[49:A] _Deseret News_, November 18, 1857.

[52:A] John Hyde, Jr., in his work on Mormonism, page 146, says:

"Fillmore, by the advice and intercession of Col. Kane, _who had

embraced Mormonism in Iowa_, appointed Brigham as the Governor of

Utah."

CHAPTER V.

POLITICAL HISTORY CONTINUED.

The Mountain Meadow Massacre and other Crimes of the Mormons.

--Attempts to bring the Perpetrators to Justice.--Doings of

Judge Cradlebaugh.--Governor Cumming and the Military Officers.

--Judge Sinclair's Court.--Governor Dawson and his Misfortune.

--New Governor and Associate Justices appointed.

The darkest chapter of Mormon history is now before us. It becomes my

duty to relate one of the most perfidious acts of cruelty and wholesale

butchery to be found in the annals of this or any other country. In

doing so, free use will be made of the statements of Judge Cradlebaugh

and others who were thoroughly conversant with all the facts.

The following is from the able speech of Judge Cradlebaugh, delivered in

the House of Representatives on the 7th of February, 1863:--

"As one of the Associate Justices of the Territory of Utah, in

the month of April, 1859, I commenced and held a term of the

District Court for the Second Judicial District, in the city

of Provo, about sixty miles south of Salt Lake City. Upon my

requisition, Gen. A. S. Johnson, in command of the military

department, furnished a small military force for the purpose

of protecting the court. A grand jury was empanelled, and

their attention was pointedly and specifically called to a

great number of crimes that had been committed in the

immediate vicinity,--cases of public notoriety, both as to the

offence and the persons who had perpetrated the same; (for

none of these things had "been done in a corner"). Their

perpetrators had scorned alike concealment or apology, before

the arrival of the American forces. The jury thus instructed,

though kept in session two weeks, utterly refused to do

anything, and were finally discharged, as an evidently useless

appendage of a court of justice. But the court was determined

to try a last resource, to bring to light and to punishment

those guilty of the atrocious crimes which confessedly had

been committed in the Territory, and the session continued.

Bench warrants, based upon sworn information, were issued

against the alleged criminals, and United States Marshal

Dotson, a most excellent and reliable officer, aided by a

military _posse_, procured on his own request, had succeeded

in making a few arrests. A general stampede immediately took

place among the Mormons, and what I wish to call your

attention to, as particularly noticeable, is the fact that

this occurred more especially among the church officials and

civil officers. . . .

"Sitting as a committing magistrate, complaint after complaint

was made before me of murders and robberies. Among these I may

mention, as peculiarly and shockingly prominent, the murder of

Forbes, the assassination of the Parrishes and Potter, of

Jones and his mother, of the Aiken party, of which there were

six in all; and, worst and darkest in the appalling catalogue

of blood, the cowardly, cold-blooded butchery and robbery at

the Mountain Meadows. At that time there still lay, all

ghastly, under the sun of Utah, the unburied skeletons of one

hundred and nineteen men, women, and children, the hapless,

hopeless victims of the Mormon creed. . . .

"The scene of this horrible massacre at the Mountain Meadows

is situate about three hundred and twenty miles west of south

from Great Salt Lake City, on the road leading to Los Angelos,

in California. I was the first federal Judge in that part of

the Territory after the occurrence,--my district extending

from a short distance below Salt Lake City to the south end of

the Territory. I determined to visit that part of my district,

and, if possible, expose the persons engaged in the massacre,

which I did in the early part of the year 1859. I accordingly

embraced an opportunity of accompanying a small detachment of

soldiers, who were being sent to that section by Gen.

Johnson,--having requested the Marshal of the Territory to

accompany, or to send a deputy. He accordingly sent deputy

William H. Rodgers, who went with me.

"The command went as far south as the St. Clara, twenty miles

beyond the Mountain Meadows, where we camped, and remained

about a week. During our stay there I was visited by the

Indian chiefs of that section, who gave me their version of

the massacre. They admitted that a portion of their men were

engaged in the massacre, but were not there when the attack

commenced. One of them told me, in the presence of the others,

that after the attack had been made, a white man came to their

camp with a piece of paper, which, he said, _Brigham Young had

sent_, that directed them to go and help to whip the

emigrants. A portion of the band went, but did not assist in

the fight. He gave as a reason, that the emigrants had long

guns, and were good shots. He said that his brother [this

chief's name was Jackson] was shot while running across the

Meadow, at a distance of two hundred yards from the corral

where the emigrants were. He said the Mormons were all

painted. He said the Indians got a part of the clothing; and

gave the names of John D. Lee, President Haight, and Bishop

Higbee, as the big captains. It might be proper here to remark

that the Indians in the southern part of the Territory of Utah

are not numerous, and are a very low, cowardly, beastly set,

very few of them being armed with guns. They are not

formidable. I believe all in the southern part of the

Territory would, under no circumstances, carry on a fight

against ten white men.

"From our camp on the St. Clara we again went back to the

Mountain Meadows, camping near where the massacre had

occurred. The Meadow is about five miles in length and one in

width, running to quite a narrow point at the southwest end,

being higher at the middle than either end. It is the divide

between the waters that flow into the Great Basin and those

emptying into the Colorado River. A very large spring rises in

the south end of the narrow part. It was on the north side of

this spring the emigrants were camped. The bank rises from the

spring eight or ten feet, then extends off to the north about

two hundred yards, on a level. A range of hills is there

reached, rising perhaps fifty or sixty feet. Back of this

range is quite a valley, which extends down until it has an

outlet, three or four hundred yards below the spring, into the

main meadow.

"The first attack was made by going down this ravine, then

following up the bed of the spring to near it, then at

daylight firing upon the men who were about the

camp-fires,--in which attack ten or twelve of the emigrants

were killed or wounded; the stock of the emigrants having

been previously driven behind the hill, and up the ravine.

"The emigrants soon got in condition to repel the attack,

shoved their wagons together, sunk the wheels in the earth,

and threw up quite an intrenchment. The fighting after

continued as a siege; the assailants occupying the hill, and

firing at any of the emigrants that exposed themselves, having

a barricade of stones along the crest of the hill as a

protection. The siege was continued for five days, the

besiegers appearing in the garb of Indians. The Mormons,

seeing that they could not capture the train without making

some sacrifice of life on their part, and getting weary of the

fight, resolved to accomplish by strategy what they were not

able to do by force. The fight had been going on for five

days, and no aid was received from any quarter, although the

family of Jacob Hamlin, the Indian agent, were living in the

upper end of the Meadow, and within hearing of the reports of

the guns.

"Who can imagine the feelings of these men, women, and

children, surrounded, as they supposed themselves to be, by

savages? Fathers and mothers only can judge what they must

have been. Far off, in the Rocky Mountains, without

transportation,--for their cattle, horses and mules had been

run off,--not knowing what their fate was to be,--we can but

poorly realize, the gloom that pervaded the camp.

"A wagon is descried, far up the Meadows. Upon its nearer

approach, it is observed to contain armed men. See! now they

raise a white flag! All is joy in the corral. A general shout

is raised, and in an instant, a little girl, dressed in white,

is placed at an opening between two of the wagons, as a

response to the signal. The wagon approaches; the occupants

are welcomed into the corral, the emigrants little suspecting

that they were entertaining the fiends that had been besieging

them.

"This wagon contained President Haight and Bishop John D. Lee,

among others of the Mormon Church. They professed to be on

good terms with the Indians, and represented the Indians as

being very mad. They also proposed to intercede, and settle

the matter with the Indians. After several hours of parley,

they, having apparently visited the Indians, gave the

ultimatum of the Indians; which was, that the emigrants should

march out of their camp, leaving everything behind them, even

their guns. It was promised by the Mormon bishops that they

would bring a force, and guard the emigrants back to the

settlements.

"The terms were agreed to,--the emigrants being desirous of

saving the lives of their families. The Mormons retired, and

subsequently appeared at the corral with thirty or forty armed

men. The emigrants were marched out, the women and children in

front, and the men behind, the Mormon guard being in the rear.

When they had marched in this way about a mile, at a given

signal, the slaughter commenced. The men were most all shot

down at the first fire from the guard. Two only escaped, who

fled to the desert, and were followed 150 miles before they

were overtaken and slaughtered.

"The women and children ran on, two or three hundred yards

further, when they were overtaken, and with the aid of the

Indians they were slaughtered. Seventeen only of the small

children were saved, the eldest being only seven years. Thus,

on the 10th day of September, 1857, was consummated one of the

most cruel, cowardly, and bloody murders known in our history.

Upon the way from the Meadows, a young Indian pointed out to

me the place where the Mormons painted and disguised

themselves.

"I went from the Meadows to Cedar City; the distance is

thirty-five or forty miles. I contemplated holding an

examining court there, should Gen. Johnson furnish me

protection, and also protect witnesses, and furnish the

Marshal a _posse_ to aid in making arrests. While there I

issued warrants, on affidavits filed before me, for the arrest

of the following named persons:--

"Jacob Haight, President of the Cedar City Stake; Bishop John

M. Higbee and Bishop John D. Lee; Columbus Freeman, William

Slade, John Willis, William Riggs, ---- Ingram, Daniel

McFarlan, William Stewart, Ira Allen and son, Thomas

Cartwright, E. Welean, William Halley, Jabes Nomlen, John

Mangum, James Price, John W. Adair, ---- Tyler, Joseph Smith,

Samuel Pollock, John McFarlan, Nephi Johnson, ---- Thornton,

Joel White, ---- Harrison, Charles Hopkins, Joseph Elang,

Samuel Lewis, Sims Matheney, James Mangum, Harrison Pierce,

Samuel Adair, F. C. McDulange, Wm. Bateman, Ezra Curtis, and

Alexander Loveridge.

"In a few days after arriving at Cedar City, Capt. Campbell

arrived, with his command, from the Meadows; on his return, he

advised me that he had received orders, for his command

entire, to return to Camp Floyd; the General having received

orders from Washington that the military should not be used in

protecting the courts, or in acting as a _posse_ to aid the

Marshal in making arrests.

