PREFACE

In the present volume, Pigafetta’s narrative (begun in VOL. XXXIII)

is concluded; and a description of the islands written by a Chinese

geographer Chao Ju-kua, probably in the thirteenth century, and various

documents covering the years 1565–1605 are presented. Chao Ju-kua’s

description is especially interesting and valuable as it forms the

earliest authentic notice of the Philippines previous to their

discovery by Magalhães. The remaining documents treat of secular and

ecclesiastical affairs in the islands and cover a wide range of

interests. Various details of the first settlements at Cebú and

Manila, early explorations, and descriptions of the Philippines and

their peoples, supplement the information of previous volumes. The

royal intentions in regard to the discoveries of Legazpi and Legazpi

himself are set forth in a series of documents, and form an interesting

chapter from which one may construct the effect caused in Spain by the

New Orient opened for the fourth time to that country. The early

efforts of the first missionaries, the complications that arise almost

from the very start between them and the secular government, and the

internal trouble in the Augustinian Order, receive considerable

attention. Of especial interest is Bishop Salazar’s manifesto

creating and erecting the cathedral of Manila, in which, in addition to

other matters, he outlines the duties of the various officials. Early

government matters and problems that arise therein, among them the

tribute and commerce, in which one can see the intimate relations

between the religious and secular governments of Spain, are touched

upon. The documents for 1565–1605 show that the Philippines have had

ever since their first permanent settlement in Cebú, a precarious

existence, but that they have nevertheless advanced, although

totteringly, from a very simple state to the more complicated

conditions necessarily brought about by greater stability of

government. A synopsis of the documents in this volume follows.

Pigafetta relates that on November 13, a Portuguese named Pedro Affonso

de Lorosa, who had gone to Terrenate after the death of Serrão, comes

to the ships. From him they learn the efforts made by the Portuguese to

prevent their expedition, and various news of the region; and they ply

him so well that on departing he promises to return to the ships and go

to Spain with them. On November 16 and 17, the Moro king of Gilolo

visits the ship, and is delighted with the artillery and fighting

qualities of the ships and men, for he had been a great warrior in his

youth, and is feared throughout that region. On the eighteenth also,

Pigafetta goes ashore to see how the clove grows; and the result of his

visit is given in a tolerably correct description of the clove and

nutmeg trees. The women of that region, he says, are ugly, and the men

are jealous of them and fearful of the Europeans.

Meanwhile, the Ternatans bring daily boatloads of cloves and other

things to the boat, but only food is bought from them, as the clove

trade is kept for the king of Tidore. The latter returns to the islands

on November 24, with news that many cloves will soon be brought. On the

following day the first cloves are stowed in the hold amid the firing

of the artillery. The king, in accordance with the custom of that

district, invites the sailors to a banquet in honor of the first cloves

laden. But they, mindful of the fatal May-day banquet, suspect

treachery and make preparations for departure. The king, learning of

their intended departure, is beside himself and entreats them to stay

with him, or if they will go, to take back all their presents, as he

would otherwise be considered a traitor by all his neighbors. After his

entreaties have availed, it is learned that some chiefs had endeavored

in vain to turn the king against the Spaniards, in hopes of currying

favor with the Portuguese. On November 27 and 28, many cloves are

traded. The governor of the island of Machian comes to the ships on

November 29, but refuses to land, as his father and brother are living

in exile at Tidore (a curious evidence of Oriental government customs).

