DIPLOMACY.
Napoleon III. sat in his cabinet in the Tuileries. The heavy curtains
were drawn back from the windows, and the bright rays of morning
entered the room.
The emperor wore a light morning dress; his hair and his long moustache
were carefully arranged, and his aged, wearied, and anxious face had
the look of freshness which a night's rest and a carefully-arranged
toilette give even to an invalid.
Beside him, on a small table, stood a lighted wax taper, and the simple
service of silver and Sevres china in which he prepared his own tea. He
was smoking a large dark-brown Havannah, and a blue cloud of fine smoke
filled the cabinet, and mingling with the aroma of the tea, and the eau
de lavande with which the room had been prepared before the emperor's
entrance, and the fresh air, shed an agreeable fragrance through the
apartment.
The emperor held some papers and telegrams in his hand, and his face
wore a cheerful and satisfied expression.
Before him stood his confidential secretary, Pietri.
"Everything falls to those who know how to wait," said the emperor,
with a smile. "I was urged to interfere in this German war--to rash and
hasty action--and now? I think I have gained more and done better than
if I--quite against my conviction and inclinations--had interfered with
the natural course of events.
"The emperor of Austria," he continued, "yields me Venetia, and calls
for my mediation to stay the advance of the victorious foe. Thus I have
Italy in my hand to oppose to the situation. The defeated Italians will
have to thank me for the restoration of their last province, and my
promise, 'Free to the Adriatic,' will be kept!" He gave a sigh of
relief. "Then I have won much influence and prestige," he added,
laughing, "and prestige avails me more than power or influence. The
king of Prussia accepts my mediation to begin with, only for a
suspension of arms, but the rest will follow, and I am thus the
arbitrator of Germany! Could I have gained more?" he asked, with a long
breath at his cigar, whilst he contentedly regarded the white ashes,
and slowly puffed away the blue smoke in small clouds; "could I have
done more if the armies of France had taken the field?"
"Certainly not," returned Pietri; "and I admire your majesty's
quick-sightedness. I must own I was not without anxiety at France being
withheld from taking any part in these great events. Nevertheless, may
I call your majesty's attention to the fact that the situation is much
clearer on the side of Italy even if there is a slight disinclination
on the part of the king to receive Venice as a gift, than it is with
regard to the German powers. Accepting your mediation as a principle--"
"Will lead to further negotiations and to practical results,"
interrupted the emperor. "I know well that both sides have their own
plans in the background. Well," he said, smiling, "I have mine."
"It is certainly a great thing," he continued, after a short pause,
"that the cannon should be silenced by my first word of reconciliation,
and that the gentle and friendly voice of France should force both
mighty foes to lower their arms, at least for a moment, whilst they
listen respectfully to my words. Such is my position as mediator in
Germany. And thus it must be represented to public opinion," he added;
"it is very important that this should not interfere with my calm and
prudent action."
"This has been done, sire," said Pietri. "The 'Moniteur' has
represented your majesty's mediation quite in this spirit, and all the
leading newspapers have thus described the situation."
"Good, good," said the emperor. "And how does the sovereign public
opinion of my good Paris regard the affair?"
"Excellently," replied Pietri; "all the organs of the press describe
the position of France in this conflict as highly flattering to the
national dignity."
The emperor nodded his head with an air of satisfaction.
"I cannot, however, conceal from your majesty," continued Pietri, "that
I have observed a strong Prussian tendency in the journals; the
Prussian Consul Bamberg, who as your majesty knows takes charge of
these affairs at the embassy, has for some time been strongly and
cleverly supported by 'le Temps,' 'le Siecle,' and other newspapers."
The emperor was thoughtfully silent.
"The question is," continued Pietri, "whether this agitation shall be
counteracted?"
"No," said the emperor decidedly, "it would be far from my wish for
public opinion strongly to take up the side of Austria; it would be
inconvenient. I must tell you honestly," he proceeded after thinking
deeply for a moment, "that I have very little confidence in Austria,
she seems to me to be in the process of dissolution and near her fall.
The great emperor had this same thought," he added half speaking to
himself, "they did not understand him in Berlin, and were punished for
it at Jena--Count Bismarck is no Haugwitz, and--but," he said, suddenly
interrupting himself, "does Austria make no effort to work on public
opinion here?"
Pietri shrugged his shoulders.
"Prince Metternich," he said, "is too much a grand seigneur to trouble
himself to descend from the heights of Olympus into the dark and murky
atmosphere of journalism, for which in Austria they maintain a most
sovereign contempt."
"Yes, yes," said the emperor, "these legitimate diplomatists breathe
and move upon their Olympian heights without regarding what takes place
on earthly dust, and yet it comes from below that public opinion, that
Proteus-like power who weaves the threads upon the loom of eternal
Fate, that mysterious power, before whose sentence the proud gods of
Olympus and of Tartarus tremble."
"Something," said Pietri, laughing, "has been done by Austria to
influence public opinion--in very long, correct, and diplomatic
articles the 'Memorial diplomatique' explains--"
"Debraux de Saldapenda?" asked the emperor, smiling.
"Your majesty is right!"
"Certainly," said Napoleon, as he brushed the ashes of his cigar from
his trousers, "a small counter influence can do no harm. Let an article
appear here and there, calling attention to the necessity of not
allowing Austria's position in Europe to be too much weakened. You
understand, in Europe, not a word about Germany, and the articles must
bear the stamp of official Austrian origin, the journalists themselves
must believe they come from thence. You will know how to arrange this?"