"While at Cedar City I was visited by a number of apostate

Mormons, who gave me every assurance that they would furnish

an abundance of evidence in regard to the matter so soon as

they were assured of military protection. In fact, some of the

persons engaged in the act came to see me in the night, and

gave a full account of the matter,--intending when protection

was at hand, to become witnesses. They claimed that they had

been forced into the matter by the bishops. Their statements

corroborated what the Indians had previously said to me. Mr.

Rodgers, the Deputy Marshal, was also engaged in hunting up

the children, survivors of the massacre. They were all found

in the custody of the Mormons. Three or four of the eldest

recollect and relate all the incidents of the massacre,

corroborating the statements of the Indians, and the

statements made by the citizens of Cedar City to me.

"These children are now in the south part of Missouri, or

north part of Arkansas; their testimony could soon be taken,

if desired. No one can depict the glee of these infants, when

they realized that they, were in the custody of what they

called 'the Americans,'--for such is the designation of those

not Mormons. They say they never were in the custody of the

Indians. I recollect of one of them, 'John Calvin Sorrow,'

after he found he was safe, and before he was brought away

from Salt Lake City, although not yet nine years of age,

sitting in a contemplative mood, no doubt thinking of the

extermination of his family, saying: 'Oh, I wish I was a man;

I know what I would do; I would shoot John D. Lee; I saw him

shoot my mother.' I shall never forget how he looked.

"Time will not permit me to elaborate the matter. I shall

barely sum up, and refer every member of this House, who may

have the least doubt about the guilt of the Mormons in this

massacre, and the other crimes to which I have alluded, to the

evidence published in the appendix hereto."

To the foregoing thrilling recital, I will only add:--The train

consisted of 40 wagons, 800 head of cattle, and about 60 horses and

mules. As near as can be ascertained, there were about 150 men and

women, besides many children. They passed through Salt Lake City, and

were there joined by some few Mormons, who were disaffected, and sought

to travel under their protection.

A revelation from Brigham Young, as Great Grand Archee, or God, was

despatched to President J. C. Haight, Bishop Higbee, and J. D. Lee,

commanding them to raise all the forces they could muster and trust,

follow those cursed gentiles (so read the revelation), attack them,

disguised as Indians, and with the arrows of the Almighty make a clean

sweep of them, and leave none to tell the tale; and if they needed any

assistance, they were commanded to hire the Indians as their allies,

promising them a share of the booty. They were to be neither slothful

nor negligent in their duty, and to be punctual in sending the teams

back to him before winter set in, for this was the mandate of Almighty

God.

On the following day a council of all the faithful was held at Cedar

City. Many attended from the neighboring settlements; the revelation was

read, and the destiny of the unsuspecting emigrants sealed. Plans were

suggested, discussed, and adopted, and the men designated to carry out

their hellish designs. Instructions were given for them to assemble at a

small spring, but a short distance to the left of the road leading into

the Meadows,--a number of intervening hills rendering it a fit place for

concealment. Here they painted and disguised themselves as Indians, and

when ready to commence operations, by a well-known Indian trail

proceeded to the Meadows.

For the benefit of those who may still be disposed to doubt the guilt of

Young and his Mormons in this transaction, the testimony is here

collated, and circumstances given, which go, not merely to implicate,

but to fasten conviction upon them, by "confirmations strong as proofs

from Holy Writ."

1. The evidence of Mormons themselves, engaged in the affair, as shown

by the statements of Judge Cradlebaugh and Deputy-Marshal Rodgers.

2. The statements of Indians in the neighborhood of the massacre: these

statements are shown, not only by Cradlebaugh and Rodgers, but by a

number of military officers, and by J. Forney, who was, in 1859,

Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory. To all these were

such statements freely and frequently made by the Indians.

3. The testimony of the children saved from the massacre.

4. The children and the property of the emigrants found in possession of

the Mormons, and that possession traced back to the very day after the

massacre.

5. The failure of Brigham Young to embody any account of it in his

Report as Superintendent of Indian Affairs. Also his failure to make any

allusion to it whatever from the pulpit, until several years after the

occurrence.

6. The failure of the "Deseret News," the Church organ, and the only

paper then published in the Territory, to notice the massacre, until

several months afterward, and then only to deny that Mormons were

engaged in it.

7. The flight to the mountains of men high in authority in the Mormon

Church and State, when this affair was brought to the ordeal of a

judicial investigation.

8. The testimony of R. P. Campbell, Capt. 2d Dragoons, who was sent in

the spring of 1859 to Santa Clara, to protect travellers on the road to

California, and to inquire into Indian depredations.

In his report to Major E. J. Potter, Assistant Adjutant-General U. S.

Army, dated July 6, 1859, he says:--

"These emigrants were here met by the Mormons (assisted by

such of the wretched Indians of the neighborhood as they could

force or persuade to join), and massacred, with the exception

of such infant children as the Mormons thought too young to

remember, or tell of the affair.

"The Mormons were led on by John D. Lee, then a high dignitary

in the self-styled Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day

Saints, and Isaac Haight, now a dignitary in the same."

Again, after relating briefly the massacre, he says:--

"These facts were derived from children who did remember, and

could tell of the matter; from Indians, and from the Mormons

themselves."

9. The testimony of Hon. J. Forney, Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

In his letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at Washington, dated

Provo City, U. T., March, 1859, he says:--

"Facts in my possession warrant me in estimating that there

was distributed, a few days after the massacre, among the

leading church dignitaries, $30,000 worth of property."

Again, in another letter to the Commissioner, written from Great Salt

Lake City, in August of the same year, he says:--

"From the evidence in my possession, I am justified in the

declaration that this massacre was concocted by white men, and

consummated by whites and Indians. The names of many of the

whites engaged in this terrible affair have already been given

to the proper legal authorities. . . . The children were sold

out to different persons in Cedar City, Harmony, and Painter

Creek. Bills are now in my possession from different

individuals, asking payment from the Government. I cannot

condescend to become the medium of even transmitting such

claims to the Department."

The following is from the Annual Report of Superintendent Forney, made

in September, 1859:--

"Mormons have been accused of aiding the Indians in the

commission of this crime. I commenced my inquiries without

prejudice or selfish motive, and with the hope that, in the

progress of my inquiries, facts would enable me to exculpate

all white men from any participation in this tragedy, and

saddle the guilt exclusively on the Indians; but,

unfortunately, every step in my inquiries satisfied me that

the Indians acted only a secondary part. . . . White men were

present, and directed the Indians. John D. Lee, of Harmony,

told me in his own house, last April, in presence of two

persons, that he was present three successive days during the

fight, and was present during the fatal day." . . .

We close the testimony of Forney, by giving entire a letter from him to

the Department at Washington,--

"SUPERINTENDENT'S OFFICE, UTAH, }

GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, September 22, 1859. }

"Sir,--Your letter dated July 2, in which you request me to

ascertain the names of white men, if any, implicated in the

Mountain Meadow massacre, reached me several weeks since,

about 300 miles west of this city.

"I gave, several months ago, to the Attorney-General, and

several of the United States Judges, the names of those who I

believed were not only implicated, but the hell-deserving

scoundrels who concocted, and brought to a successful

termination the whole affair.

"The following are the names of the persons the most guilty:

Isaac T. Haight, Cedar City, president of several settlements

south; Bishop Smith, Cedar City; John D. Lee,[69:A] Harmony;

John M. Higby, Cedar City; Bishop Davis, David Tullis, Santa

Clara; Ira Hatch, Santa Clara. These were the cause of the

massacre, aided by others. It is to be regretted that nothing

has yet been accomplished towards bringing these murderers to

justice. I remain,

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

"J. FORNEY,

"_Sup't of Indian Affairs, Utah Territory_.

"Hon. A. B. Greenwood,

"_Commiss'r Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C._"

So far as Brigham Young himself is concerned, the evidence is not so

direct, but is scarcely less conclusive.

In addition to the circumstances mentioned, of his failing to report the

massacre, or to make any mention of it in his public discourses, and the

testimony of the Indians, already referred to; in addition also to the

facts concerning the revelation sent from him,--facts communicated by

one intimately acquainted with the secret history of the church; in

addition to these things, if we reflect for a moment upon the framework

of the Mormon Church, we will find therein still more cogent evidence.

The organization of the church is such, that no project of importance is

ever undertaken without the express or implied consent of Young, who is

in temporal, as well as spiritual matters, the head and source of all

authority. Now here was a large train which had lately passed through

the place where Young resided, and his feelings and views in relation to

it would be well known to the leaders of the church. Can it for a moment

be admitted, that members of a community so organized would undertake so

important a project as the destruction of that train, requiring, as it

did, the concerted action of forty or fifty persons, without the express

or implied sanction of him who sat at the head of the community,

controlling its every action?

And if such a thing can be supposed possible, would not the perpetrators

be immediately called to account for assuming so much responsibility?

Reason and evidence all point one way; and add this to the many other

acts which stamp Brigham Young as a murderer of the deepest dye,--adding

to the guilt of homicide that of blasphemy and hypocrisy.

What was the motive which prompted the act? Partly revenge. These

emigrants were from Missouri and Arkansas, the scenes of the alleged

injuries and persecutions of the Mormons. It was soon after the killing

of Parley P. Pratt, in Arkansas, by McLane, whose wife Pratt had

abducted. It was at the time, too, when the United States troops were

marching to Utah, and a feeling of revenge and retaliation was

prevalent, and was, as has been shown, fostered and encouraged by

Brigham in his sermons.

But the principal motive was plunder. The train was a very wealthy one.

The spoil of the gentile was before them, and it must be appropriated by

the Lord's people.

A great portion of the property was taken to Cedar City, deposited in

the tithing office, and there sold out. Forney says, in the Annual

Report already quoted from,--

"Whoever may have been the perpetrators of this horrible deed,

no doubt exists in my mind that they were influenced chiefly

by a determination to acquire wealth by robbery."[71:A]

It is not within the scope of this work to enter into a relation of the

many other murders and outrages committed by the authority or connivance

of the Mormon Church. This is given as the most notable one,--"_ex uno

disce omnes_." Those who wish to examine into these crimes more fully,

are referred to the appendix to the printed speech of Judge Cradlebaugh.