The king proves his friendliness once more by returning them some of

their presents, as their stock had given out, in order that they might

give them to the governor. Again on December 2, the king leaves his

island to hasten their departure, and on the fifth and sixth the last

trading is done, the men in their eagerness bartering articles of

clothing for cloves. Then after many visits from the kings and chiefs

of the various Moluccas and other islands; after Lorosa, the

Portuguese, has come aboard, notwithstanding the efforts of one of the

Ternatan princes to seize him; and after the witnessing of various

ceremonies between the kings of Batchian and Tidore: the new sails are

bent to the yards, and the ships prepare to depart. Leaving the king of

Tidore certain of the artillery and powder captured with the junks, and

their Bornean captives (having previously given him all their other

prisoners); and having made peace with various potentates of the region

roundabout: the “Victoria” lifts anchor and stands out to await the

“Trinidad.” The latter vessel, however, is unable to lift anchor,

and suddenly springs a leak. The “Victoria” puts back to port; the

“Trinidad” is lightened; but all endeavors to locate the leak are

unavailing. The king, solicitous lest his plans of future greatness go

astray, if the ships cannot return to Spain, is tireless in his

efforts, but his best divers are unable to accomplish anything. Finally

it is decided that the “Victoria” will take advantage of the winds

and return to Spain by way of the Cape of Good Hope, while the

“Trinidad,” after being overhauled will return by way of the

Isthmus of Panama. Having lightened the former vessel of sixty

quintales of cloves, as it is overladen, the ships separate,

forty-seven Europeans and thirteen natives sailing in the

“Victoria” and fifty-three men remaining with João Carvalho. Amid

tears from each side, the “Victoria” departs, and passing by the

island of Mare, where wood has been cut for them, soon stows the wood

aboard, and then takes its path among the numerous islands of the East

Indian archipelagoes. To Pigafetta, the world is indebted for the first

Malayan vocabulary, and for many descriptions of islands, peoples, and

products. Stopping occasionally at various islands, for fresh supplies

and wood, the “Victoria” picks its way toward the open Indian

Ocean, Pigafetta meanwhile plying the Malayan pilot with questions

regarding all the region, and learning much, partly true and partly

legendary, of various islands, China, Malacca, and the Indian coast.

Their longest stay is at Timur, where two men desert and which they

leave on Wednesday, February 11, 1522, passing to the south of Sumatra

for fear of the Portuguese. On the way to the cape, some, constrained

by hunger, wish to stop at the Portuguese settlement at Mozambique, but

the majority, loving honor more than life, decide that they must return

to Spain at all hazards. For nine weeks they are buffeted about the

cape, which is finally doubled in May, but only after the loss of a

mast. They sail for two months longer without fresh supplies, and

finally on Wednesday, July 9, reach Santiago, one of the Cape Verde

Islands. Sending a boat ashore, with a story invented to throw the

Portuguese off the scent, they are given two boatloads of rice for

their merchandise. They are surprised to find themselves out one day in

their reckoning, a fact that puzzles Pigafetta, until he finds out the

reason later, for he has been most sedulous in setting down the record

of each day. The boat with thirteen men returns once more, but the

secret leaks out in part, and the ship with only eighteen Europeans

(for twenty-one men, counting Europeans and Malays, have died since

leaving Timur, part of whom have been executed for their crimes),

hastily departs to avoid capture. On Saturday, September 6, the ship

enters San Lucar, with most of its crew sick, and on Monday, September

8, they are anchored once more at Seville. Next day, the men visit two

famous shrines in procession to give thanks for their return.

Pigafetta, still restless, goes to Valladolid, where he presents a book

to Cárlos I; to Portugal and France, where he tells his wonderful

experiences; and finally to Venice in Italy, where he proposes to pass

the remainder of his days.

Especially valuable to the student in Philippiniana is the short

description of the Philippines by Chao Ju-kua, who probably wrote in

the thirteenth century, more than a century before the first European

discovery. Chao Ju-kua’s information seems to have been obtained

personally from Chinese traders to the Philippines, and although very

imperfect and all too short, one can identify almost certainly the

islands of Luzón, Mindoro, Mindanao, Paragua, and the Visayas. The

people are slightly described; and various products of the islands are

given and trading methods described. The existence in the first-named

island of small statues of Buddha is interesting and probably points to

a long-continued intercourse between Chinese and Filipinos.

Guido de Lavezaris writes to Felipe II (May 30, 1565), referring

briefly to his participation in the Villalobos expedition, and his

subsequent journey to Spain to give information thereof; also his

participation in a Florida exploration expedition under Tristan de

Arellano. After aiding in the preparation of Legazpi’s fleet, he

sails with it as treasurer. He asks royal reward in behalf of his

services in introducing the ginger plant, which has thriven so

abundantly, into Nueva España; of which he has been cheated by

Francisco de Mendoca who had promised to negotiate it for him.

Legazpi’s expedition has reached the Philippines in sixty-four days,

and the Spaniards are now settled at Cebú, the best center of all that

region, first reaching that island April 27, 1565. Samples of gold,

wax, and cinnamon are sent to Spain; and supplies are urgently

requested for entrance must be effected by force of arms.

By the same vessel, Andrés de Mirandaola, the factor, writes to Felipe

II. The expedition reaches the Filipinas February 16, 1565. There is

much land thereabout included in the Spanish demarcation, but it may be

necessary to conquer it by force of arms in order to introduce the

Catholic religion, for the natives are a treacherous and warlike race.