"Perfectly, sire," replied Pietri.
"Laguerroniere told me," continued the emperor, "of a very clever
little journalist--Escudier--he has relations in Austria; make use of
him, we must certainly strengthen our newspaper contingent," he
proceeded, "our cadres are very small, and we must make a campaign.
Think over this."
Pietri bowed.
The groom of the chambers announced: "His Excellency Monsieur Drouyn de
Lhuys."
The emperor bent his head, took a last whiff from his cigar, and said
to his secretary, "Stay near me, I may need you."
Pietri withdrew through the large and heavy portiere, which concealed
the steps leading to his own room.
Scarcely had the folds of the curtain closed behind him, when Drouyn de
Lhuys entered the emperor's cabinet. He looked as calm and grave as
ever, and had his portfolio under his arm.
"Good morning, my dear minister," cried Napoleon, rising slowly and
holding out his hand, "well, are you satisfied with the course of
events, and the position which the policy of waiting has procured for
us?"
"Not entirely, sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys gravely and quietly. A
cloud passed over the emperor's brow. Then he said in a friendly
voice,--
"You are an incorrigible pessimist, my dear minister; what could you
require more? Are we not at this moment the umpire of Europe?"
"An umpire, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys inexorably, "who does not yet
know whether the contending parties will accept his award. The best
umpire is he who throws his sword into the balance, of which Brennus
the ancestor of the Gauls has given us an example."
"I might be listening to the most fiery of my marshals, and not to my
Secretary of State and of Foreign Affairs," said the emperor, laughing,
"but to speak gravely, why are you not satisfied? I know that we have
before us many involved and difficult negotiations, but," he added
courteously, "can that alarm you, the experienced statesman, so capable
of finding Ariadne's clue in all such labyrinths? I believe that we
have won the game if we can only bring matters upon the field of long
negotiations. Sudden events are what I most fear. They exclude logic,
combination, and the weapons of the mind."
Drouyn de Lhuys was silent for a moment, and his eyes rested on the
emperor's face, so much more animated than usual.
"I know," he then said, "that your majesty loves to tie Gordian knots,
but you forget that we have to do with a man who is apt to hew through
such works of art with his sword, and who has a very sharp sword in his
hand!"
"But, my dear minister," said the emperor, "you would not have me at
this moment, when my mediation is accepted, step between the two
combatants with my weapon in my hand?"
"Not in your hand, your majesty," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "but with a
sharp sword by your side. Sire, the moment is grave, the French
mediation cannot be Platonic; your majesty must clearly perceive what
may arise through your intervention."
"In the first place, that this unpleasant din of cannon in Germany will
cease,--it makes all calm and skilful diplomacy impossible! _Cedant
arma togae!_ And, then--but what is your opinion of the situation, and
what do you think we ought to do?" he said, interrupting himself,
whilst his half-closed eyes opened and a full glance from his brilliant
phosphorescent pupils fell upon his minister.
He seated himself, pointing with his hand to an easy-chair for Drouyn
de Lhuys to occupy.
"Sire," said the latter, as he sat down, "your majesty must be clear as
to the influence you wish to exercise upon the events that have already
taken place in Germany. Two courses are possible, and with your
permission I will analyze them before your majesty. After the
information we have received from Benedetti, after what Goltz has
imparted to us, it is impossible to imagine that Prussia will entirely
give up the advantages she has procured by the amazing success of her
arms--upon which we must remember the monarchy of Hohenzollern had
staked--perhaps its existence."
The emperor nodded acquiescence.
"According to my information, and my conception of Count Bismarck's
character, he will require not only the exclusion of Austria from
German affairs, not only the leadership of Germany at least to the
Main, for Prussia, he will also require an increase of territory, the
annexation of Hanover, Hesse, and Saxony."
The emperor raised his head.
"Hesse," he said, "that touches me not. Hanover, I have a great
esteem for King George and sympathise with him, since I knew him at
Baden-Baden; but Hanover is England's affair. Saxony," he said,
slightly twirling the point of his moustache, "that is different; that
touches the traditions of my house. But," he interrupted himself, "go
on."
"Austria," said Drouyn de Lhuys, calmly continuing the subject, "will
be forced to yield to these demands, for it is in no condition to
continue the war. The army of the south will not return in time, and
upon Hungary, so my agents assure me, there is no reliance to be
placed; it will therefore depend upon the influence of France whether
Prussia obtains what she demands."
The emperor was silent.
"Two paths are possible to your majesty in this position of affairs."
The emperor listened with the greatest interest.
"One course," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "is for your majesty to say: 'The
German Confederation, as guaranteed by Europe, is dissolved, and all
the German princes have simply become European sovereigns, who are
allies of France. France refuses that the balance of power in Germany
and in Europe should be disturbed, by any change in their possessions
or their sovereign rights.' Your majesty can divide the German
Confederation into a North German and a South German group, the first
to be under the leadership of Prussia, the second under Austria, and
you can forbid all other change. This is the course," added the
minister, "that I should advise your majesty to pursue."
The emperor bent himself down thoughtfully.
"And if Prussia rejects this proposal, or rather this award?" he asked.
"Then your majesty must march to the Rhine and follow the example of
Brennus," said Drouyn de Lhuys.