The "Mormon War" having closed, the federal officers, as soon as

practicable, assumed their functions, and proceeded to transact

business. Federal courts were held, and the authority of the United

States again, at least nominally, established in Utah.

In October, 1858, Judge Sinclair opened his court in Salt Lake City.

Efforts were made to bring several noted criminals to justice, but

everything failed. In the grand jury-room no indictments were found, and

murderers and thieves were allowed to go "scot free."

At this term of court a motion was made to expel James Ferguson from the

bar, for contempt of court. Ferguson offered to retire from the bar,

which was not accepted. He then proposed to plead guilty; but the Judge

said, as it was alleged that a Judge of the United States had been

insulted and intimidated, when in the discharge of his official duty,

it was important that the country be put in possession of the facts, and

no plea of crimination or stultification should prevent an exposure.

The grand jury did, finally, in this case, make the following

presentment:--

"The grand jury find, that James Ferguson, of G. S. L. City,

U. T., did use language and threats calculated to intimidate

Judge George P. Stiles, U. S. District Judge, while in the

discharge of his official duties, and presiding as Judge of

this District Court, at the February Term, 1857.

"ELEAZER MILLER, _Foreman_."

The right of trial by jury is one guaranteed by the Constitution, and

with which it would be highly dangerous to interfere, except in cases of

extreme necessity, involving the safety of a whole people or community.

The Mormons, with their usual shrewdness, take advantage of this, and

manage to control the United States Courts through the grand and petit

juries. The following extracts will show how it is done.

March 2d, 1856, in his remarks, made in the Tabernacle, Jedediah M.

Grant, then one of the "President's" counsellors, said:--

"Last Sunday, the President chastised some of the Apostles and

Bishops, who were on the grand jury. Did he fully succeed in

clearing away the fog which surrounded them, and in removing

blindness from their eyes? No, for they could go to their room

and again disagree; though to their credit it must be admitted

that a brief explanation made them unanimous in their action."

Again, in the same connection, Grant, speaking of a trial-jury,

continues,--

"Several have got into the fog, to suck and eat the filth of a

gentile court; _ostensibly_ a court in Utah."

Here is the highest evidence of the direct interference of Brigham

Young with the right of trial by jury, and the prostitution of the

jury-box to the accomplishment of his schemes. How could he strike a

more fatal blow at our free institutions, or at the rights and liberties

of American citizens who may happen to live within the sphere of his

influence? For this alone he should be hurled from the defiant position

he occupies, and brought to the bar of impartial justice.

Though the evidence was perfectly plain and conclusive in the case of

Ferguson, he was acquitted. Comment is unnecessary.

The Judge, finding all efforts to bring criminals to justice unavailing,

adjourned his court _sine die_.

The Mormon Legislature had never made provision for defraying the

expenses of the United States Courts, while doing territorial business,

though their attention had frequently been called to the necessity of so

doing. Their object was to throw all the business into the probate

courts; and in this they eventually succeeded, except in the court

presided over by Judge Kinney,--the only one, after the "war," which

acted simply as an adjunct and instrument of the church authorities.

"During the sitting of Judge Sinclair's court, the Mormon

grand jury promptly found a bill of indictment against one

Ralph Pike, a sergeant in Company I, of the 10th Infantry,

United States Army, for an assault with intent to kill,

committed upon one Howard Spencer, the son of a Mormon bishop,

at the military reserve, in Rush Valley. Upon _capias_ issued,

Pike was arrested, and brought to Great Salt Lake City. The

day following, August 11, 1858, about twelve o'clock, M., as

Pike was entering the Salt Lake House, on Main Street, Spencer

stepped up to him from behind, saying, 'Are you the man that

struck me in Rush Valley?' at the same time, drawing his

pistol, shot him through the side, inflicting a mortal wound.

Spencer ran across the street, mounted his horse, and rode

off, accompanied by several noted 'Danites.' Pike lingered in

dreadful agony, two days, before he died. The 'Deseret News,'

in its next issue, lauded young Spencer for his courage and

bravery.

"A man by the name of Drown, brought suit upon a promissory

note for $480, against the Danite captain, Bill Hickman. The

case being submitted to the court, Drown obtained a judgment.

A few days afterwards, Drown and a companion, named Arnold

were stopping at the house of a friend in Salt Lake City, when

Hickman, with some seven or eight of his band, rode up to the

house, and called for Drown to come out. Drown, suspecting

foul play, refused to do so, and locked the doors. The Danites

thereupon dismounted from their horses, broke down the doors,

and shot down both Drown and Arnold. Drown died of his wounds

next morning, and Arnold a few days afterwards. Hickman and

his band rode off unmolested.

"Thus, during a single term of the court, held in a Mormon

community, the warm life-blood of three human victims is shed

upon the very threshold of the court; and although the grand

jury is in session, no prosecution is attempted, and not one

of the offenders brought to justice."

Judge Cradlebaugh was assigned to the Second Judicial District, and held

his first term of court in Provo City, commencing April 8th, 1859. An

account of his efforts to bring to justice the Mountain Meadow and other

murderers has already been given in his own language.

The following notice of this bold and energetic man is from the "Nevada

Territorial Enterprise":--

"Judge Cradlebaugh, of the United States Court of Utah, is

making his mark in that Territory, if half that is written of

him is true. . . . . Satisfied that many of the leading

Mormons had taken part in or instigated the Mountain Meadow

massacre, and the murder of Jones, Potter, Forbes, Parrish,

and a dozen others, he determined to bring them to punishment.

. . . He spoke and acted with the fearlessness and resolution

of a Jackson; but the jury failed to indict, or even report on

the charges, while threats of violence were heard in every

quarter, and an attack on the troops intimated, if he

persisted in his course.

"Finding that nothing could be done with the juries, they were

discharged, with a scathing rebuke from the Judge. Sitting as

a committing magistrate, he commenced his task alone. He

examined witnesses, made arrests in every quarter, and created

a consternation in the camps of the saints, greater even than

was occasioned by the arrival of the troops within the walls

of Zion. At last accounts, terrified elders and bishops were

decamping to save their necks; and developments of the most

startling character were being made, implicating the highest

church dignitaries in the many murders and robberies committed

upon the gentiles during the past eight years."

Governor Cumming did not sustain Judge Cradlebaugh, but, under the

pretence of impartiality, sought to screen the Mormons from the demands

of justice.

Hence various differences between Cumming on one side, and Johnson and

Cradlebaugh on the other; and on one occasion the Governor went so far

as to publish his protest against the use of the troops in aid of

Cradlebaugh's proceedings.

Cumming was a native of Georgia. He had married a daughter of one of the

most distinguished physicians of Boston, a lady of many accomplishments,

who accompanied him to Utah.

During the dreadful reign of the cholera in 1836 he was Mayor of

Augusta, Ga., and is said to have rendered efficient service in saving

the lives of the citizens.

For some years he was stationed at Jefferson Barracks, Missouri. At the

commencement of the Mexican war he was at Point Isabel, and afterwards

on the Southern line, attached to General Scott's staff. Subsequently he

was detailed by the Government to visit several tribes of Indians in the

far West.

He had performed some service to the country, and was a man of many good

qualities; but was very vain, and fond of attention, and was unable to

withstand the seductive influences which the Mormons know so well how to

bring to bear upon persons of his organization.

Cradlebaugh, finding he was not supported by Buchanan's administration,

left Utah, and settled in the Territory of Nevada; whence he has been

twice sent as delegate to Congress, and we look to see him, at no

distant day, represent the new State of Nevada in the Senate of the

United States.

In 1860 John F. Kinney was reappointed Chief Justice, succeeding Judge

Eckels; and Judges Crosby and Flenniken were appointed Associate

Justices, to succeed Sinclair and Cradlebaugh. Judge Cradlebaugh did not

resign, and not recognizing the right of the President to remove the

Judges, he continued to perform the duties of his office for some time

afterward.

On the 3d of October, 1861, John W. Dawson, of Indiana, was appointed by

President Lincoln as Governor of Utah, to succeed Cumming, who had left the

Territory some months previous.

In the appointment of Dawson, Lincoln, to use his own language, was

"imposed on." The Senate relieved him from the imposition, by refusing

to confirm the appointment.

The Mormons, however, anticipated the action of the Senate, and speedily

ejected Dawson from the governorship. The history of this _émeute_ is

briefly as follows:--

Dawson arrived at Salt Lake about the commencement of the session of the

Legislature. Having some notions of his own concerning legislative

affairs, and not yielding, like his predecessor, to all the views of

Brigham Young, he soon became involved in difficulties from which he was

unable to extricate himself. He had not the nerve and ability to sustain

himself in his position. The Mormons saw this, and at once resolved

upon, planned, and accomplished a brilliant _coup d'état_, similar to

that practised upon Steptoe. Without going into details, the plan may be

seen by the result; which was the affidavit of a widow woman named

Williams, to the effect that Dawson had insulted her, by making improper

advances, which, of course, she had scornfully repelled and rejected.

The indignation of the Mormons was aroused to the highest pitch by this

base attempt upon Mormon virtue. Threats were made so freely, that the

Governor became very much alarmed, and precipitately fled the

Territory. Not satisfied with this, the "boys" waylaid him at one of the

stations, and gave him a severe beating.

In contemplating this serio-comic affair, one hardly knows which most to

condemn, the lawless spirit which prompted such treatment, or the

timidity and weakness which would submit to it.

About the 1st of February, 1862, Judges Flenniken and Crosby left Salt

Lake City, and the federal officers there immediately advised the

President of the fact by telegraph, and recommended the appointment of

their successors. Accordingly on the 3d of February, 1862, Thomas J.

Drave, of Michigan, and Charles B. Waite, of Illinois, were appointed

Associate Justices, and on the 31st of March following, Stephen S.

Harding, of Indiana, was appointed Governor, to succeed Dawson.

FOOTNOTES:

[69:A] John D. Lee is an adopted son of Brigham Young.

[71:A] Several years after the massacre, Major, now General Carlton,

visited that region and erected a monument to the memory of the slain.