The products yet ascertained are gold, wax, and cinnamon, and the trade

therein will increase if fostered by the Spaniards. Natives of the

Moluccas, in alliance with the Portuguese, have made a disastrous raid

in Bohol, where Legazpi remains for a few days, and have caused great

loss and consternation among the natives. Lavezaris and Mirandaola

explore a portion of Mindanao, where they ascertain the products and

trade relations, and make peace and trade relations with the chief of

Butuan; at which place they hear accounts of Borneo. The fleet goes to

Cebú, where they settle after a slight skirmish with the natives, with

whom after vexatious delays, peace and friendship are in a fair way to

be made. The Spaniards find there the Santo Niño and two culverins,

probably of the time of Magalhães. Cebú is densely populated with a

warlike and treacherous race. Urdaneta is returning in the ship which

is about to leave to find the return route, under command of Felipe de

Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre. Men and supplies are needed by the

colonists. Mirandaola asks royal confirmation of his office and an

increase in salary.

This is followed by a letter from Guido de Lavezaris (July 25, 1567),

in which reference is made to his letter of 1565 and his services. The

“San Geronimo” despatched from Nueva España in 1566, has arrived,

with news of the discovery of the return route, after a voyage flavored

with hardship and mutiny; Legazpi and the royal officials sending a

detailed relation. Mountains full of cinnamon have been found at Cauit

in Mindanao, but in order to be benefitted thereby, a settlement in

that region is necessary, and also as a menace to the Portuguese who

pass by there en route from Malacca to the Moluccas. Two Portuguese

ships anchor at Cebú July 10, 1567, with letters from Pereira, in

which the Spaniards are ordered to forsake their settlement and go to

India. Pereira has received orders to drive them from the land and is

even now on his way thither with nine ships and eight hundred soldiers.

The Portuguese together with the Ternatans have committed many

depredations among the Philippines. The natives of the rest of the

Moluccas are generally well disposed toward the Spanish; and the

Tidorans are compelled to pay an annual tribute to the Portuguese. The

Portuguese ships leave Cebú in thirteen days, but in that time,

Lavezaris has managed to borrow a map and navigation chart from them,

of which he copies the portion of the land in the Spanish demarcation.

This he encloses with his letter.

The following day, July 26, the royal officials write to the king,

giving somewhat more detailed information on some points than Lavezaris

has done. The Cebuans and other natives make peace with Legazpi after

the departure of the “San Pedro” in 1565, but they are a faithless

race, who easily abandon their homes on the show of force. Legazpi

wisely refrains from war with them, and consequently the colonists are

still alive. The cinnamon obtained in barter is about to be sent to

Nueva España. Mindanao, which has gold, has been taken possession of

for Spain. Cebú has been visited by Moros from Luzón and Mindoro, who

trade gold and rice for silver and pearls; and they report active trade

with the Chinese. A mutiny in Cebú, November 28, 1565, is quelled and

Legazpi mercifully pardons most of the offenders. The troubles and

mutinies of the “San Geronimo” are graphically related. Relations

with the Portuguese are discussed, in which it is seen that Legazpi

attempts to gain time. Goiti succeeds Mateo del Saz in the office of

master-of-camp because of the latter’s death. The royal officials ask

for an increase in salary, and state the need of men and supplies,

which are ill supplied from Nueva España. A beginning has been made in

the conversion; but for greater stability married colonists are needed.

Under date of July 8, 1569, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes to the

viceroy of Nueva España, the marquis of Falces, congratulating him on

his appointment. He gives various data in regard to the islands of

Luzón, Borneo, Panay, and Mindanao. The wealthy village of Manila is

only seventy leguas from Cebú. Gold is very abundant throughout the

islands and is possessed by all the natives, but they never mine more

than will suffice for their immediate wants. Merchants from Luzón,

Borneo, and Joló go through the islands constantly seeking gold and

slaves. The natives are arrogant and the rule is one of might, for they

have no real rulers. Soldiers are not needed to conquer the land; they

have done much damage, and the natives are afraid of them, so much so

that they abandon villages at their approach. The natives are mostly

heathens, although there are some Moros; and they could be easily

converted. Legazpi is to blame for his inaction. More harmony is

needed. Notwithstanding the abundance of supplies in the islands,

famine prevails. There are no boats with which to get out the valuable

and abundant timber. A settlement in the Philippines is necessary if

the Spanish king desires to conquer China. The religious have not yet

begun to baptize in earnest because they are uncertain whether the

colony is to be permanent.