"What should I gain?" asked Napoleon. "Would not divided Germany be as
ready to unite against France, perhaps more strongly organized in two
parts, as was ever the old German Confederation? And the other course?"
he then asked.
"If your majesty will not follow the path I have pointed out," said
Drouyn de Lhuys, "then, in my opinion, France must act towards Germany
as she acted towards Italy. She must allow events to take their natural
course, she must consent to an entire or partial national union beneath
Prussia, and to the territorial acquisitions of Prussia,--and she must
demand on her part compensation."
The eyes of the emperor lighted up.
"And what compensation would you demand?" he asked.
"Benedetti maintains," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "that in Berlin they are
much inclined to give us possession of Belgium."
The emperor nodded approval.
"I do not," added the minister, "approve this policy; we shall gain
little as far as military position is concerned, and we shall be
burdened with great complications towards England."
The emperor shrugged his shoulders slightly.
"But Belgium is French," he said.
"Sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "by the same right Alsace is German."
"Ah! bah!" exclaimed the emperor, involuntarily. "But," said he, "where
would you seek compensation?"
"Sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "if the military and political unity
of Germany is consolidated under the leadership of Prussia its new
power will be very dangerous to France, dangerous to our influence,
yes, even to our safety. We must therefore on our side demand
guarantees against an aggressive policy from newly constituted Germany.
In the next place," he added, as the emperor remained silent, "we must
demand, as is only right and moderate, the extension of the French
boundaries as established by the Congress of 1814."
The emperor bowed his head with animation.
"Then, sire," continued Drouyn de Lhuys, as he fixed his keen eyes upon
the emperor, "we must demand Luxembourg and Mayence."
"That is much," said the emperor, without looking up.
"But not too much!" returned Drouyn de Lhuys. "Luxembourg too is only a
question between us and Holland, and only the silent consent of Prussia
will be needed. Mayence--well, they may demur about that, but it is
better to ask more than you positively intend to take. That is my idea
of compensation," he added after a short pause.
"And it is mine," said the emperor, rising; and with his slow halting
gait he took several turns about the room.
He stood still before Drouyn do Lhuys, who had also risen, and said,--
"I regret, my dear minister, that I cannot decide upon following the
first course you pointed out; since you consider it the right one."
"I pointed out the second as the best alternative," said Drouyn de
Lhuys; "and although I should have preferred the former, I fully
approve of the second."
"Give me the second," said the emperor, "let Herr von Bismarck unite
Germany as well as he can, and let us strengthen the power of France as
much as possible. Write to Benedetti at once, order him to go to
head-quarters and to negotiate at first a simple suspension of arms;
let us first quiet those cannon and make room for calm diplomacy. Let
him then raise the question of compensation in a confidential
conversation with Herr von Bismarck, and suggest Luxembourg and
Mayence."
Drouyn de Lhuys bowed.
"But without engaging himself too much, without stating any ultimatum.
I will keep my hand free," said the emperor with animation.
"Our interests can only be preserved, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "if
our attitude is decided, and our speech firm."
"They shall be so," cried the emperor; "but we must not begin with the
ultimatum. Let Benedetti sound, and skilfully discover how his
proposals are received."
"And what will your majesty say to Austria?" asked Drouyn de Lhuys.
"That we are taking the greatest pains to make the peace as favourable
as possible, and to preserve the territorial possessions and the
European position of Austria. We must," he added, "advise Vienna to be
ready to continue the war in case we are unsuccessful, for who knows
what turn affairs may take, and, besides, a firm attitude on the part
of Austria, and an increase of the difficulties Prussia finds on that
side, can only be favourable to us."
"I am quite of your majesty's opinion, and I shall write in this spirit
to the Duke de Gramont immediately. I must now mention to your majesty
that Herr von Beust has arrived and requests an audience."
"Beust, the Saxon minister?" asked the emperor with surprise.
"He arrived in Paris this morning, and was with me before I came here,"
said Drouyn de Lhuys.
"And what does he want?" enquired Napoleon.
"To call upon your majesty to protect Saxony."
"I will see him," said Napoleon after a short pause; "but without
ceremonial."
"That is also the wish of Herr von Beust, your majesty."
"Beg him to announce himself through Colonel Fave, who is on duty. I
will instruct the colonel to bring him without exciting observation."
"Very well, sire. To-day or to-morrow I expect Prince Reuss, who is
sent by the King of Prussia with letters to your majesty from
head-quarters at Pardubitz."
"From where?" asked the emperor.
"Pardubitz, sire," repeated Drouyn de Lhuys, pronouncing the word very
distinctly.
"What a name!" cried Napoleon. "And do you know what he brings?"
"The conditions of peace," said Drouyn de Lhuys; "without their
previous acceptance the King of Prussia will conclude no armistice. So
says Count Goltz, who informed me of the prince's coming by a
telegram."
"And were these conditions known to Count Goltz?" asked the emperor
further.
"From his previous and general instructions I take it they were the
same as I have already imparted to your majesty,--Austria's exclusion
from Germany, the leadership of Prussia, and the annexation of the
territory lying between the separate portions of Prussia," returned
Drouyn de Lhuys.
"Then his arrival will alter nothing in our policy," said the emperor.
"We will await him."
"Permit me once more to draw your majesty's attention to the fact,"
said Drouyn de Lhuys, in an impressive tone, as he fixed his
penetrating eyes upon the emperor, "that whatever policy France may
adopt, our interests cannot be preserved unless our language is very
firm, and our attitude decided."