"It was constructed by raising a large pile of rock, in the centre of

which was erected a beam, some twelve or fifteen feet in height. Upon

one of the stones he caused to be engraved, 'Here lie the bones of one

hundred and twenty men, women, and children, from Arkansas, murdered

on the 10th day of September, 1857.' Upon a cross-tree, on the beam,

he caused to be painted: 'Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord, and I

will repay it.' This monument is said to have been destroyed the first

time Brigham visited that part of the Territory."

CHAPTER VI.

POLITICAL HISTORY CONTINUED.

Arrival of the New Federal Officers in July, 1862.--Colonel

Connor arrives with his Command.--The Message of Gov. Harding.

--The Mormons Indignant.--The Legislature refuse to print the

Message.--Action of the United States Senate thereon.--Forgery

in the Mormon Legislature.--Bill of Judge Waite to amend the

Organic Act.--Indignation Meeting.--Governor Harding and

Judges Waite and Drake requested to leave the Territory.--

Their Replies.--Brigham.--The Federal Officers.

Judges Drake and Waite arrived in Salt Lake City on the 11th of July,

1862. Governor Harding had arrived a few days previous.

For several months everything passed off smoothly, and Brigham was more

than once heard to say the officers now in the Territory were "good

men." No circumstances occurred to develop any differences, and it was

hoped by the federal officers themselves that none would arise.

In the mean time, in October of the same year, Colonel (now General)

Connor marched into and through Salt Lake City with his command, and

established his camp on the "bench," or high land, about three miles

east of the city. His forces at that time consisted of the Third

Regiment of Infantry, California Volunteers, and the Second Regiment of

Cavalry, under command of Col. George S. Evans.

Some little excitement was caused by the entrance of the troops, and

rumors were rife of threats having been made by the Mormons that the

volunteers should never "cross the Jordan," a stream a few miles south

of the city, and which was directly on their line of march. But the

Jordan was crossed, the camp established, and everything went on as

usual, until the meeting of the Territorial Legislature in December.

Then the pent-up fires began to break forth. The first pretext used by

the Mormons for indulging in words and acts of hostility was the Message

of Governor Harding to the Legislature. Therein he called the attention

of the people, through their representatives, to the practice of

polygamy in their midst, to the anomalous state of society it tended to

establish, to its incompatibility with our free institutions, and

especially to its violation of an Act of Congress recently passed.

The following are the portions of the Message which gave most offence:--

"_Polygamy._

"It would be disingenuous if I were not to advert to a

question which, although seemingly it has nothing to do in the

premises, yet is one of vast importance to you as a people,

and which cannot be ignored. I mean that institution which is

not only commended but encouraged by you, and which, to say

the least of it, is an anomaly throughout Christendom. I mean

polygamy, or, if you prefer the term, plurality of wives. In

approaching this delicate subject, I desire to do so in no

unkind or offensive spirit; yet the institution, founded upon

no written statute of your Territory, but upon custom alone,

exists. . . .

"I lay it down as a sound proposition, that no community can

happily exist with an institution so important as that of

marriage wanting in all those qualities that make it

homogeneal with institutions and laws of neighboring civilized

communities having the same object.

"Anomalies in the moral world cannot long exist in a state of

mere abeyance; they must, from the very nature of things,

become aggressive, or they will soon disappear, from the force

of conflicting ideas.

"This proposition is supported by the history of our race, and

is so plain that it may be set down as an axiom. If we grant

this to be true, we may sum up the conclusion of the argument

as follows: either the laws and opinions of the communities by

which you are surrounded must become subordinate to your

customs and opinions, or, on the other hand, yours must yield

to theirs. The conflict is irrepressible.

"But no matter whether this anomaly shall disappear or remain

amongst you, it is your duty at least to guard it against

flagrant abuses. That plurality of wives is tolerated and

believed to be right, may not appear so strange; but that a

mother and her daughters are allowed to fulfil the duties of

_wives_ to the same husband, or that a man could be found in

all Christendom who could be induced to take upon himself such

a relationship, is, perhaps, no less a marvel in morals than

in matters of taste.

"The bare fact that such practices are tolerated amongst you

is sufficient evidence that the human passions, whether

excited by religious fanaticism or otherwise, must be

restrained and subjected to laws, to which all must yield

obedience. No community can long exist, without absolute

social anarchy, unless so important an institution as that of

marriage is regulated by law. It is the basis of our

civilization, and in it the whole question of the descent and

distribution of real and personal estate is involved.

"Much to my astonishment, I have not been able to find any law

upon the statutes of this Territory regulating marriage. I

earnestly recommend to your early consideration the passage of

some law that will meet the exigencies of the people.

"_Act of Congress against Polygamy._

"I respectfully call your attention to an Act of Congress,

passed the 1st day of July, 1862, entitled 'An Act to punish

and prevent the practice of polygamy in the Territories of the

United States, and in other places, and disapproving and

annulling certain Acts of the legislative assembly of Utah,'

(chap. cxxvii. of the Statutes at Large of the last session of

Congress, page 501.) I am aware that there is a prevailing

opinion here that said Act is unconstitutional, and therefore

it is recommended by those in high authority that no regard

whatever should be paid to the same; and still more to be

regretted, if I am rightly informed, in some instances it has

been recommended that it be openly disregarded and defied,

merely to defy the same.

"I take this occasion to warn the people of this Territory

against such dangerous and disloyal counsels. Whether such Act

is unconstitutional or not, is not necessary for me either to

affirm or deny. The individual citizen, under no

circumstances whatever, has the right to defy any law or

statute of the United States with impunity. In doing so he

takes upon himself the risk of the penalties of that statute,

be they what they may, in case his judgment should be in

error.

"The Constitution has amply provided how and where all such

questions of doubt are submitted and settled, namely, in the

courts constituted for that purpose. To forcibly resist the

execution of that Act would be, to say the least, a high

misdemeanor; and if a whole community should become involved

in such resistance, would call down upon it the consequences

of insurrection and rebellion.

"I hope and trust that no such rash counsel will prevail. If,

unhappily, I am mistaken in this, I choose to shut my eyes to

the consequences.

"_Liberty of Conscience._

"Amongst the most cherished and sacred rights secured to the

citizen of the United States, is the right to worship God

according to the dictates of conscience. . . .

"Religion was left a matter between man and his Maker, and not

between man and the Government.

"But here arises a most important question,--a question

perhaps that has never yet been asked or fully answered in

this country,--How far does the right of conscience extend? Is

there any limit to this right?--and if so, where shall the

line of demarcation be drawn, designating that which is not

forbidden from that which is? This is, indeed, a most

important question, and from the tendency of the times, must

sooner or later be answered. I cannot, and will not, on this

occasion, pretend to answer this question; but will venture

the suggestion, that when it is answered, the same rules will

be adopted as if the freedom of speech and of the press were

involved in the argument.

. . . "There can be no limit beyond which the mind may not

dwell, and our thoughts soar in our aspirations after truth.

We may think what we will, believe what we will, and speak

what we will, on all subjects of speculative theology. . . .

But when religious opinions assume new manifestations, and

pass from the condition of mere sentiment into overt acts,--no

matter whether they be acts of faith or not,--they must not

outrage the opinions of the civilized world, but, on the

other hand, must conform to those usages established by law,

and which are believed to underlie our very civilization."

In the same Message, the Governor, after giving his views upon the

national topics of the day, fully sustaining the Administration and the

war, proceeded to discuss all the more prominent subjects of local

interest in the Territory. He referred to the attempts to procure the

admission of the State of Deseret into the Union,--giving it as his

opinion that those attempts were premature. He referred to provisions of

the Organic Act, and claimed the right to nominate to the Council all

general territorial officers. These had formerly been elected by the

Legislature.

He recommended a thorough revision and codification of the statutes; a

change in the mode of voting; referred to the financial condition of the

Territory; adverted to the Indian troubles; advised the organization of

a common-school system, and closed by assuring them of his willingness

and desire to work with them for the common good and welfare of the

people of the Territory.

The question of polygamy was boldly met and temperately discussed in

this Message, and the people warned against the consequences of

disobedience to the Act of Congress. Anything less than this on the part

of the Governor would have been simply a neglect of duty.

Yet the Mormons were very indignant, and professed to look upon that

portion of the Message as exceedingly hostile and offensive in its

character. Their religion had been attacked by the federal authorities!

It may be well here to remark, for the benefit of the tender-footed upon

this subject, that polygamy is no part of the Mormon religion, so far as

the same has any history, and can be distinguished from the personal

edicts of Brigham Young. It is not only not permitted but explicitly

condemned in the "Book of Mormon" and the "Book of Doctrines and

Covenants," which are the Old and New Testaments of Mormonism. This

subject is more fully examined in the last chapter of this work.

From the delivery of this Message, the treatment which the Governor

received at the hands of the Mormons was entirely changed. From respect

it was immediately changed to disrespect and contumely. No contemptuous

treatment was too marked, no indignity was too great, to be heaped upon

him, for this simple performance of his duty as a sworn officer of the

United States Government.

The Message was never printed by the Legislature. The Journals did not

even show that the Governor ever appeared before that body for any

purpose whatever.

The fact that the Message was not published having been communicated to

Washington, a resolution was introduced into the Senate of the United

States on the 16th of January, 1863, instructing the Committee on

Territories to inquire and report whether the publication of the Message

of the Governor of the Territory of Utah to the Territorial Legislature

had been suppressed, and if so by what causes, and what was the Message.

In response to this resolution Mr. Wade, chairman of the Committee, on

the 13th of February, submitted a Report, accompanied by a resolution,

which was adopted, that one thousand copies of the Message be printed,

and sent to the Governor for distribution.

This Report of the Committee was less complimentary to the Mormons than

the Message itself.

The following extracts will indicate the character of the document:--

"In pursuance of the instruction contained in this resolution,

your committee have the honor to report, that they have

collected all the facts, and taken all the testimony within

their reach,--the substance of which, together with a copy of

the Message, is herewith presented.

"These sources of information disclose the fact, that the

customs which have prevailed in all our other Territories in

the government of public affairs have had but little

toleration in the Territory of Utah; but in their stead there

appears to be, overriding all other influences, a sort of

Jewish theocracy, graduated to the condition of that

Territory.

"This theocracy, having a supreme head who governs and guides

every affair of importance in the Church, and, practically, in

the Territory, is the only real power acknowledged here, and

to the extension of whose interests every person in the

Territory must directly or indirectly conduce. . . .