Diego de Herrera, O.S.A., also writes (July 25, 1570) to Felipe II, in

somewhat the same vein, stating the need for governmental reform; for

men who understand warfare; and the bad treatment of natives by

Spaniards. He inveighs against the removal from Cebu, the strongest

site of the islands seen hitherto, to Panay, which is swampy and

unhealthful. He advises against the concession of the petition of the

Spaniards to allow them to plunder and enslave the Moros. The Moros of

Luzón are scarcely so more than in name and in abstinence from pork,

and are of very recent date. Those of Borneo are only slightly more

established and only live along the coast. Herrera petitions that

regular supplies be given the religious from Nueva España until the

Philippines furnish sufficient support. Although they have generally

refrained from baptism, because of their uncertainty as to the

permanence of their colony, they will, now that that uncertainty has

ceased, give themselves to the work.

This is followed by a series of documents bound together (1568–70)

consisting of royal communications to and concerning Legazpi. An

official letter bearing the king’s rubric (November 16, 1568) replies

to two letters of Legazpi written in 1567. He is ordered to continue

his policy in the islands. The matter of galleys will receive

consideration, as will the question of supplies, which will be sent

from Nueva España. He must attend carefully to the conversion of the

natives. Encomiendas may be assigned with certain reservations to the

crown. Moros may be enslaved if they try to preach Mahometanism. A

report on slavery among the Filipinos is to be sent to the royal

Council of the Indies. All the Portuguese among the colonists must be

sent to Spain as they are a menace to the new colony. By a document

dated August 6, 1569, Legazpi is granted the lieutenancy of a fort in

Cebú, and shall be received as such, and shall perform the duties

incumbent upon that office. On the fourteenth of the same month and

year, he is also granted by royal concession the title of governor of

the Ladrones. Legazpi is to take possession of the islands for Spain,

and he shall be received as governor and captain-general therein with

the ordinary powers, and perquisites, and a salary of two thousand

ducados. A document of the same date confers upon Legazpi the title of

adelantado of the Ladrones. Royal instructions of August 28, 1569,

consisting of twenty-two sections, outline the policy to be followed by

Legazpi in the Ladrones. These instructions cover such points as

colonization, treatment of the natives, fortification, religion and

conversion, civil government and public officers, industry, and trade.

The final document of the series concedes to Legazpi (August 29, 1570),

a grant of two thousand ducados.

The letter of Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A. (June 6, 1573), discusses

general conditions in the islands. Ortega narrates the death of Legazpi

on August 21, 1572, which is greatly deplored by all for his good

qualities and government. Juan de Salcedo has returned from

explorations in Luzon, during which he has circumnavigated the

island—the first to accomplish that feat. An expedition sent out by

Lavezaris fails to discover anything new, the soldiers only overrunning

the district formerly explored, where they commit many depredations on

the natives, many of whom are killed, while others flee before the

Spaniard. The present of gold sent to the king is wrung from the poor

natives and is only a trifle when compared to the vast expenses already

incurred in Legazpi’s expedition. The only just sources of profit

will be the cinnamon and the exploiting of the gold mines, and even

this will mean the destruction of the natives. The viceroy should not

trust only to what relation Juan Pacheco, who is going to Nueva

España, may give, for he is biassed in favor of the governor for

favors received. Authentic news and information may be had from Diego

de Herrera, who is going to Nueva España and Spain to report

concerning secular and ecclesiastical affairs. Ortega complains

bitterly of Lavezaris who is a man of bias and passion, and unfair to

the religious and the Indians and poor Spaniards. He should be retired

as he is over seventy years of age. He has done wrong in regranting

vacant encomiendas that had reverted to the crown, which is contrasted

strongly with Legazpi’s steadfast refusal to do so. The population of

the island has been greatly overestimated. If a new governor is not

appointed, an efficient visitor should at least be sent. Ortega lauds

Juan de Salcedo and Juan de Moron (the latter of whom has been sent

under unjust arrest to Nueva España) and asks rewards for them. He

bewails the fact that the Chinese exploration planned by Legazpi and so

desired by the religious has not been carried out mainly because of the

opposition of Lavezaris and his friend. He offers himself anew to

accompany the expedition if it is reorganized, and suggests the

exploration of the island of Cauchill, which belongs to China, and has

a rich export trade in pepper and Moluccan cloves.