"It shall be so," said the emperor, "in the groundwork of the plan; the
form of negotiation must nevertheless be circumspect. Impress this upon
Benedetti."
"We have the greater reason to be firm," said Drouyn de Lhuys, "because
a new difficulty is arising for Prussia, which will make the court at
Berlin all the more anxious to arrange affairs with us. An article from
the official journal of St. Petersburg has been sent to me, in which it
is stated that the suspension of arms would lead to a definite
reconciliation, if there was not someone in Germany who thought himself
strong enough to compel Europe to consent to his German conquests,
forgetting that there still existed sovereigns in Europe whose united
forces could prevent the balance of power from being an idle word."
And Drouyn de Lhuys drew a newspaper from his portfolio, and handed it
to the emperor.
He took it, glanced through it hastily, and laid it on the table.
"That is plain," he said, laughing; "and the address of the warning
cannot be doubtful."
"Baron Talleyrand maintains this article is the expression of the
opinion of the court party," said Drouyn de Lhuys; "and that, although
the emperor and Prince Gortschakoff are reserved, they regard the
catastrophe now taking place in Germany with the greatest interest."
"Excellent, excellent!" cried the emperor. "Instruct Talleyrand to
foster this feeling as much as possible. He must," said he, after a
thoughtful pause, "point out especially that the interests of Russia
and France are identical in preventing Germany from concentrating her
military power in the hand of Prussia."
"I have prepared an instruction to that effect, sire," said Drouyn de
Lhuys, "since I thought I foresaw such an intention on the part of your
majesty."
"And," said the emperor, as if seized by a sudden thought; but he broke
off quickly, and said, laughingly,--
"You see, my dear minister, how everything unites in placing the
threads of the European situation again in our hands: we have all the
advantages of a victorious battle, without a shot having been fired, or
one Frenchman having been sent out of the world."
"I shall be glad if all comes to a favourable end," replied Drouyn de
Lhuys, as he closed his portfolio.
"And do not forget," said the emperor, in a gracious tone, repeating
his minister's words, "that our language must be firm, and our attitude
decided."
He held out his hand to his minister.
"I may then send Herr von Beust here immediately?" said Drouyn de
Lhuys, preparing to go.
"Do so," said the emperor; "and as soon as anything fresh arises, I
expect you."
With an engaging smile, he made one step towards the door, through
which, with a low bow, Drouyn de Lhuys withdrew.
The emperor walked thoughtfully several times up and down his cabinet.
Then he went to the portiere, which concealed the private stairs, and
called,--
"Pietri."
He appeared immediately.
"Have you seen this article from the 'Journal de St.-Petersbourg'?"
asked the emperor, handing his secretary the paper he had received from
Drouyn de Lhuys.
"I have," replied Pietri, after glancing at it hastily; "I had it ready
to present to your majesty."
"All goes on excellently," said the emperor, rubbing his hands. "We
must increase this difficulty arising for the victor of Koeniggraetz in
the East as much as possible. I have ordered Talleyrand to dwell upon
the identity of the French and Russian interests."
Pietri bowed.
The emperor slightly turned the points of his moustache.
"You might write to him quite confidentially," he proceeded, "saying
that there is no intention of allowing the idea to transpire hastily;
but that since 1854 and 1856, the European situation has much changed,
and that now an understanding between France and Russia upon the
Eastern question would, perhaps, be possible and desirable. Should a
common policy facilitate the arrangement of the German difficulty, a
revision of the Treaty of Paris would probably not be refused here. But
this must be quite private," he said, with emphasis, "engaging us to
nothing, and in the strictest confidence."
"Very good, it shall be done at once," said Pietri.
"Sire," he said, after waiting for a moment, during which the emperor
was silent, "Herr Klindworth is here, and wishes to see your majesty."
"Klindworth?" cried the emperor, laughing, "that old stormy petrel
could not keep out of a crisis which has raised such a tempest in
European policy. What does he want?"
"He comes from Vienna, and wants to impart to your majesty much that is
interesting."
"He is always interesting, and he often has clever ideas," cried the
emperor. "Bring him here at once."
Pietri ran down the steps, and returned in a few moments with
States-Chancellor Klindworth, who appeared from behind the dark, heavy
portiere, which the private secretary closed again after his entrance.
The emperor and Klindworth were alone. The latter stood in the same
attitude, the same brown coat, and the same white cravat as in the
cabinet of Francis Joseph. With downcast eyes he waited, after a low
bow, for the emperor to speak.
"Welcome, dear Herr Klindworth," said Napoleon, in his peculiarly
winning and fascinating way, "come and sit near me, that we may talk of
these wonderful and stormy events which have so disturbed the peace of
the whole world."
He sank again into his arm-chair, and Klindworth, taking in the
expression of the emperor's countenance with a hasty glance, seated
himself opposite.
Napoleon opened a small etui, twirled up a large cigarette of Turkish
tobacco with great dexterity, and lighted it at the wax taper on the
table beside him.
"I am glad," said Klindworth, "to see your majesty looking so well and
cheerful, in the midst of these great catastrophes. His majesty Francis
Joseph will be much rejoiced when I tell him of your majesty's
excellent health.''
"You come from the Emperor Francis Joseph?" said Napoleon, with aroused
attention.