"We have here the first exhibition, within the limits of the

United States, of a Church ruling the State. . . .

"Another opinion--the subject of both public and private

teaching--is, that the Government of the United States will

not and ought not to stand. They make a difference between the

Constitution and the Government of the United States; to the

Constitution they claim to be very loyal.

. . . "Because the Governor, in his Message, has animadverted

upon some of the customs of the Mormons, and has recommended

that steps be taken to Americanize the same, he has given

offence, and has had his Message suppressed.

"Polygamy of the most unlimited character, sanctioning the

cohabitation of a man with the mother and her daughters

indiscriminately, is not the only un-American thing among

them.

. . . "The Message, on examination, is found to contain nothing

that should give offence to any legislature willing to be

governed by the laws of morality.

"It is the opinion of your Committee that the Message is an

able exposition of the manners and customs of the people in

that Territory, and as such, brought down the censure of the

leaders of the Mormon Church, and were it not for the

animadversions therein contained, it would not have been

suppressed."

The printing and distribution of the Message is then recommended.

During the session of the Legislature an event occurred which caused

much indignation among the federal officers, and served to render

somewhat mutual the feelings of hostility which the leading saints

already entertained. This was nothing less than a forgery committed in

the Legislature upon a bill relating to the terms of one of the District

Courts.

The facts were as follows:--

The Territory was divided into three judicial districts. The First,

sometimes called the Provo District, comprised a number of counties

carved out of the centre of the Territory. This had been assigned to

Judge Drake. The Second, called the "Cotton District," was assigned to

Judge Waite, and consisted of the three southernmost counties, Beaver,

Iron, and Washington. The Third District, Chief Justice Kinney's,

comprised the northern part of the Territory, including Salt Lake City.

On the 14th of January, 1863, the Legislature passed a bill, which was

signed by the Governor, changing the county seat of Washington County

from Washington to St. George, and in the same bill it was provided that

the United States Court for the transaction of territorial business,

should be held at St. George, on the third Monday of May. This time was

the same as that provided by the law previously in force.

This was before the assignment of the Judges had been made.

After Judge Waite had been assigned to the Second District [in which

many murders had been committed, and the murderers still at large], the

Legislature concluded they did not want court held in that district

until fall. They accordingly passed a bill, providing, among other

things, for holding the court at St. George on the third Monday of

October. But as they had already passed a bill fixing the term of court

in May, and as the Judge preferred to hold the term in May, that being

near the time when he was intending to hold court for the transaction of

United States business in the same district, the Governor declined

signing the second bill.

Soon after, having occasion to examine the first bill for another

purpose, he went to the Secretary's office and called for the bill, and

behold, _the word May had been erased, and the word October inserted

instead_! It appeared to have been done by the same hand which had

penned the body of the bill. This had been written by one of the clerks

of the House of Representatives. The Governor, after signing the bill,

had inadvertently returned it to the Legislature, and it had been sent

from that body to the Secretary's office, where it should have been sent

by the Governor. It had been recorded in that office before the forgery

was discovered.

The Governor immediately caused the record to be corrected, changed the

bill back from October to May, by erasing the word "October" and

interlining the word "May." He then made a statement of the forgery and

its detection, over his own signature, on the margin of the bill.

He then sent a special Message to the Legislature, calling their

attention to the fact that a forgery had been committed; but, instead of

taking steps to ferret out the guilty party, the Legislature made an

issue of fact with the Governor, and endeavored to make out that it was

all the time October, and that no forgery had been committed. When the

matter was up in the House the second time, one member actually produced

a paper which he averred was the original draft, and which had October

in it. And this in the face of the fact, that five persons had seen the

bill in the Governor's office when the word May was in it, and that the

bill showed plainly, upon inspection, that it had been changed; the

outline of the letter "y," in the word erased, being distinctly visible.

Thus the Legislature, by their collective action, implicated themselves

all in the forgery.

On the 16th of January the Legislature adjourned, without printing the

Governor's Message, or sending any appropriation bills for his

signature.

The day following, "the Legislature of the State of Deseret" met, and

commenced doing business under Brigham Young, as Governor. A Message was

delivered, and all the forms of legislation gone through with; in

reality, this _de facto_ government was the only one for which the

Mormons maintained even the show of respect.

The judicial system of the Territory was manifestly very defective, and

as constituted under the Organic Act of 1850, as the same had been

construed by the Federal Judges, was inadequate to the administration of

justice.

The greatest difficulty was experienced in the formation of juries, and

in the extraordinary jurisdiction assumed by the Probate Judges, all of

whom were Mormons.

The jurisdiction of the Probate Court, in the words of the Organic Act,

was to be "as prescribed by law." Under this provision several of the

United States Judges had held that it was competent in the Legislature

to confer upon the Probate Courts any jurisdiction they pleased. The

Mormons, never behind in availing themselves of all advantages, had

accordingly granted to the Probate Courts concurrent jurisdiction with

the District Courts, in all cases civil and criminal.

Again; the juries had been selected by these courts acting with other

county authorities, and it was contended that the United States Courts

could only try causes before juries thus selected.

To remedy these defects, and to remove all doubt as to these complicated

questions, a bill was drawn by Judge Waite, for an Act of Congress

amendatory of the Organic Act of 1850. It provided for the selection of

United States juries by the Marshal, under the direction of the court,

as in other district and territorial courts of the United States.

The question of jurisdiction was to be settled by an express provision

that the Probate Court should have no jurisdiction to try any civil

action whatsoever. It was to do the usual probate business, and have a

limited criminal jurisdiction, subject to appeal to the District Court.

The bill also provided for an organization of the militia of the

Territory, under the Governor, and contained several other wholesome and

salutary provisions.

The bill was carefully drawn, and was submitted to the inspection of his

associate, Judge Drake, and of Governor Harding,--Judge Kinney being

absent from the Territory. It received the unqualified approval of Drake

and Harding, and, with their indorsement upon it, was sent to

Washington. In due time it was introduced in Congress by Senator

Browning, and referred to the proper committee.

The introduction of this bill was the signal for another outbreak. The

news was telegraphed to Salt Lake, and immediately Brigham called a

meeting at the Tabernacle.

The meeting was held on the 3d of March 1863. Notice having been

extensively circulated, some two or three thousand persons assembled,

excited by exaggerated statements concerning attempts upon the part of

the federal officers to "interfere with their rights."

Speeches of the most inflammatory character were made at this meeting,

and the resentment and indignation of the ignorant masses of the people

were excited to the highest pitch. The following will serve as a

specimen of these harangues.

Elder John Taylor said:--

"It has already been stated that these documents speak for

themselves. They come from those who are ostensibly our

guardians, and the guardians of our rights. They come from men

who ought to be actuated by the strictest principles of honor,

truth, virtue, integrity, and honesty, and whose high official

position ought to elevate them above suspicion,--yet what are

the results?

"In relation to the Governor's Message, enough, perhaps, has

already been said. . .

"We had a right to look for a friend in our Governor, who

would, at least, fairly represent us. Instead, we have had a

most insidious foe, who, through misrepresentations, base

insinuations, and falsehood, is seeking with all his power,

privately as well as officially, not only to injure us before

the Government, but as well to sap the very foundations of our

civil and religious liberties; he is, in fact, in the

furtherance of his unhallowed schemes, seeking to promote

anarchy and rebellion, and dabbling in your blood. [Cries of

'hear, hear.'] Such, it would seem, were the Governor's

feelings and intentions when he concocted his Message, and

such his purposes when he read it before the Legislature. That

document was not hastily written, as it shows upon its face

that it had been well digested, and every word and sentence

carefully weighed.

. . . "That he is the most vindictive enemy we have, is shown

by the statement of our representatives at Washington.

"He is the only man, it would seem, who is industriously

striving to sap the interests of our people, and to injure

their reputation, and yet, as our Governor, he professes to

feel a deep interest in our welfare, and to represent our

wishes.

"Let us, for a short time, investigate the results of his

acts, should his purposes be successful, leaving the

allegations of treason from our consideration. [It was

contended that the Governor and Judges had committed _Treason

against the Territory_.]

"We have thought that we were living under a republican form

of government, and had the right of franchise; that we had the

privilege of voting for whom we pleased, and of thus saying

whom we would have represent us; but it may be that we are

laboring under a mistake, and that it is but a political

illusion. We have likewise thought that if any one among us

was accused of crimes, it was his privilege to be tried by a

jury of his peers, among whom he had lived, who would

undoubtedly be the best judges of his actions.

"We have further been of the opinion that while acting in a

military capacity, when called into service to stand in

defence of our country's rights, we had the right of selecting

our own officers. We have always had this privilege, in

accordance with republican usage; but we can do so no longer

should the plotting of Governor Harding and our Honorable

Judges be carried into effect. We shall be deprived of

franchise, of the right of trial by an impartial jury, and

shall be placed, in a military capacity, under the creatures

of Governor Harding, or of his successors. In other words, we

shall be forever deprived of all the rights of freemen, and

placed under a military despotism; such would be the result of

the passage of this Act.

"Again, in regard to juries, already referred to, you know

what, as regards this matter, the usage has always been. The

Governor and Judges want to place the power in the hands of

the United States Marshal of selecting such jurors as he

pleases, and that, too, without reference as to who they are,

or whence they come. This is what is attempted to be done by

our honorable Judges and Governor. Your rights as freemen, and

your liberties, are aimed at; and you are to be disfranchised,

and your liberties trampled under foot, by strangers, and you

will have blacklegs and cut-throats sit upon your juries. Mr.

Harding wants to select his own military, and have officers of

his own selection to lead them, and then if you do not submit,

he will have the authority to say, 'I will make you.'

[Uproarious applause, and cries all over the house of 'Can't

do it.'] We all know he can't do it, but this is what he is

aiming at [Clapping of hands, and great cheering.] When these

rights are taken away, what rights have we left? [Cries of

'None.']