At about the same time as the above letter, must have been written the

undated memoranda for Diego de Herrera who sails for Nueva España in

1573 to inform the king of various abuses, and to report on the

islands, and make various requests. The memoranda paint the condition

of the conquest in the darkest colors, dilating on the cruelty of the

Spaniards, which has caused the name of Spaniard to be hated by the

Filipino. Justice is almost an unknown quality, and sentences are

adjudged in favor of him who pays most. Retaliation for injuries

inflicted by the Filipinos is the order of the day, without any heed as

to whether the guilty person is punished or not. Many raids are made;

and the land is divided into encomiendas, although not yet pacified.

The encomenderos only bleed, but do not protect their natives. Slavery

is common among the natives and for various reasons, and the Spaniards

are quick to make use of the institution unjustly. Various requests,

some for reform, are to be made. Above all the wrong to the natives

should be corrected, and an investigation made regarding the slaves

held unjustly. Honest men should be sent to inspect conditions. Two

hospitals are needed, and religious are extremely necessary. Two

secular priests are requested to look after the Spaniards. If the

Chinese expedition is despatched, the Augustinians wish to be

preferred. Aid is needed for the support of the religious. If slavery

is allowed various measures are needed regulating it, and the final

word regarding slaves should be said by the religious. Natives should

not be taken on raids against their will. The chief products of the

islands are gold, pearls, spices, and drugs, and the nearby mainlands

are rich.

Under date of June 30, 1574, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes the viceroy

of Nueva España, discussing events and conditions among the Spaniards

and Filipinos. He also draws a dark picture of the rapacity of the

Spaniards, who molest the Filipinos by unjust raids and excessive

demands for tribute. An expedition made to the Bicol River and

Camarines by Salcedo and Chaves has met success only after considerable

opposition from the natives who are the bravest of Luzón, and who meet

heavy losses in consequence. Chaves is left in Ilocos with a small band

to effect a colony. Rada encloses a copy of his “Opinion” regarding

tributes. Notwithstanding contrary reports, the islands are but

slightly pacified; the natives are restless and piracy is frequent.

Unjust wars are waged upon the natives, notwithstanding that the

Spaniards attempt to shield themselves behind Urdaneta and Rada. The

entrance into Manila was a travesty on justice. The governor takes and

solicits bribes, and pays but little attention to the natives. Rada

retains those religious who wish to return to Nueva España because of

the general conditions. An epidemic of smallpox has spared “neither

childhood, youth, nor old age,” and many have died. The document

closes with a recital of the classes and causes of slavery among the

natives in which many characteristics of the Filipinos are mentioned.

In a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials (July 17, 1574), the

king is congratulated on the birth of a son, to whom a present is sent,

and also on the great battle of Lepanto won over the Turks by Don Juan

of Austria. Ilocos has been divided into encomiendas, while Camarines

has been explored and pacified and the land is to be assigned. An

attack from Borneo was expected in 1573, but late reports are to the

effect that that king desires friendship with the Spaniards. A chief of

Mindanao has also signified his desire for peace. There is a steady

trade with China, but the Chinese cargoes do not prove very valuable.

The king is asked to reorganize commercial communication with Spain and

allow private vessels. Cinnamon is abundant, although but little can be

shipped for lack of space. Dire need prevails throughout the islands,

which is not relieved by the royal officials of Mexico, as they claim

to be without royal commission for it. Legazpi had failed to show

certain royal decrees, and the king is asked to order the governor not

to meddle with the affairs of the royal officials. The trouble with the

Augustinians over the tribute is related from the standpoint of the

royal officials, the Augustinians going so far as to assert that the

king has no legal title in the islands. However, the tribute is being

collected on the lines laid out by Legazpi. The officials (Cauchela and

Aldave, for Mirandaola has been sent under arrest to Nueva España)

petition an increase of salary; and Aldave the confirmation of his

appointment as treasurer, given him because of Lavezaris’s

appointment to the governorship.