"You know, sire," said Klindworth, folding his hands over his breast,
"I am no ambassador; I represent nothing. I am only old Klindworth, who
has the good fortune to be honoured by the confidence of those in the
very highest positions, and who uses his healthy old wits in the
diplomatic world, endeavouring to set straight what inexperienced folly
has set crooked."
The emperor laughed, whilst he blew a thick cloud from his cigarette.
"And do you come to correct a little of the folly that goes on in the
Tuileries?" he then asked.
"If your majesty speaks of the Tuileries I must be silent," said
Klindworth, "but if you speak of the Quai d'Orsay, I shall not say no;
there they can always do with a little good advice."
The emperor laughed still more. "Well," he said, "what advice would you
give to the Quai d'Orsay? Perhaps I can support it."
A rapid glance shot from the eyes of the states-chancellor. He lightly
tapped the fingers of the right hand upon the back of the left, and
said,--
"I would recall to your majesty's ministers and diplomatists the old
formula: Videant consoles ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica!"
The emperor immediately grew grave; his quick, brilliant eyes were
suddenly raised from beneath their drooping lids, and fixed with a
burning expression upon Klindworth, who sat before him without moving a
muscle. Then he leant back in his arm-chair, blew from him a thick
cloud of smoke, and asked in a quiet tone,--
"Do you think, then, that things are so bad? Now that the emperor has
determined to evacuate Venetia all his forces will be free, and the
fortune of war may change."
"I do not believe it will change, sire," said Klindworth, calmly, "and
according to my opinion, your majesty must take heed lest your defeat
should bring upon you still worse consequences."
"My defeat?" inquired Napoleon, drawing himself up proudly, whilst his
moustache glided through his fingers.
"Sire, Koeniggraetz was as great a defeat to France as to Austria."
The emperor was silent.
"Does your majesty think," continued Klindworth, "it added to the
prestige of France--and to imperial France prestige is needful--that
without her concurrence all European affairs should be turned upside
down, that a great Prusso-German military monarchy should arise,
without France's interference? The cabinets of Europe will thus learn
to arrange their own matters without heeding France, and your majesty
can conceive better than I, what effect this will produce upon the
French nation."
The emperor considered. Then he said, calmly and gravely: "What does
the Emperor Francis Joseph intend to do, and what does he expect of
me?"
Klindworth showed not the least surprise at this suddenly direct
question, and at the different tone it gave to the conversation.
"The emperor," said he, "is determined to fight to the last. He hopes,
by the withdrawal of the southern army, to gain the necessary strength
to resume action; he hopes Hungary----"
The emperor slightly shook his head.
"He hopes," continued Klindworth, "that the armistice will give him
time to reassemble his forces, and that the Prussian demands will be so
exorbitant as to render peace impossible. He expects that your majesty
will march to the Rhine, that Austria will be freed from her
difficulties, and Prussia hurled from the height upon which the victory
of Koeniggraetz has placed her."
The emperor was silent for a moment.
"Will there not be difficulties," he then said, without looking up, "in
the fulfilment of these numerous hopes?"
"If your majesty sees them," returned Klindworth, "they are certainly
there."
"And do you not see them?" asked the emperor.
"Sire," replied Klindworth, "I received orders to urge your majesty to
hasty action with an armed hand. That is my commission; if your majesty
will give me an answer, I will, if you command me, tell you my
opinion."
"You define sharply," said the emperor, laughing. "Well," he proceeded
slowly, turning his cigarette between his fingers, "I will speak
without reserve. The emperor may rest assured that I regard a strong
Austria absolutely necessary to peace and the balance of power in
Europe, and that I will prevent Austria's displacement from her
European position with the whole force of France, if needful. I do not,
however, believe that this supreme moment has yet come, and I might do
more harm than good by an armed interference, for at this moment there
is no reason for pushing the German question into a European crisis."
Klindworth listened attentively, accompanying with an inclination of
the head each word, as it was slowly uttered by the emperor.
"Your majesty wishes to wait," he then said, "and to keep your hand
free as long as possible, but you will prevent any alienation of
territory from Austria itself."
The emperor slightly bent his head.
"But one circumstance must by no means be excluded from our
arrangements," he said; "every effort must be made in Vienna to alter
the military position in Austria's favour."
"I understand perfectly, sire," said the states-chancellor.
"Well, now, my dear Herr Klindworth," said the emperor, throwing away
the remains of his cigarette into a small china vase, and preparing a
fresh one with the greatest care and attention, "you will tell me your
opinion, since you have heard my intentions."
And he bent his head slightly to one side, and looked at Klindworth
attentively.
"My opinion, sire, is that you are perfectly right."
Surprise was seen on the emperor's countenance.
"Your majesty is perfectly right," repeated Klindworth, looking up with
a quick, watchful glance, "for in the first place," he continued, in a
matter-of-fact tone, "waiting gives you a chance of demanding
compensation for France."
The emperor's eyelids were almost entirely closed; he had completed his
cigarette, and blew a thick cloud into the air before him.
"And besides," continued Klindworth, quitting his former remark
completely, and somewhat raising his voice, "your majesty has a double
reason for avoiding a brusque interference, you would benefit France as
well as Austria very little."
The emperor listened with interest.