"It can scarcely be credited or believed, that any man in his

position could so far degrade himself as to introduce such

infamous principles, and it is equally a lamentable fact to

reflect upon, that men holding the high and responsible

position of United States Judges could so far forget

themselves as to descend to such depravity, corruption, and

injustice. [Applause.] These things are so palpable, that 'he

that runneth may read,' and any man with five grains of common

sense can readily comprehend them. It is for you to say

whether you are willing to sustain such men in the capacity

they act in, or not." [Loud clapping of hands, and a universal

and emphatic cry of "No!" on the part of the audience.]

BRIGHAM YOUNG'S SPEECH.

At the close of Elder Taylor's speech Brigham arose, and on advancing to

the speaker's desk was greeted with vociferous applause, and immediately

proceeded to address the assemblage as follows:--

"I have no intention of delivering a lengthy address, but

while I am speaking I desire the audience to remain quiet. I

know well your feelings, but much prefer that you should

suppress any demonstrations of applause to other times and

places, when you may have less business and greater leisure.

"You have just heard read the Message of Governor Harding,

delivered to the last Legislative Assembly of this Territory.

You will readily perceive that the bread is buttered, but

there is poison underneath. When he came to Utah last July,

the Governor sought to ingratiate himself into the esteem of

our prominent citizens, with whom he had early intercourse,

and professed great friendship and attachment for the people

of the Territory. He was then full of their praises, and said

he was ready to declare that he would stand in the defence of

polygamy, or that he should have to deny the Bible; and stated

that he had told the President, prior to leaving Washington,

that if he were called upon to discuss the question, he would

have to take the side of polygamy, or to renounce the

authority of the Scriptures.

"In the face of all these professions, what has been his

course? While being fair of speech, and specious of promise,

and lavish in his expressions of good-will toward us, he has

been insidiously at work to prejudice the General Government

against us, and in the secrecy of his private room has

concocted measures which he urged upon Congress to pass,

which, if successful, would deprive us of the dearest rights

of freemen, and render us the abject subjects of this man, who

has been sent here to govern the Territory. Man, did I

say?--thing, I mean,--a nigger-worshipper,--a black-hearted

abolitionist is what he is, and what he represents; and that I

do naturally despise. He wants to have the telegraph torn

down, and the mails stopped and turned by the way of Panama.

Do you acknowledge this man Harding for your Governor? [Voices

all through the audience responded, 'No, you are our

Governor.'] Yes, I am your Governor; and I will let him know

that I am Governor; and if he attempts to interfere in my

affairs, 'Woe, woe unto him!' [Shaking his uplifted fist in a

very excited manner, which was responded to with loud

applause, and cries of 'Yes, you are our Governor.']

"Will you allow such a man to remain in the Territory?

[Voices, 'No; put him out.'] Yes, I say put him out. Judges

Waite and Drake are perfect fools, and the tools of Governor

Harding, and they too must leave. If all three do not resign,

or if the President does not remove them, the people must

attend to it.

"If they could get the power, as they want to do, to have the

Marshal choose jurors of cut-throats, blacklegs, soldiers, and

desperadoes from California, and we are to be tried by such

men, what would become of us?

"In regard to the war now desolating the country, it is but

the fulfilment of the prophecies of Joseph Smith, which he

told me thirty years ago. Brother Joseph said that the South

would rise against the North, and the North against the South,

and that they would fight until both parties were destroyed;

and for my part I give it God speed; for they have spilt the

blood of the Prophet. [To which the audience responded

vociferously, 'Amen!']

"I would like to live in peace with the Government of the

United States, but have no desire to live with the people who

have brought ruin and disgrace upon their own heads. I do not

wish to live in, or have anything to do with the United

States; I will have a free and independent government for

myself, where I may live and enjoy my civil and religious

liberties. [Loud cries of 'Amen,' and 'Yes, yes,' on the part

of the entire assemblage.]

"When our rights, and the protection of our liberties are

taken from us, what is there remaining? [Voices, 'Nothing,'

'Nothing.'] Yes, service to despots,--service to tyrants."

Brigham also said that money had been appropriated for the purpose of

turning the mail by the way of Panama; and these men were not above

taking money for such a purpose, under pretence of other business.

The injustice and falsity of these statements concerning the bill

introduced into Congress, and which was the immediate cause of this

outbreak, will be manifest, when it is stated that so far from

authorizing soldiers to sit as jurymen, it was expressly prohibited in

the bill itself. Again; the right of suffrage was actually extended by

the bill, because, while by one section the militia officers were to be

appointed by the Governor, the bill in other sections provided that

nearly all civil officers of the Territory, who were before elected by

the Legislature, should be elected by the people.

The effect of the bill would have been, to enable the people, when they

became generally dissatisfied with the spiritual tyranny to which they

were submitting, as many of them were already, to throw off the yoke of

despotism, by having every question that might arise fairly and

impartially adjudicated upon in the courts. This was foreseen by

Brigham. He saw that he was about to lose the powerful enginery of the

judicial system of the Territory, then under his control. Hence the

demonstration.

There are but two ways in which this theocratic despotism can be met and

overthrown. One is, by the people of the Territory, aided by some such

legislation as that proposed. The other is by the strong arm of military

power. The former would be more congenial to our institutions.

Time only can determine which must be resorted to. Doubtless the

employment of force will become necessary in either case,--as the course

taken by Young and his associates on this occasion shows that a

peaceable remedy will be forcibly resisted.

After listening to such speeches, the audience were, of course, ready to

adopt or approve of anything; and the following resolutions, prepared

for the occasion, were passed without a dissenting voice:--

"_Resolved_, That we consider the attack made upon us by His

Excellency Governor Harding, wherein our loyalty is impugned,

as base, wicked, unjust, and false; and he knew it to be so

when uttered.

"_Resolved_, That we consider the attempt to possess himself

of all military authority and dictation, by appointing all the

militia officers, is a stretch of military despotism, hitherto

unknown in the annals of our Republic.

"_Resolved_, That we consider his attempt to control the

selection of juries as so base, unjust, and tyrannical, as to

deserve the contempt of all free men.

"_Resolved_, That we consider the action of Judges Waite and

Drake, in assisting the Governor to pervert justice, and

violate the sacred palladium of the people's rights, as

subversive of the principles of justice, degrading to their

high calling, and repulsive to the feelings of honest men.

"_Resolved_, That we consider that a serious attack has been

made upon the liberties of this people, and that it not only

affects us as a Territory, but is a direct assault upon

Republican principles in our own nation and throughout the

world; and that we cannot either tamely submit to be

disfranchised ourselves, nor witness, without protest, the

assassin's dagger plunged into the very vitals of our national

institutions.

"_Resolved_, That while we will, at all times, honor and

magnify all wholesome laws of our country, and desire to be

subservient to their dictates, and the equitable

administration of justice, we will resist, in a proper manner,

every attempt upon the liberties, guaranteed by our fathers,

whether made by insidious foes or open traitors.

"_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed by the meeting to

wait upon the Governor, and Judges Waite and Drake, to request

them to resign their offices and leave the Territory.

"_Resolved_, That John Taylor, Jetu Clinton, and Orson Pratt,

Sen., be that committee.

"_Resolved_, That we petition the President of the United

States to remove Governor Harding, and Judges Waite and Drake,

and to appoint good men in their stead."

The following is the petition to the President, which was signed by

several thousand persons:--

"_To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States_:--

"Sir,--We, your petitioners, citizens of the Territory of

Utah, respectfully represent that,

"_Whereas_, From the most reliable information in our

possession, we are satisfied that His Excellency Stephen S.

Harding, Governor, Charles B. Waite and Thomas J. Drake,

Associate Justices, are strenuously endeavoring to create

mischief and stir up strife between the people of the

Territory of Utah and the troops now in Camp Douglas,

(situated within the limits of Great Salt Lake City,) and, of

far graver import in our nation's difficulties, between the

people of the aforesaid Territory and the Government of the

United States:

"_Therefore_, We respectfully petition your Excellency to

forthwith remove the aforesaid persons from the offices they

now hold, and to appoint in their places men who will attend

to the duties of their offices, honor their appointments, and

regard the rights of all, attending to their own affairs and

leaving alone the affairs of others; and in all their conduct

demeaning themselves as honorable citizens and officers worthy

of commendation by yourself, our Government, and all good men;

and for the aforesaid removals and appointments your

petitioners will continue most respectfully to pray.

"_Great Salt Lake City, Territory of Utah_, March 3, 1863."

The best reply to the charges contained in the foregoing petition, is

the counter-petition sent to the President by the military officers of

General Connor's command, of which the following is a copy:--

"HEADQUARTERS, COLUMN FOR UTAH, CAMP DOUGLAS, }

UTAH TERRITORY, NEAR SALT LAKE CITY, March 8, 1863. }

"_To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United

States_:--

"It is an unusual proceeding for officers of the army to join

in representing to the Government their knowledge of facts and

opinion of proceedings, having reference to civil authority,

or to the actions of the people for expressing their

displeasure at the conduct of their officers.

"The condition of affairs in the Territory of Utah, however,

and the result of this condition of affairs, which culminated

in a mass meeting in Salt Lake City on the 3d inst., in our

opinion demands from us a respectful statement to your

Excellency of the matter having allusion to ourselves, simply

as an act of duty we owe to our Government.

"We do not propose to inquire into recommendations affecting

the laws of the Territory, made by the Governor and Associate

Judges of the Supreme Court of Utah. The Government must know,

as regards the justice or injustice of the proposed amendments

to existing laws, made by the officers above named.

"But when the community residing in Salt Lake City solemnly

declare in their petition to your Excellency, that Governor

Harding, and Judges Waite and Drake are studiously endeavoring

to create mischief and stir up strife between the people of

the Territory and the troops now at Camp Douglas (situated

within the limits of Salt Lake City), they simply assert a

base and unqualified falsehood.

"On the contrary, it has been the aim of these gentlemen to

preserve friendly relations between the people of Utah and the

troops, who have also labored to the same end, now stationed

at Camp Douglas.

"And further; during a period of nearly five months, we know

that Governor Harding, and Judges Drake and Waite 'have

attended to the duties of their offices, honored their

appointments, regarded the rights of all, attended to their

own affairs,' and have not disturbed or interfered with the

affairs of others, outside of their legitimate duty to the

Government; 'and in all their conduct,' His Excellency

Governor Harding, and Judges Drake and Waite, have, during our

acquaintance with them, 'demeaned themselves as honorable

citizens, and officers worthy of commendation by your

Excellency, our Government, and all good men.'

