LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO VICEROY MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent Sir:

May the grace of the Holy Ghost dwell forever in the soul of your

Excellency. I received a letter from your Excellency last year after

the departure of the ships from this place, in which your Excellency

orders me to write at length and minutely of events in these islands.

Although I wrote your Excellency last year and father Fray Diego de

Herrera went to that country from here to report both to your

Excellency and to his Majesty concerning all the matters of this land,

and concerning the manner of the conquest and the wars waged here, and

concerning the encomiendas: yet inasmuch as we do not know what

happened in the voyage nor how affairs have been discussed there, I

shall briefly retell the most essential things, first advising your

Excellency of what happened here after [the departure of the ships].

This is that the governor immediately sent Captain Juan de Salzedo

accompanied by Captain Pedro de Chaves and some men to pacify the river

of Vicor and the Camarines, which are located in this same island of

Lusson. The people there are the most valiant and best armed men of all

these islands. Consequently, although they never attacked the

Spaniards, still they defended themselves in all their villages, and

would not surrender unless conquered by force of arms. Consequently all

those villages were entered in the same way, by first summoning them to

submit peacefully, and to pay tribute immediately unless they wished

war. They replied that they would first prove those to whom they were

to pay tribute, and consequently, the Spaniards attacking them, an

entrance was made among them by force of arms, and the village was

overthrown and whatever was found pillaged. Then the Spaniards sent to

have the natives summoned to submit peacefully. When the natives came,

they asked them to immediately give them tribute in gold and to an

excessive amount, for which they promised to give them writs of peace.

Therefore, since all the people defended themselves, more have perished

in that land than in any other yet conquered. After he had accomplished

this, Juan de Salzedo returned with the gold, and left Pedro de Chaves

settled on the river of Vicor with seventy men. Juan de Salzedo having

returned, the governor again sent him with forty or fifty men to

colonize Ylocos. He apportioned the land among them, and in that the

governor showed himself to be very partial; for although three

companies had come together from Nueva España, namely, those of Felipe

de Salzedo (which was later transferred to Juan de Salcedo), Artieda,

and Andres de Ivarra, to only the company of Juan de Salsedo did he

grant repartimientos, while he gave nothing at all to those other

companies. Although we have declared here how unjust has been the

affair of the Ylocos, as is so evident a thing, they cannot believe us,

for they have done nothing there for two years back but make raids to

tell the people that they should be friends and pay tribute

immediately. Accordingly, a portion of the people gave it through fear,

and a portion because they are not very warlike; and they did the same

lately for the second year. They even pillaged the people in the place

where they fled and wasted their village. They have now gone to collect

the tribute for the third time. They have done them no other benefit or

kindness and have had no other communication or contact with them than

the abovesaid. The same thing happened in the island of Acuyo which was

granted some two months ago to Luys de la Haya. The master-of-camp went

there about four years ago with soldiers and pillaged them of tribute

to the sum of two hundred taes. As they have been unable to go there

since it is out of the way, the governor ordered those who went thither

for Luys de la Haya to collect the entire sum that those people ought

to have paid during the past years for his Majesty, and the tribute of

this year for Luys de la Haya. But since the Indians either refused or

were unable to pay the back tribute, they paid only that of the present

year. The governor exhibited considerable annoyance over this, and

finally took one-half of what they brought in the name of his Majesty.

Although there is little or no justice or reason in the other regions

[of the Indias] for the tribute that is asked of those districts, there

is no trace or surplus of it here. Besides that the tribute that is

collected from the natives is excessive and intolerable, judging by the

wretchedness of the natives; and in order that your Excellency may see

the senselessness and harm perpetrated there in all this matter, I am

enclosing to your Excellency in this present letter, the copy of an

“Opinion” I handed to the governor the other day, in regard to the

tribute that was collected. [57] In that “Opinion” I declared

briefly, inasmuch as I was dealing with a person who knows the

conditions of the country, the injustice that was and that is being

done. Although I believe that he will send it to your Excellency, still

whether he does or not, I am sending this copy. Although I charge in it

that war has been made without his Majesty’s order, besides that the

land is so slightly pacified that the collectors have to go in bands to

ask the tribute and with guards and arquebuses to collect the tribute.

Little is consequently lacking to make them highwaymen. Item: The

villages that are somewhat distant from the Spaniards also pillage one

another as before, and as many pirates are to be seen as formerly. Even

those who come to plead justice are very ill attended to or despatched.

Finally since both the governor and the officials and all the rest who

hold posts are encomenderos, there is no one to protect the poor

Indians. The governor having assembled the men who were in this city,

read them this “Opinion” of ours, and asked them for their opinion.