"If your majesty now interferes with an armed hand in the affairs of
Germany," said Klindworth, drumming with his fingers, "two courses are
possible. Prussia may yield, in which case things will remain as they
are. Prussia will only be regarded as the President of the
Confederation, and obtain some small territorial accession; in material
matters she will remain as she was, but an immense moral weapon will
have been placed in her hand. The German people will be told that the
union of Germany has been prevented by France, that Austria has called
in the national enemy, and as in Germany they may now write, read, and
sing what they please, and as the newspapers and books and songs are
made in Berlin, Austria's position amongst the German people would be
morally annihilated, and on some future occasion--perhaps when France
was engaged in some contrary direction--the perfectly ripened fruit
would fall into the hands of the Hohenzollerns."
The emperor turned his moustache, and nodded approval.
"But," continued Klindworth, "and the character of her leaders renders
this supposition the most probable, Prussia may not yield, but may
undertake the war notwithstanding its enormous proportions. I fear
then, Herr von Bismarck would succeed in inflaming a national war, and
would lead united Germany against France."
"Would this be possible with the present feeling of Germany?" asked the
emperor.
"Sire," said Klindworth, "if moving water will not freeze in winter an
iron bar is thrown in, and the ice-rind forms at once. The sword of
France thrown into the German movement would act like that iron bar,
the waves would be still, and would form into a solid mass."
"But the South Germans?" asked the emperor--"both the people and the
governments?"
"They have now lost all hope in Austria," said Klindworth; "they feel
themselves in the power of Prussia; with a few promises, a few kind
words, and a few threats it will not be difficult to gain them over to
her side, for of this I am certain, they only want some reasonable and
honourable excuse to join her."
The emperor was silent.
"If, however," said Klindworth with animation, "Prussia at once obtains
what she desires, namely immediate and important accessions of
territory, the complete annexation of Hanover, Hesse, &c.,--if only
sufficient pressure is applied as to enable South Germany to retain its
sovereign independence--the result will not be the union of Germany,
that popular idea of all poets, singers, and beer-drinkers; on the
contrary, it will be its separation, and all the blood that has been
shed will only have been for the aggrandizement of Prussia. Domestic
nationality, that feeling so dear to the German, will be directed
against Prussia, and the national sympathy will turn towards Austria."
"Will this be possible?" asked the emperor.
"Certain," replied Klindworth; "if Austria, penetrated by another
spirit, uses with prudent policy those powers which are now once more
so active and potent--alas! that it should be so; but we must work with
what will effect most."
"That is?" asked the emperor.
"Sire," said Klindworth, "if Prussia is increased in size by these
annexations, and obtains the leadership in North Germany, she will be
compelled to adopt a strict, unbending government, for the German races
do not easily assimilate. One iron hand will be laid on North Germany,
and the other constantly raised to menace South Germany. Then Austria
must arise with fresh strength, as the shield of individual government,
of independence, and of Liberty."
Napoleon smiled.
"Of liberty?"
"Why not?" cried Klindworth; "severe sicknesses are healed by means of
dangerous poisons."
"But where is the skilful physician?" asked the emperor, laughing, "who
can administer to sick Austria the proper dose of this poison? Count
Mensdorff or Metternich?"
"I think I have found this physician," said Klindworth, gravely,
without appearing perplexed.
The groom of the chambers entered.
"Colonel Fave is in the ante-room, sire."
The emperor rose.
"In one moment," he said.
Klindworth stood up and came nearer to the emperor.
"This physician," he said, in a low voice, "is von Beust."
Puzzled and amazed, the emperor gazed at him.
"Beust!" he cried, "the Protestant! Do you believe that the
emperor----"
"I do believe it," said Klindworth; "but at all events, Herr von Beust
is here; your majesty can sound him for yourself, and see whether my
opinion is well founded."
He fixed his sharp eyes longer and more firmly than before upon the
emperor, with a penetrating glance.
Napoleon smiled.
"He who plays with you," he said, "must lay his cards upon the table.
Wait with Pietri; I will see you again after I have spoken with your
physician upon the future of Austria."
A smile of contentment played round the states-chancellor's thick lips,
as with a low bow he withdrew through the portiere.
The emperor rang.
"Colonel Fave!"
The colonel, a thin man of middle height, with short black hair, and a
small moustache, dressed in a black overcoat, half soldier, half
courtier in manner, appeared at the door. He held it open for the
minister of Saxony to enter, and he then withdrew.
Herr von Beust wore a grey overcoat, of some light summer material,
thrown back from over his black coat, upon which sparkled the white
star of the Legion of Honour. His slightly grey hair was carefully
curled and arranged; his wide black trousers almost concealed the small
foot in its well-fitting boot. His fine intellectual countenance, with
its almost transparent complexion, eloquent mouth, and lively bright
eyes, was paler than usual, and the amiable, winning smile was entirely
gone. A melancholy expression was seen on his lips, and his whole face
showed nervous anxiety.
He approached the emperor with the grace of a distinguished courtier,
and bowed in silence.
Napoleon went to meet him with his fascinating smile, and held out his
hand to him.
"However sorrowful may be the occasion," he said in a gentle voice, "I
rejoice to see the most reliable and talented statesman in Germany."
"The most unhappy, sire," said von Beust sadly.
"They only are unhappy who have lost hope," replied the emperor,
seating himself, and pointing out a chair to Herr von Beust, with a
movement full of graceful courtesy.
"Sire, I have come to hear from your majesty's lips if I may still
hope, and bid my sovereign do the same?"