"And we further represent to your Excellency that these

officers have been true and faithful to the Government, and

fearless in the discharge of their duties to all. They have,

on all proper occasions, spoken plainly to the people of their

duty. They have not been subservient to any person or persons,

and they stand proudly preëminent as in contrast with other

officers who have represented in the past, and who do now

represent, the Federal Government in this Territory.

"Our respectful opinion is, that there is no good and true

cause for the removal of His Excellency Governor Harding, and

Judges Drake and Waite, from the offices they now hold.

"With much respect, we have the honor to remain your

Excellency's obedient servants,--

"P. Edward Connor, Colonel 3d Infantry, California Volunteers,

commanding District of Utah; Geo. S. Evans, Colonel 2d

Cavalry, Cal. Vol.; P. A. Gallagher, Major 3d Infantry, C. V.;

J. M. Williamson, Surgeon, 2d Cavalry, C. V.; Robert K. Reid,

Surgeon 3d Infantry, C. V.; George Wallace, Capt. and Asst. Q.

M. U. S. A.; Thomas B. Gately, 1st Lieut. and Reg. Q. M.;

William L. Ustick, 1st Lieut. and Adjt. 3d Infantry, and A. A.

A. G.; T. S. Harris, 1st Lieut. and Adjt. 2d Cavalry, C. V.;

Henry R. Miller, 2d Lieut. and Reg. C. S., 2d Cavalry, C. V.;

F. A. Peel, 2d Lieut. and Reg. Q. M. 2d Cavalry, C. V.;

Charles Tupper, Captain 3d Infantry, C. V.; John B. Urmy,

Captain 3d Infantry, C. V.; Samuel N. Hoyt, Captain 3d

Infantry, C. V.; David Black, Captain 3d Infantry, C. V.; S.

P. Smith, Captain 2d Cavalry, C. V.; Daniel McLane, Captain

2d Cavalry, C. V.; George F. Price, Captain 2d Cavalry, C.

V.; David J. Berry, Captain 2d Cavalry, C. V.; Josiah Hosmer,

1st Lieut. 3d Infantry, C. V.; James W. Stillman, 1st Lieut.

3d Infantry, C. V.; Lysander Washburn, 2d Lieut. 3d Infantry,

C. V.; Michael McDermott, 1st Lieut. 3d Infantry, C. V.; John

Quinn, 1st Lieut. 2d Cavalry, C. V.; Cyrus D. Clark, 1st

Lieut. 2d Cavalry, C. V.; Francis Honeyman, 2d Lieut. 3d

Infantry, C. V.; S. E. Joslyn, 2d Lieut. 3d Infantry, C. V.;

James Finnerty, 2d Lieut. 3d Infantry, C. V.; Edward Ingham,

2d Lieut. 3d Infantry, C. V.; Anthony Ether, 2d Lieut. 2d

Cavalry, C. V.; J. Bradley, 2d Lieut. 2d Cavalry, C. V.; Geo.

D. Conrad, 2d Lieut. 2d Cavalry, C. V."[97:A]

But to return to the meeting, and subsequent proceedings:--

The next morning, the Committee appointed to wait upon the officers and

"request" them to resign and leave the Territory, called upon Governor

Harding, at his residence, and presented him with a copy of the "Deseret

News," containing the reported proceedings of the meeting.

The Governor treated them with much courtesy, and after examining the

paper, addressed the Committee, as follows:--

"Gentlemen, I believe I understand this matter perfectly. You

may go back and tell your constituents that I will not resign

my office, and will not leave this Territory, until it shall

please the President to recall me. I came here a messenger of

peace and good-will to your people, but I must confess that my

opinions have changed in many respects. But I came also, sirs,

to discharge my duties honestly and faithfully to the

Government, and I intend to do so to the last. It is in your

power to do me personal violence,--to shed my blood; but this

will not deter me from my purpose. If the President can be

made to believe that I have been unfaithful to the trust he

confided to me, he will doubtless remove me; and I then shall

be glad to return to my home in the States, and will do so,

carrying with me no unjust resentments towards you or any one

else.

"But I will not be driven away; I will not cowardly abandon

my post. I may be in danger in staying; but my purpose is

fixed. I desire to have no trouble; I am anxious to live and

again meet my family,--but if necessary, an administrator can

settle my affairs.

"Your allegations in this paper are false,--without the shadow

of truth. You call my Message insulting, and you dare not

print it for fear your people may read it for themselves. To

say that I have wronged you when I said that you are disloyal,

is simply preposterous. Your own people--your public teachers

and bishops--admit the fact.

"Let me say to you in conclusion,--and as this is said to be a

land of prophets, I too will prophesy,--If, while in the

discharge of my duties, one drop of my blood be shed by your

ministers of vengeance, that it will be avenged, and not one

stone or adobe in this city will be left upon another. I have

now done, and you understand me."

During this reply the Committee sat quiet, with the exception of Elder

Taylor, who several times attempted to make some explanation; but the

Governor refused to hear him, and went through with his remarks without

stopping to listen, or reply to any new matter.

Elder Taylor then turned to Judge Drake, and remarked that he might

consider the resolutions as addressed also to him.

The Judge responded as follows:--

"The communications you have made are of some importance, and

as they are intended to affect me, I desire to say something

before you go.

"It is no small thing to request a citizen to leave his

country. Are you aware of the magnitude or of the baseness of

what you have undertaken? I deny that you have any cause for

such conduct toward me. I am an American citizen, and as such

have a right to go to every part of the Republic. I have the

right to petition, or ask the Government to pass laws; or to

amend them. You, Taylor and Pratt, are men of experience, and

reputed to be men of learning, and ought to know better than

to insult a man by such means.

"It is mean and contemptible. On your part, Taylor, a

foreigner, it is impudence unequalled; and Pratt, a citizen,

ought to know better than to trample on the rights of a

citizen by engaging in such a dirty enterprise. Your

resolutions are false, and those who drafted them knew them to

be so; and I am informed that in the meeting at the

Tabernacle, Brigham Young called me a fool, and a tool of the

Governor. [Here Taylor admitted that such was the fact.]

"Go back to Brigham Young, your master,--that embodiment of

sin and shame and disgust,--and tell him that I neither fear

him, nor love him, nor hate him,--that I utterly despise him.

Tell him, whose tools and tricksters you are, that I did not

come here by his permission, and that I will not go away at

his desire, or by his directions. I have given no cause of

offence to any one. I have not entered a Mormon's house since

I came here; your wives and daughters have not been disturbed

by me, and I have not even looked upon your concubines and

lewd women.

"I am no skulk from the punishment of crimes. I tell you, if

you, or the man whom you so faithfully serve, attempt to

interfere with my lawful business, you will meet with trouble

of a character you do not expect.

"A horse-thief or a murderer has, when arrested, a right to

speak in court; and unless in such capacity, or under such

circumstances, don't you ever dare to speak to me again."

The Committee rose to depart, and one of them said, "We have our

opinions." "Yes," replied the Judge, "thieves and murderers can have

opinions;" and thus closed the interview.

The Committee then proceeded to call on Judge Waite at his residence,

where they were received politely and with due consideration. In answer

to their request for his resignation and withdrawal from the Territory,

he replied as follows:--

"To comply with your wishes, gentlemen, under such

circumstances, would be to admit, impliedly at least, one of

two things,--either that I was sensible of having done

something wrong, or that I was afraid to remain at my post and

perform my duty.

"I am not conscious either of guilt or fear. I must therefore

respectfully decline to accede to your request."

These replies were published in California, and in the Eastern papers,

and gave general satisfaction. The people rejoiced that at last the

Government had representatives in Utah who could neither be wheedled nor

bullied out of their rights, nor frightened from the performance of

their duty.

In Utah the excitement for a time ran high, and doubtless nothing but

the presence of the military saved the federal officers from personal

violence.

The state of popular feeling there is well shown by the following

extracts from the correspondence of the "Chicago Tribune":--

"Excitement ran high, and groups of men were to be seen on the

corners of the various streets, busily engaged in canvassing

the subject, their earnest gestures and eager attitudes

portraying the depth and intensity of the frenzied feeling

which actuated them.

"One of the Judges sought to be ostracised (Judge Waite) was

accosted, while passing quietly along the sidewalk, by a group

of excited men, and threats of an alarming character made use

of to intimidate him.

. . . "The few 'gentiles' resident here were also to be

observed in earnest discussion of the question, and with

compressed lip and countenance, on which 'thought sat sedate,'

awaited, cold and determined, the approach of coming events. I

opine that many a bowie and revolver were hastily examined and

adjusted, of which the passer-by had no thought or knowledge,

which, in an emergency, might have been made useful.

"It was a spectacle of true courage to see these federal

officers, clothed with important duties, stand up and assert

their rights, when they knew but too well that this 'request'

upon the part of the meeting and the Committee had a far more

grave significance, if that request were not complied with.

"They have been called on by a number of citizens and

gentlemen since the visit of the Committee, and have received

but one expression of opinion as to what has passed; and that

is, that the proceedings throughout were an outrage, and only

intended to get rid of men who cannot be used against the

interest of the General Government, and whose fidelity to duty

makes them alike hated and feared by the Mormon leaders."

The following, from the same correspondence, will show the conduct of

Young during this emergency:--

"While the objects of all this wrath pursue the even tenor of

their way, and sleep soundly, with scarce a casement barred,

unmindful of the threatened storm without, yet not so with

him, 'the Lord's Anointed,' who appears to dream dreams and

see visions, that to his distempered fancy seem to foreshadow

the 'handwriting on the wall,' at the great day of his

judgment which is to come. Like unto the great magician, the

famous Fakir, who upon a time, by his incantation, raised a

demon which he could not control, which would not 'lay' at the

conqueror's command, and from which he fled in dismay; so, in

the present instance, the 'Lion of the Lord' is sorely

affrighted at the hideous aspect of the devil ('of a muss') he

has raised, which, he has the sagacity to see, may not 'down'

at his bidding, but may return to plague the inventor.

