CHAPTER II

_The Portuguese have no right by title of discovery to sovereignty

over the East Indies to which the Dutch make voyages_

The Portuguese are not sovereigns of those parts of the East Indies

to which the Dutch sail, that is to say, Java, Ceylon,* and many of

the Moluccas. This I prove by the incontrovertible argument that no

one is sovereign of a thing which he himself has never possessed,

and which no one else has ever held in his name. These islands of

which we speak, now have and always have had their own kings, their

own government, their own laws, and their own legal systems. The

inhabitants allow the Portuguese to trade with them, just as they

allow other nations the same privilege. Therefore, inasmuch as the

Portuguese pay tolls, and obtain leave to trade from the rulers

there, they thereby give sufficient proof that they do not go there

as sovereigns but as foreigners. Indeed they only reside there on

suffrance. And although the title to sovereignty is not sufficient,

inasmuch as possession is a prerequisite--for having a thing is

quite different from having the right to acquire it--nevertheless I

affirm that in those places the Portuguese have no title at all to

sovereignty which is not denied them by the opinion of learned men,

even of the Spaniards.

* [Taprobane was the ancient name of Ceylon. Milton speaks of it in

Paradise Regained IV, 75:

“And utmost Indian Isle Taprobane.”]

First of all, if they say that those lands have come under their

jurisdiction as the reward of discovery, they lie, both in law and in

fact. For to discover a thing is not only to seize it with the eyes

but to take real possession thereof,

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ostenditur;[17a] unde Grammatici[18a] invenire et occupare pro

verbis ponunt idem significantibus; et tota Latinitas quod adepti

sumus, id demum invenisse nos dicit, cui oppositum est perdere. Quin

et ipsa naturalis ratio, et legum diserta verba, et eruditiorum

interpretatio[19a] manifeste ostendit, ad titulum dominii parandum

eam demum sufficere inventionem quae cum possessione coniuncta est,

ubi scilicet res mobiles apprehenduntur, aut immobiles terminis atque

custodia sepiuntur;[20a] quod in hac specie dici nullo modo potest.

Nam praesidia illic Lusitani nulla habent. Quid quod ne reperisse

quidem Indiam ullo modo dici possunt Lusitani, quae tot a saeculis

fuerat celeberrima. Iam ab Horati tempore:[21a]

_Impiger extremos currit mercator ad Indos

Per mare pauperiem fugiens._

Taprobanes pleraque quam exacte nobis Romani descripsere?[22a] Iam

vero et ceteras insulas ante Lusitanos non

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as Gordian[17] points out in one of his letters. For that reason

the Grammarians[18] give the same signification to the expressions

‘to find’ and ‘to occupy’; and all Latinity applies the phrase

‘we have found’ only to the thing which ‘we have seized’; and the

opposite of this is ‘to lose’. However, natural reason itself, the

precise words of the law, and the interpretation of the more learned

men[19] all show clearly that the act of discovery is sufficient

to give a clear title of sovereignty only when it is accompanied

by actual possession. And this only applies of course to movables

or to such immovables as are actually inclosed within fixed bounds

and guarded.[20] No such claim can be established in the present

case, because the Portuguese maintain no garrisons in those regions.

Neither can the Portuguese by any possible means claim to have

discovered India, a country which was famous centuries and centuries

ago! It was already known as early as the time of the emperor

Augustus as the following quotation from Horace shows:

“_That worst of evils, poverty, to shun

Dauntless through seas, and rocks, and fires you run

To furthest Ind_,”[21]

And have not the Romans described for us in the most exact way the

greater part of Ceylon?[22] And as far as the other islands are

concerned, not only the neighboring

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finitimi tantum Persae et Arabes, sed Europaei etiam, praecipue

Veneti noverant.

Praeterea inventio nihil iuris tribuit, nisi in ea quae ante

inventionem nullius fuerant.[23a] Atqui Indi cum ad eos Lusitani

venerunt, etsi partim idololatrae, partim Mahumetani erant,

gravibusque peccatis involuti, nihilominus publice atque privatim

rerum possessionumque suarum dominium habuerunt, quod illis sine

iusta causa eripi non potuit.[24a] Ita certissimis rationibus post

alios auctores maximi nominis concludit Hispanus Victoria:[25a] ‘Non

possunt’, inquit, ‘Christiani saeculares aut Ecclesiastici potestate

civili et principatu privare infideles, eo dumtaxat titulo, quia

infideles sunt, nisi ab eis alia iniuria profecta sit’.