Hernando Riquel, governmental notary, gives (June 2, 1576) a list of

encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. These include the islands of Cebú,

Panay, Mindanao, Leyte, Luzón, Mindoro, Lubán, Elin, Imarás, Masbat,

Capul, Mazagua, Maripipi, Camiguinin, Tablas, Cubuyan, Bohol,

Bantayán, Marenduque, Donblón (Romblón), Bantón, and Negros. Many

of the names of the early conquistadors are given, and the document

possesses value as it denotes early attempts at estimation of

population, although those estimates are only vague and very

inadequate.

Loarca’s letter of June 15, 1580, complaining of the enmity of

Governor Sande, who hates him because he went on the Chinese expedition

by order of Lavezaris, while he (Sande) was inside the islands,

complains that false reports are sent regarding the conquests, and

hence there is a waste of money. He fears to be too specific in his

letter lest his letters go astray. He asks for aid, for he has received

no salary for some years, and has even spent his own money for public

purposes, and has become poor.

In the name of all his brethren, Pablo de Jesus, soon to be elected

custodian of the Franciscans in Manila, writes (June 18, 1580) to Pope

Gregory XIII a letter (partly doctrinal), giving account of the voyage

of the first Franciscan missionaries to the Philippines. On the journey

thither a short halt is made at one of the Ladrones, of whose

inhabitants the father gives a brief description. At Manila the

Augustinians, hitherto the sole religious order in the islands, give

them a hearty welcome, but report discouraging progress among the

aborigines. Undaunted however, the new missionaries set to work with a

will and soon obtain marked results. The evil influence of

Mahometanism, which has entered by way of Borneo has made itself felt

among some of the natives, but yet with a sufficient supply of

missionaries, the Filipinos, whose customs (social and religious) are

briefly described, would soon be converted to the faith. The first

Franciscan expedition to China, under the guidance of Pedro de Alfaro,

which left Manila, May 20, 1579, is also described, and the Chinese

characterized. Pablo de Jesus begs the pope to order the authorities in

Manila to cease offering obstructions to those religious who desire to

go to China to evangelize that great empire.

On October 17, 1581, a council of various religious assembled by Bishop

Salazar to discuss the question of the liberation of native slaves held

by Spaniards, which has been ordered by a royal decree decide: 1. That

an old decree of 1530 prohibits the Spaniards to enslave the natives of

the Indies; and that that decree was sufficient by itself to cause all

slaves to be freed. Consequently, the new decree must be obeyed. 2.

There is not any just reason for awaiting a new order because of

petition, for such petition is only a subterfuge to gain time and

postpone the liberation of the slaves. 3. The slaves must be freed

immediately, although they may be ordered to remain with their masters

for twenty or thirty days, in order to give the latter time to adapt

themselves to the sudden change.

Of distinct ecclesiastical as well as historical interest is Bishop

Salazar’s document of December 21, 1581, creating and establishing

the cathedral church of Manila. He provides for the appointment of the

various ecclesiastical offices, such as dean, archdeacon, chanter,

schoolmaster, treasurer, canons, prebendaries, racioneros,

half-racioneros, acolytes, chaplains, sacristan, organist, beadle,

econome, notary of the chapter, and the peculiar office of dog-catcher,

and outlines the duties of all and names the salary each is to receive.

Much of interest is said on the subject of tithes and revenues,

benefices, the various parish churches that exist or may be

established, and their priests, the failure of duty of any official,

chapter meetings (which must occur twice each week), church services,

etc. A question to assume vast proportions later, namely, the royal

patronage, presentation for benefices, and the episcopal jurisdiction

also receives mention. This document presents in germ the

ecclesiastical government of Manila.

Antonio Sedeño, S. J., one of the first of his order to come to the

Philippines (he having accompanied Bishop Salazar, in company with one

other priest—Alonso Sanchez—and two lay-brothers), writes to Felipe

II, June 17, 1583, requesting that the governor be appointed from a

resident of the islands, instead of sending a new man from Spain to

fill that post. Thereby will great occasion for graft be avoided, and

the royal expenses be greatly reduced, while the whole land will

benefit. He suggests the appointment of Juan Baptista Roman, the

factor, a prudent man, who has always opposed wrong. He also requests

permission to found a seminary in order that the Jesuits may remain in

the country and fulfil their obligations; and royal aid for such

foundation.

One day after the date of the above letter (June 18), the bishop

Domingo de Salazar writes to Felipe II, urging the establishment of a

Jesuit college by royal aid, because of the great advantage that will

ensue therefrom. He mentions in general the same reasons for such

establishment as are urged by Sedeño; and dwells upon the saving to

the royal treasury and the advantage to the land at large. He asks that

districts be divided justly among the religious and seculars, and that

the members of no order preempt a larger territory than they can attend

to. This has caused friction between himself and the religious, which

will be eliminated by a royal order to the above effect.