The emperor's fingers glided over the points of his moustache.
"Tell me," he then said, "your views on events in Germany. I am anxious
to have them pictured by your mouth, the mouth of a master of narrative
and description," he added, with a gracious smile and a slight
inclination of the head.
Beust's pale face grew animated.
"Sire," he said, "I have lost my game! I hoped to have created a new
federal form of national life in Germany; to have repressed within
definite boundaries the ambition of Prussia, and to have established
the German Confederation in renewed power and authority, by enabling it
to carry out freely the developments required by the present times. I
deceived myself; I reckoned without considering the divisions in
Germany, the weakness of Austria. The game is lost," he repeated,
sighing; "but at least Saxony did all in her power to win."
"And is no lucky change in the game possible?" asked the emperor.
"I believe not," said von Beust; "in Vienna they still hope much from
the southern army--from resuming the offensive. I do not believe in all
that. A state does not easily recover from such a blow as Koeniggraetz,
even if its inner life has not the stagnation, and has not fallen into
the indolence, of Austria. Prussia is the victor in Germany, and will
seize a victor's rights with an iron hand, if not restrained by a
powerful veto."
His keen eyes were raised inquiringly to the emperor.
"And you think that I ought to pronounce this veto--that I can?" asked
Napoleon.
"Sire," replied von Beust, "I speak to your majesty as minister of
Saxony, as servant to my unhappy monarch, who is threatened with the
loss of the inheritance of his ancestors, as far as it still remains to
him."
"Do you think," interrupted the emperor, "that in Prussian
head-quarters they mean seriously to disinherit the German princes?"
"The incorporation of Hanover, Hesse, and Saxony is determined upon,
sire," said Herr von Beust with decision; "and," he continued, slightly
shrugging his shoulders, "they laid high stakes upon the game in
Berlin--it is perhaps natural that they should not be satisfied with
the stakes alone, but make use of the advantage with regard to the
future. But," he added after a moment's pause, "Hanover and Hesse
divide the Prussian dominions, Saxony, on the contrary, separates
Prussia from Austria and prevents continual friction; above all,
Hanover and Hesse pursued a path of their own; with regard to the real
interests of Germany they remained coldly passive; even when war was
unavoidable they concluded no alliance with Austria--if fate overtakes
them, they must in great measure ascribe it to themselves. To uphold
Saxony, however, is a question of honour for Austria, and," he
proceeded, looking full at the emperor, "perhaps for France also, for
imperial France, for the heir to Napoleon the First's power and glory."
The emperor bent his head and slowly stroked his moustache.
"Sire," continued von Beust, whilst a tinge of red flushed his pale
face, and with his eyes still fixed upon the emperor, "when the power
of your great-uncle was shattered by the hand of fate at Leipsic--when
so many whom he had raised up and made great forsook him, the King of
Saxony stood beside him, a true friend, an ally in misfortune. And
heavy penance he had to do for his truth, with half his lands he paid
for his allegiance to his imperial friend. The emperor never forgot it,
and even in St. Helena he remembered his noble confederate with emotion
and grief."
The emperor bent his head lower and lower. Herr von Beust continued in
a louder voice:--
"Now, sire, the heir of that prince who was true to your great
predecessor in his misfortunes[2] is in danger of losing those
possessions of his house that he still retains; King John, who has
always been your majesty's sincere friend, is in danger of being driven
from the inheritance of his forefathers: and not he, sire, I, his
servant--who need not like himself regard royal delicacy of feeling--I
ask your majesty, will the heir of the power, the glory, and the name
of that great Titan, silently suffer the descendant of his last and
truest friend, his friend in need and danger, to be dethroned and
banished?"
Herr von Beust ceased and gazed in breathless anxiety at the emperor.
Napoleon raised his head. His eyes were open. His pupils shone large
and clear in dazzling brightness, a peculiar expression of pride and
dignity was on his brow, a soft melancholy smile upon his lips.
"Sir," he said, in a low, metallic voice, "the friends of my uncle are
my friends, to the third and fourth generation, and no prince shall
repent having stood by the emperor's side in misfortune whilst I grasp
the sword of France! You have saved Saxony," he added, with his
gracious smile. "Tell the king your master that he shall return to his
dwelling and his kingdom. I give you my word as an emperor."
With a movement in which the dignity of the sovereign was combined with
the graceful courtesy of the man of the world, he held out his hand to
Herr von Beust.
He seized it with veneration, whilst he rose quickly and exclaimed,--
"If the spirit of the great emperor can look down upon earth, sire, at
this moment he must smile, well pleased, upon your majesty. You prove
that his friendship still weighs heavily in the scale of the fate of
Europe."
A short pause ensued. The emperor was thoughtful. Beust had again
seated himself, and waited.
"You believe, then," said the emperor at last, "that success is
impossible for Austria?"
"I have urged them strongly in Vienna," said von Beust, sighing, "to do
all that they can--to make the utmost exertions, but I fear it will be
in vain. The state machinery of Austria has grown rusty, and it would
be hard even for a master spirit to set it in motion. The master spirit
is not there, and," he added sadly, "is no longer to be found in the
home of Kaunitz and Metternich."
"Then he must be imported," said the emperor.
The eyes of the Saxon minister, full of surprise and admiration, were
fixed enquiringly upon the emperor's face, which had resumed its usual
calm and reserved expression.