They all said as one man that the tribute which was given them was

little in proportion to what could be given, for each of them was

considering his own interests and was not frank. In regard to the

justification for their wars, they say that some are waged on the

authority of father Fray Andres de Urdaneta, and some on mine. In those

on my authority, I know that they have never asked my opinion in any of

them except at the beginning (not at the first entrance in Çubu, but

in the insignificant warfare waged at Baybay). That was for no other

purpose than to destroy some boats of the natives, for no people or

anything else were encountered in the villages. Also at other times

when they were going in search of provisions when they were suffering

dire necessity, [my opinion was asked]. They also summoned me when it

was resolved that the master-of-camp should go for the first time to

this city of Manila. It was, however, resolved in that council that

hostilities must not be engaged in with the natives, although the

Spaniards should be provoked. Whether they did it is seen from the

result, for they entered Manila by force of arms, and turned the very

artillery of the natives upon the latter when they were fleeing, and

burned their village. If they have no blame in the matter, then let

them allege their excuses, and that doctrine has been preached to them

often. 1 gave my “Opinion” in writing so that they can clear

themselves if they can truly do so; for I wish that most heartily, or

any greater good, rather than that they should have any blame before

God. However, I cannot discover that they are cleared, for they have

made war and conquest by their sole authority and without his

Majesty’s order. After that they made a false report to his Majesty,

saying that the land was subdued, and that the natives had become

subject to his Majesty voluntarily and without any war. I would like,

just as was shown by our “Opinion,” that you would examine his

Majesty’s instructions, so that one may see whether I say true, or

whether the conquest has been made according to his Majesty’s

instructions. Many complaints are made against the governor, and some

of them with good reason. For will your Excellency consider whether he

can be a good governor who is favorable to bribes, and not only that,

but who even asks them from all persons, even if they be for mean

considerations; and who although they be given outright and not loaned,

readily grants his pay-warrant [on the treasury], the payment for which

will be made even if another [than the original holder] should demand

it; and who hates to hear Indians on whom he was taking vengeance

complain. But insomuch as this is so notorious here that your

Excellency can get information regarding it from all who come to this

country, I refer the above to them, as well as other slight faults of

which I shall say nothing although they arc public property. I will say

no further, for I am well assured that some one will not be lacking who

will give his pen full sway in this, to say nothing of his tongue.

Blessed be God, the instruction goes on, and the Indians are taking it

up. Already there are many Christians here at Manila. Although there

are religious also at Tondo, Lubao, Mindoro, Octon, Çubu, Vahi, and

Bonbon, the Indians have not yet begun to be converted. [58] We priests

are living each one singly in his own house, except in Manila where

there are two, and in Çubu where there are also two.

Although some of the religious desire to return to that Nueva España

because of their great scruples concerning the actions of this country

and the lack of permanence here, I have detained them and am detaining

them in the hope that your Excellency or his Majesty will provide the

relief that is advisable by the first ships.

A general epidemic of smallpox has raged here this year, which has

spared neither childhood, youth, nor old age. I believe that there are

very few who have not had it (that is, of the natives), and many people

have died of it.

I have seen one of his Majesty’s decrees, in which he orders the

governor to inform him of the causes for making slaves among these

natives. [59] Although the causes might be more largely drawn out, yet

all the causes might be covered under four heads: those who are slaves

of long standing or from their birth; those by captivity; those for

crimes; and those for loans. Although there is nothing known about the

causes for the slavery of those were born slaves, because their fathers

and grandfathers were slaves, it is presumed that the cause is one of

the other three. The captives are generally made slaves by unjust wars,

for all these people are pirates who go annually by sea to pillage

those who live in careless ease, or to any village which may not be

bound to them by ties of blood or alliance. At times when they see

their own people, they do not even keep peace with them. I speak of the

Visayans or Pintados, who are more quarrelsome than the Lussones or

Moros. However, some villages have just wars against others because the

others have shown them some act of treachery under guise of friendship;

for they are a very treacherous people, and eager to shed blood. But

very few are captured in this way unless they are very young children,

for they kill all of them, even the women, when they make any

prisoners. Those enslaved for crimes are generally enslaved for theft,

however small it be; and for other small offenses that break their laws

and prohibitions. The chiefs invent many things in order to subject the

common people. When they break any of the laws, whether they know it or

not, they are immediately fined. If the culprit has nothing with which

to pay the fine to which he is condemned, he is immediately enslaved.

If one commits a serious crime such as murder, adultery, administering

poison to any influential person, not only he but his children,

parents, brothers and sisters, and relatives are enslaved. Slaves are

also made for loans, for the principal of the loan continues to

increase at such a rate that however small a sum may have been borrowed

(although it be only of the value of four reals), it will have

increased to such an extent before four years have passed that one will

become wholly a slave on account of it. The same thing occurs for the

mere fact of having fed one for a few days during a period of need.

Also among the slaves lately made one may, strange to say, find a man

who seems to have been made a slave justly, and we believe it is also

true of those slaves of long standing, although the origin of their

slavery is unknown. I write this here distinctly and clearly as a man

who has mixed and lived with the natives and in their midst from the

beginning. I know their customs, more intimately, I believe, than most

of the people who live in this country. [I write this] so that there

may be no occasion for the ruination of the land because of the false

relations made there [in Nueva España]. May our Lord preserve the

great and excellent person of your Excellency and prosper you for many

years with ever increasing station. Manila, the last of June, 1574.

Your Excellency’s most humble servant and chaplain kisses your hands.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 34 of 55, 1519-1522; 1280-1605 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 54 / 103 题