An anonymous relation translated from a printed pamphlet, which bears

neither place nor date, follows. Internal evidence shows it to have

been written by a religious—Augustinian, Franciscan, or Jesuit,

preferably the second—and before 1587 (the year of the arrival of the

Dominicans), notwithstanding that the British Museum copy (whence our

transcript was procured) queries the date 1595. This relation contains

many valuable observations on the islands, and their people, products,

and history. The greater part of it consists of a description of the

four provinces of Luzón, viz., that of the Tagalogs and Pampangos,

Ilocos, Cagayan, and Camarines. The author mentions the important fact

that the Tagálogs are mistakenly called Moros, but they are not and

have never been Moros. Continuing his relation, the religious describes

Borneo briefly and gives the salient points of Sande’s campaign

there. The Visayans and their islands are touched upon, some little

space being devoted to the first Spanish settlement at Cebú, whence

the Spaniards move to Panay after the negotiations with and assault by

the Portuguese under Pereira. More men and religious are needed to

develop the Philippines and to christianize them thoroughly.

The factor, Juan Baptista Roman, writes to Felipe II (July 2, 1588),

relating the chief events of Thomas Candish’s memorable expedition

through a portion of the Philippine archipelago. He complains bitterly

of the apathy of the governor in not pursuing the English pirate, who

is only 22 or 23 years old, and says that good time is wasted by

attempting to strengthen the city of Manila to the abandonment of all

idea of pursuit. He suggests means by which such expeditions may be

rendered impossible in the future. The usual cry of inefficient

administration and useless expense is made, as an offset to which Roman

proposes the encouragement of private shipping instead of the use of

the royal vessels therefor, by means of which the governor, who engages

in trade on his own account, becomes rich at the expense and loss of

the royal treasury. Finally, the stone fort being built at Manila is

useless as it is old style and incapable of defending the city.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas in a letter to either the viceroy of Nueva

España or some high official in Spain (June 21, 1591) devotes himself

almost entirely to military affairs. He has introduced system and

discipline where it was lacking before, and has built a barracks for

the soldiers. He complains greatly of the insubordination of the

soldiers there before his arrival and the bad example that they furnish

to the new soldiers. He has also constructed a stone wall about the

city, which gives an appearance of stability and renders the city

secure. He asks that he be allowed to reward the services of gentlemen

and soldiers who have accompanied him. The provinces of Zambales and

Cagayan, which were in revolt have been pacified, and Dasmariñas

suggests the advisability of a Spanish colony in the latter, on account

of its proximity to China, and its good harbor. He is having

considerable trouble with the bishop and friars who oppose him in

everything, and act as though they were the rulers of the country.

In 1599, a series of three documents concerning the procuratorship of

Tomás Marquez, of the Philippines, and the methods of the Spanish

provincials of the Augustinian Order, and addressed to the pope (then

Clement VIII), shows well the political means employed by the

Augustinians in Spain in their efforts to retain in their own hands the

balance of power as over against that of the Augustinians of the

Spanish provinces. The first is a short petition from the above father

praying that he be restored to his position as procurator-general of

the Philippines, of which he has been deprived by the Spanish

provincial, and that he be allowed to take to the islands those of his

order who desire to accompany him. The second paper has also the same

end as the first, but is more specific, as it gives more at length the

various methods employed by the Spanish provincials. Marquez prays that

the order in the Philippines be subject only to the general of the

whole order and not to the Spanish provincials, who claim jurisdiction

as vicars-general. The Spanish provincials endeavor to govern the order

in the Philippines and other provinces of the Indies, not for the good

of the whole order, but for their own interests, using therein methods

that are contrary to the constitution and laws of the order, and, in

addition, wrong morally. The offscourings of the Spanish convents are

sent to the islands instead of men fitted for the task, and those of

the latter class who desire are not permitted to go. The third document

is evidently the report of the nuncio, and gives the reasons why the

Augustinian provinces of the Indies are not subject to the provincials

of Spain, but only to the general of the whole order. The pretext upon

which the Spanish province urges leadership is the fact that the first

Augustinian establishment in the New World was under its auspices.