"Do you believe," said Napoleon, "that it would be impossible to
regenerate Austria if the master spirit who is wanted were found?"
"Impossible!" cried von Beust; "certainly not. Austria has immense
interior power, only the nerve is wanting to move it."
"You have during your political life thought out so much, and with such
great success," said the emperor kindly, with a slight inclination of
the head, "that you must have considered how best this slumbering power
might be aroused--inspired with life?"
A sudden brilliancy shone in the eyes of Herr von Beust.
"Sire," he said with animation, "the first and deepest cause of
Austria's weakness lies in this--her own strength binds her, one half
of the monarchy watches the other half, and holds it in check. Hungary,
with her great military power, with her rich, inexhaustible
productiveness, lies dead; and instead of inspiring her with life,
Vienna carefully excludes all political life from that country. In this
crisis, for example, Hungary alone could save all that is lost; but
they will not speak the inspiring word, for this word is, 'Freedom and
National Independence;' and at this word all the dusty old acts in the
state repositories tremble, and the dusty men tremble still more! And
in the interior of the monarchy, in Austria itself, a stiff bureaucracy
represses every sign of life amongst the people; and where the people
do not feel, do not think, do not co-operate in public life, they are
incapable of making great sacrifices and heroic efforts to uphold and
to save the state. Oh!" he went on, with still greater animation, "if
Austria could arise in renewed life, if her rich powers could be
developed and strengthened by natural movement, then all would be won
back for Austria and for Germany. If Austria would maintain her moral
place in Germany, if she would undertake the sphere of intellectual
progress, and through this progress allow her material power to arise
afresh, then--and not too late--the day would come when this defeat
would be brilliantly avenged. The formulary to obtain this is simple,
it is this: freedom and independence for Hungary; freedom and public
life for the whole monarchy, the reform of the government, and the
reform of the army! But to adopt and carry out this formulary," he
added, with a melancholy smile, and a slight bend of the head, "a
genius and a will is needed, such as your majesty possesses."
"You flatter," said the emperor, smiling, and slightly raising his
finger. "At this moment I learn----After the completion of these
events, you will perhaps not continue minister of Saxony?" he then
said.
"I shall remain at my king's side during the present crisis," said Herr
von Beust. "But then, I think an unsuccessful statesman had better
vanish from the stage."
"Or," said the emperor, "try his powers in a wider sphere than that
whose narrow boundaries have denied him success."
He rose.
Beust stood up, and seized his hat.
"I hope," said the emperor, "that your views on the regeneration of
Austria may some day be brought to life. In any case, I beg you will
remember that you have a friend here, and that the interests of France
and Austria are one in encouraging the free development of the German
nation, and guaranteeing its national life. Greet your king from me,
and ask him to trust to my word."
With great emotion, Herr von Beust seized the emperor's proffered hand.
"Thanks, sire, my warmest thanks," he cried. "Whatever the future may
bring forth, I shall never forget this hour."
And bowing deeply, he left the cabinet.
The emperor called Pietri.
"Is Klindworth there?" he asked.
"At your command, sire."
"I beg him to come to me."
The states-chancellor appeared.
The emperor advanced towards him with a smile.
"You are right," he said; "the physician is found who can heal the
sickness of Austria."
Klindworth bowed.
"I knew," he said, "that your majesty would agree with me."
"Try to have the treatment of the case confided to him. You may rely
upon my entire support."
He thought deeply.
"And tell the emperor," he then said, "that I will do all in my power
to assist him, as energetically as circumstances permit. Material help,
however, Austria must gain from herself and from the regeneration of
her resources."
"I understand perfectly, sire," said Klindworth.
"Keep me _au fait_ as to Herr von Beust."
Klindworth bowed.
"May I return?" he asked.
"You must set to work at once," said the emperor, "for your task is not
an easy one. _Au revoir:_" and he made a friendly movement with his
hand.
Klindworth vanished behind the portiere.
"The cards are shuffled more and more," said the emperor, as he sank
back comfortably into his arm-chair; "and it is only needful to hold
them with a strong hand, and to look firmly at them, to rule the game.
It will do," he added, supporting his head on his hand, "and at the
same time a wide perspective is opened for the future. If Austria can
truly arise in renewed life--Italy enclosed on both sides--the alliance
is given--Hungary--Poland holds Russia in check----"
His eyes shone.
"Well," he said, with a slight smile, "we will wait, in waiting lies my
strength. But a little help prepared beforehand may be useful. Above
all things, I must not forget Saxony."
He stood up, and called Pietri.
"Drive to Drouyn de Lhuys," he said, "and desire him, in the
instructions to Benedetti, to give him distinct orders to forbid the
annexation of Saxony in the most decided manner--in the most decided
manner," he repeated with emphasis.
"At your command, sire."
"And," asked the emperor, "do you know where General Tuerr is at this
moment?"
"With the army in Italy," replied Pietri; "but I can ascertain
precisely immediately."
"Write to him," said the emperor. "No," interrupting himself, "send a
confidential person. I want to beg him to come here at once."
Pietri bowed.
"Through him," said the emperor, speaking half to himself, "I shall
keep my hand a little in Turin and Pesth; that may be important."
"Has your majesty any other commands?" asked Pietri.
"No, I thank you," said the emperor; and his private secretary
withdrew. Napoleon leant back comfortably in his arm-chair, and
carefully rolling a fresh cigarette, smoked thick clouds, lost in deep
thought.