that an equerry had
just come to his rooms to lead him to the emperor.
With quick footsteps and hastily drawn breath, the general went back to
his apartments, and after donning scarf and plumed hat, hurried with
the equerry along the large and magnificent terrace leading to the part
of the palace inhabited by the emperor.
In the ante-chamber there was only a groom of the chambers, who
immediately opened the door of the emperor's room. The equerry after
simply announcing him, requested General Knesebeck to enter.
In the brightly lighted apartment, with large windows leading out upon
the terrace, and the mild aromatic summer air streaming in through
them, stood the lofty form of Alexander the Second. He wore the uniform
of a Russian general, his perfect features, always grave and even
melancholy, showed emotion, and his large expressive eyes gazed at the
general with a look of deep sorrow. He advanced a step towards
Knesebeck and said in his full, melodious voice, in the purest German:
"You come late, general; nevertheless, I rejoice to see you here, a
true servant to your king."
And he held out his hand to the general, who seized it respectfully,
and with deep feeling.
"If it might be possible," he said, "for me to be of service to my
master so severely smitten by fate! But first of all I must discharge
my commission;" he drew a sealed letter from his uniform; "and place
this communication from my king in the mighty hands of your imperial
majesty."
Alexander took the letter, seated himself in an easy, chair, and
pointed to a seat near, where the general placed himself.
The emperor opened the letter and read its contents slowly and
attentively.
For a moment he looked down sorrowfully, then he fixed his penetrating
eyes upon the general and spoke.
"Have you anything more to say to me?"
"I have to add," said von Knesebeck, "that his majesty the king my
gracious master, fully acknowledging the completeness of events that
have made the King of Prussia the conqueror in Germany, is ready to
conclude peace with his Prussian majesty and to accept the conditions
made unavoidable by necessity. My gracious sovereign expressed this in
a letter he wrote to his majesty King William, but the letter was
refused. The king hopes, well knowing your majesty's tried friendship,
that you will undertake to mediate, and to preserve him from the hard
measures already spoken of by the public newspapers."
The emperor sighed deeply and looked on the ground.
"My dear General," he then said, "you have come too late. I have indeed
the most affectionate and honest friendship for the king, and from my
soul I wished to see the sad conflict avoided whose unhappy
consequences are now being accomplished. I have endeavoured to work in
this spirit, it has been in vain. I must be quite frank with you," he
continued, "the position of affairs demands it. The wish of my heart to
be useful to your king is opposed by an unalterable political
necessity, which King William, my uncle, deplores as deeply as I do
myself."
The general sighed. His face quivered with pain and tears shone in his
eyes.
The emperor looked at him for some time with an expression of deep
sorrow and affectionate sympathy.
"I scarcely venture," he then said in a gentle voice, "to make the only
proposition to you that the circumstances permit, and which if the king
accepts it, I am sure I can prevail upon the King of Prussia to grant;
if the king will abdicate," he proceeded with hesitation, "the
Brunswick succession shall be secured to the Crown Prince Ernest
Augustus."
The general was silent for a moment.
"Thus," said he, "must the house of Guelph be reduced to its cradle and
its oldest inheritance! Will your majesty permit me to lay this
proposition to which I am not in a position to reply, before my king at
once?"
"I request you will do so," said the emperor, "you will," he added,
"have no cipher at hand, send the despatch to Count Stackelberg, he can
also receive the answer under his cipher."
"At your majesty's command," said General von Knesebeck.
"Be convinced," said the emperor in a hearty tone, "that I feel the
deepest and warmest sympathy for your king; may God make the future of
his family as happy as possible, and if I can help him in any way, I am
ready to do so. Though the occasion is sad, I am glad that I have had
the opportunity of making your acquaintance, my dear general."
He took his hand and pressed it heartily.
Then he rang and called his equerry.
"Take the despatch which the general will give you to Prince
Gortschakoff at once. It must be sent in cipher to my ambassador in
Vienna immediately. The answer must be sent here to the general without
delay."
With a low bow General von Knesebeck left the cabinet.
An hour later the electric wire bore his despatch to Vienna.
The night fell; restless and sleepless the general watched the sun
which only at midnight sank for a short time below the horizon, and
soon reappeared, mingling the twilight of evening with the morning
dawn.
At noon a secretary arrived from Prince Gortschakoff and brought him a
sealed letter.
The general hastily broke the seal with its large double eagles, and in
the neatest handwriting saw the reply to his despatch.
It ran thus:
"The king cannot trade upon the succession to Brunswick, which will
devolve upon himself and his heirs, by right of family inheritance, and
the lawful transmission of land. He is however ready to abdicate
immediately, provided the government of the kingdom of Hanover is
guaranteed to the Crown Prince."
"I expected this," said the general with a sigh.
And sticking the paper into his uniform, he seized his plumed hat, and
descended the stairs to the carriage already waiting to convey him to
the Emperor Alexander.