Since ordered to resign all rights to the office of vicar-general by

the general chapter of Rome 1592, the provincial has done so.

The king, by a royal decree of January 17, 1593, addressed to Bishop

Salazar, notifies him that the governor has been ordered to take

possession of the hospitals for the natives in Manila in accordance

with the king’s right as patron of the hospitals.

Ecclesiastical matters are discussed in a letter from the Manila

ecclesiastical cabildo to Felipe III (July 3, 1602). The royal

Audiencia is trying to force the ecclesiastical judge to make arrests

by its aid; but such a course would involve much time and expense to

the wretched Indian, whose case as now conducted by the ecclesiastical

judge is summarily completed, while recourse to the Audiencia would

bring into play all the slow legal machinery. Such ecclesiastical

arrests are only made in order to correct sin. Some of the religious

orders in Manila claim royal concession for universities and

appointments therein. Such a course would be unfair to the seculars,

for even now the religious have all the best things, and if they found

universities, the seculars will have nothing to which to aspire, while

the lure of an appointment to a professorship would cause them to take

heart and study hard, so that the cathedral would always have men of

learning. The Jesuits desire to use the money restored from the

tributes collected by the encomenderos, as a result of Salazar’s

contentions, for the founding of a hospital. Such use would divert it

from its true employment—the ransoming of Filipino captives and the

aiding of their hospitals, and therefore the cabildo petitions that the

request be not acceded to. The Jesuits are trying to obtain the

ecclesiastical jurisdiction of a town opposite Manila (which is now

administered by a secular cura) where they have some years before

bought an estate, and have been gradually acquiring all the land which

they have rented to the Chinese. In addition the Jesuits are also

attempting to obtain the spiritual administration of San Miguel, a

small village outside Manila, now administered by seculars. The cabildo

petitions that the curas now in charge of these two places be allowed

to retain them. The Augustinians have also been guilty of depriving the

seculars of their jurisdiction in Cavite and in the chapel of Nuestra

Señora de Guia. And so unbridled are they that they resist the visitor

sent out by their own order. The Franciscans, in spite of their

humility, have built a church at Dilao on their own authority. Thus the

royal patronage is transcended, and the governor has been cognizant

thereto, through his partiality to the orders. The cabildo asks that

the alms generally given to the religious be also granted to the

cathedral, for it is very poor. In the cathedral is a bench for the

wives of the auditors and another for the officials of the Holy

Office—both unusual in other cathedrals. The bench belonging to the

Holy Office has led to the excommunication of one of the canons of the

cathedral who moved it one day, through the passion engendered in the

commissary, a Dominican religious. The cabildo asks that both benches

be removed, and that justice be shown them, as they are unable to send

anyone to Spain to plead their case, as do the religious.

The condition of the redoubt or fort of Manila is discussed in a letter

to Felipe III by its castellan Bernardino Maldonado (June 21, 1605).

Many interesting deductions as to the social and economic conditions of

Manila can be made from this document. Like so many other documents,

this is one of complaint and shows the inefficiency of the government.

The fort is poorly garrisoned and almost neglected in spite of its

importance (as it is used as the arsenal) and the efforts of its

castellan. The garrison is only of fifty men (although Tello had

promised to increase it at the earnest solicitation of Maldonado) and

those are the offscourings of the camp. A lieutenant appointed has to

enter suit in order to receive his pay. The artillerymen should live in

the fort and should not be taken elsewhere, and should be experienced

men, and not those who receive appointments through favor. Tello has

used part of the artillery against Oliver van Noordt, and it was in

consequence lost, and now Acuña proposes to take a portion of the few

pieces left on his Maluco expedition. Maldonado’s efforts to prepare

for the feared Chinese insurrection of 1603 were not encouraging, and

he was quite unable to obtain food, and was even compelled to aid the

other soldiers with what little he did have. Since that insurrection,

the Chinese merchants have come to the city each year, and have been

housed partly in the city among the inhabitants, as their alcaicería

was burned, although the Parián is now rebuilt. Maldonado complains of

the companies formed from Filipinos in whom he sees grave danger. The

soldiers of the fort are ill paid, and inasmuch as they are permanently

in the fort and make no raids, as do the other soldiers, they suffer

considerably. Consequently, Maldonado asks that they be paid first, and

that their pay of six reals be raised. Arms are needed, especially

arquebuses and muskets. Finally Maldonado mentions his own services and

asks for various rewards for his faithfulness.