Fides enim, ut recte inquit Thomas[26a] non tollit ius naturale aut

humanum ex quo dominia profecta sunt. Immo credere infideles non esse

rerum suarum dominos, haereticum est; et res ab illis possessas illis

ob hoc ipsum eripere furtum est et rapina, non minus quam si idem

fiat Christianis.

Recte igitur dicit Victoria[27a] non magis ista ex causa Hispanis ius

in Indos quaesitum, quam Indis fuisset in Hispanos, si qui illorum

priores in Hispaniam venissent. Neque vero sunt Indi Orientis amentes

et insensati, sed

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Persians and Arabs, but even Europeans, particularly the Venetians,

knew them long before the Portuguese did.

But in addition to all this, discovery _per se_ gives no legal

rights over things unless before the alleged discovery they were

_res nullius_.[23] Now these Indians of the East, on the arrival

of the Portuguese, although some of them were idolators, and some

Mohammedans, and therefore sunk in grievous sin, had none the less

perfect public and private ownership of their goods and possessions,

from which they could not be dispossessed without just cause.[24] The

Spanish writer Victoria,[25] following other writers of the highest

authority, has the most certain warrant for his conclusion that

Christians, whether of the laity or of the clergy, cannot deprive

infidels of their civil power and sovereignty merely on the ground

that they are infidels, unless some other wrong has been done by them.

For religious belief, as Thomas Aquinas[26] rightly observes, does

not do away with either natural or human law from which sovereignty

is derived. Surely it is a heresy to believe that infidels are not

masters of their own property; consequently, to take from them their

possessions on account of their religious belief is no less theft and

robbery than it would be in the case of Christians.

Victoria then is right in saying[27] that the Spaniards have no more

legal right over the East Indians because of their religion, than the

East Indians would have had over the Spaniards if they had happened

to be the first foreigners to come to Spain. Nor are the East Indians

stupid and unthinking; on the contrary they are intelligent and

shrewd,

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ingeniosi et solertes, ita ut ne hinc quidem praetextus subiciendi

possit desumi, qui tamen per se satis est manifestae iniquitatis.

Iam olim Plutarchus πρόφασιν πλεονεξίας fuisse dicit ἡμερῶσαι

τὰ βαρβαρικὰ,* improbam scilicet alieni cupiditatem hoc sibi

velum obtendere, quod barbariem mansuefacit. Et nunc etiam color

ille redigendi invitas gentes ad mores humaniores, qui Graecis

olim et Alexandro usurpatus est, a Theologis omnibus, praesertim

Hispanis,[28a] improbus atque impius censetur.

* [Plutarch, Pompeius LXX].

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so that a pretext for subduing them on the ground of their character

could not be sustained. Such a pretext on its very face is an

injustice. Plutarch said long ago that the civilizing of barbarians

had been made the pretext for aggression, which is to say that

a greedy longing for the property of another often hides itself

behind such a pretext. And now that well-known pretext of forcing

nations into a higher state of civilization against their will, the

pretext once seized by the Greeks and by Alexander the Great,* is

considered by all theologians, especially those of Spain,[28] to be

unjust and unholy.

* [Cf. Plutarch, Of the Fortune or Virtue of Alexander the Great I,

5].

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CAPVT III

_Lusitanos in Indos non habere ius dominii titulo donationis

Pontificiae_

Secundo si Pontificis Alexandri Sexti divisione utentur, ante omnia

illud attendendum est, volueritne Pontifex contentiones tantum

Lusitanorum et Castellanorum dirimere, quod potuit sane, ut lectus

inter illos arbiter, sicut et ipsi Reges iam ante inter se ea de re

foedera quaedam pepigerant;[29a] et hoc si ita est, cum res inter

alios acta sit, ad ceteras gentes non pertinebit; an vero prope

singulos mundi trientes duobus populis donare. Quod etsi voluisset,

et potuisset Pontifex, non tamen continuo sequeretur dominos eorum

locorum esse Lusitanos, cum donatio dominum non faciat, sed secuta

traditio;[30a] quare et huic causae possessio deberet accedere.

Tum vero si quis ius ipsum sive divinum sive humanum scrutari volet,

non autem ex commodo suo metiri, facile

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The freedom of the seas · 第 2 / 13 章