"There is abundant evidence to show that he is alarmed at his

own creation, and foreseeing that he has provoked justice,

incensed mercy, seeks to guard against the retribution which

he knows the offended majesty of loyalty and law should visit

upon him.

"The night succeeding the action of the mass meeting, some

fifty armed sentinels or guards were on duty, in and about

Brigham's premises, which number has since been augmented to

several hundreds, a portion of whom serve as pickets, or

night-patrol, on the different streets leading toward Camp

Douglas. It has been currently reported that orders have been

issued to arrest Brigham and his counsellors, and hence these

precautionary measures to guard against any sudden inroad of

troops from Col. Connor's command. . . .

"On the 8th inst., the Sabbath succeeding the date of the mass

meeting, Brigham delivered a very treasonable and violent

harangue in the Tabernacle, to an immense audience, which

filled almost to suffocation that capacious structure. . . .

'We have always,' he said, 'done everything in our power to

show our loyalty. Is there anything that could be asked that

we would not do? Yes; let the present Administration ask us

for a thousand men, or even five hundred, and I'd see them

damned first, and then they couldn't have them! What do you

think of that? [Loud cries of "Good, good!" and great

applause.] We have liars, murderers, and thieves among us, who

are watching us, to report something against our loyalty.

Their object is to send another army here to "wipe us out";

but let me tell them that cannot be done; "they can't come

it,"--putting his thumb to his nose, and making the peculiar

gyrating movement with the fingers, so very expressive among

rowdies and shoulder-hitters. At this antic, a long, and loud,

and universal shout and laughter went up from all parts of the

house, joined with clapping of hands, and stamping of the

feet, in one general din and uproar.

"'It was said that we were disloyal because we burned some

seventy government wagons, at the time Johnston's army came

here. Well, let me ask, _what the devil were they doing out

here_? Coming here to destroy, and wipe us from the face of

the earth; and we only took and destroyed some of their good

things, so that they had to _gnaw mules' bones_, and eat

cattle which had frozen to death; that's what they did.

"'I swear some, my brethren and sisters; but it is always in

the pulpit,--never anywhere else.'

"Following Brigham came 'brother Heber,' a large, gross man,

bald-headed, and with a harsh and disagreeable voice, and

apparently fast approaching the age of 'the lean and slippered

pantaloon.' His remarks were in the main but a re-hash of

those made by Brigham, save in one or two noticeable points,

as follows:--'They say I am a secessionist, _but that's a

lie_. Then they say I have more than one wife; well, I _have_

several wives, and lots of children, and by the help of the

Lord I'll have many more of them!'

"Speaking about anticipated trouble with the General

Government, he said:--'The entire power of the United States

cannot destroy us, for the Lord will fight our battles.'

"_Brigham fears Arrest._

"Yesterday Col. Connor rode into the city, and called on Judge

Waite at his residence, and made a stay of perhaps an hour or

so. Immediately after his departure, a signal of distress was

hastily thrown to the breeze, from a small flag-staff on

Brigham's 'Lion House.' . . . . Immediately a commotion was

seen, and soon armed men began to pour along the different

streets, and the report was carried, as on the wings of

lightning, to the uttermost parts of the city, that an order

was being made out for the arrest of Brigham and his

counsellors, and that Col. Connor had been down to make

arrangements for enforcing the writ. Men with muskets and

rifles,--some few with antiquated swords,--of all ages, from

the brawny youth to the old white-haired sexagenarian, came

pouring along, singly and in groups, by twos, by threes, and

the half-dozen or more, pressing hurriedly on towards

Brigham's premises, zealous, and ready to yield up life, if

need be, in defence of the 'Prophet of the Lord.' Altogether

some two thousand 'citizen soldiery' collected, and stood

guard during the watches of the night, over the beloved

Brigham and his harem. Verily, 'The wicked flee when no man

pursueth.'"

That Brigham really feared arrest at this time, and believed that a

movement was on foot for that purpose, is evident from the following,

taken from the "Latter Day Saints' Millennial Star," published in

London. It is a portion of a letter written for that magazine by David

O. Calder, a clerk in the tithing-office:--

"AMERICA. GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, March 13th, 1863.

"_President G. Q. Cannon_:

"Dear Brother,--You of course have learned through the New

York press of our 'expected collision between the military and

citizens of Utah,' and will learn through Capt. Hooper, (he

being just informed by telegraph to write to you,) that

comparative peace is restored. I shall now give you some

details of the trouble.

"As you are aware, we have been of the opinion that the

mission of the troops despatched from California last year was

not altogether to be confined to the guarding of the mail and

telegraph lines, and the protection of the California

emigration, and consequently have been watchful of their

proceedings; the more so, that they made their winter-quarters

within the city limits, and on one of the most commanding

benches above the city, instead of being distributed at the

several posts along the line of travel.

"We also have been made acquainted with the doings of Governor

Harding, and Judges Waite and Drake; that they were

corresponding with the authorities at Washington, and moving

everything that could be moved to bring the army here in

contact with the people, and to have the War Department send

on two or three thousand more troops.

"These and other movements compelled the citizens to be on

their guard, and prepared for any emergency. On Monday last, a

reliable person overheard Colonel Connor and Judge Waite in

conversation. The Colonel says, 'These three men must be

surprised.' The Judge replied, 'Colonel, you know your duty.'

In half an hour after, from a signal given, which was

previously understood, about one thousand citizens were armed,

and on duty, and in another half hour another thousand men

were on duty. This sudden demonstration proved to them that

their secret was known, and that we were fully prepared for

them. In the mean time our 'outside' friends in this city

telegraphed to those interested in the mail and telegraph

lines, that they must work for the removal of the troops,

Governor Harding, Judges Waite and Drake, _else there would be

difficulty, and the mail and telegraph lines would be

destroyed_. Their moneyed interest has given them great energy

in our behalf. They have placed their line at the disposal of

President Young, to be used to Washington, or New York. We

fully expect the Colonel, Governor, and Judges will be

recalled."

Here, it will be noticed, is the same covert threat contained in Brigham

Young's speech, that the mail and telegraph lines would be destroyed, if

the federal officers should be retained at their posts. It is to be

regretted that this standing menace should so far have had its effect,

as to induce the President, some two or three months afterward, to

recall Governor Harding from his position. It is true, by transferring

him to the Chief Justiceship of Colorado Territory, his removal was

disconnected with any censure of his administration. It still remained,

however, a substantial yielding to the arbitrary demands of Brigham

Young, and as such, had a direct tendency to encourage him in his

lawless proceedings, and to postpone for years the solution of the Utah

problem.

Judges Waite and Drake had, immediately after the demonstration of the

3d of March, written to the President, giving it as their opinion that

the laws were nugatory, and the Organic Act entirely inoperative in the

Territory, and declining to hold any terms of the District Court in

their respective districts until they should be properly supported by

the military power of the Government; at the same time giving it as

their opinion, that such a support should be at least five thousand men,

well armed, equipped, and provided.

The failure to furnish this force, and the subsequent change in the

governorship of the Territory, satisfied them that the Government was

not then prepared to meet the questions which had arisen in such a

manner as the dignity and honor of the nation required, and accordingly

all effort to further counteract the evil effects of this intolerant

theocracy were, for the time, abandoned.

Judge Waite, after holding, with his associates, in July, 1863, a term

of the Supreme Court, _at which there was not a single case on the

docket_, left the Territory in disgust, and established himself in the

practice of his profession in Idaho City, Idaho Territory. He resigned

his office, and was succeeded, in the spring of 1864, by Judge McCurdy,

the present incumbent.

[Illustration: James Duane Doty]

Governor Harding was succeeded, in May, 1863, by James Duane Doty, who,

at the time of his appointment, was Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

Governor Doty is a man of sound judgment, and of large experience in

public affairs; and does as well as any man could in his embarrassing

position. But his governorship is merely nominal. With the form and

semblance, he lacks all the substance of power; and where he should

_order_, he must satisfy himself with request and expostulation.

Judge Drake still remains in Utah, and with all the talent, energy, and

experience necessary to fill his position to the great benefit of the

people, he is obliged to remain entirely inactive, and goes through the

forms of holding court, with scarcely an attempt to administer justice

to the whole people, so well persuaded is he that all such attempts are

futile in the present condition of affairs.

Gen. Connor also remains, and, considering the small force at his

command, has accomplished wonders. By his bold and fearless vindication

of the rights and interests of the Government, guided, at the same time,

in all his acts by great discretion and moderation, he has compelled

some show of respect for the federal authority.

Neither Gen. Connor nor Judge Waite had the slightest intention of

arresting Brigham Young at the time alluded to in March, 1863. The

astute leader of the Mormons had a spy listening to the conversation of

those gentlemen, and the spy aforesaid heard some things, and thought he

heard others. He reported to headquarters the supposed result of his

discoveries, and it must be admitted that those who had been placed

under this insulting espionage took no great pains to correct the

impression which prevailed, and which so quickly and so thoroughly

developed the disloyal sentiments which the people had imbibed under the

infamous teachings of Brigham and his corrupt priests, apostles, and

bishops.

Mark the language used by Mr. Calder. "On Monday last, a reliable person

overheard," &c. Here the infamous system of espionage maintained over

the federal officers by Young, stands plainly confessed. But the fact

was well known, and he reaped no great benefit from it.

So thoroughly was he frightened, that, to save himself the ignominy and

humiliation of a public and forcible arrest, he went privately to his

friend, Chief Justice Kinney, and gave his bonds for his appearance at

Kinney's court, to answer to any indictment that _might be_ found

against him for polygamy.

The grand jury, of course, found no indictment, and the incident is only

worth mentioning as curiously illustrative of the extent to which he was

operated on by his fears on that occasion.

A brief notice of the federal officers stationed and residing in Utah,

while the writer was living in that Territory, will close the present

chapter.

Hon. Stephen S. Harding, who was Governor from the spring of 1862 for

about one year, is from Milan, Indiana. He is about fifty years of age;

is a sound lawyer, and a man of extraordinary energy and decision of

character. These traits are modified, in some degree, by considerable

ambition, and great love of approbation. In his administration of Utah

affairs, so far as he was governed by this feeling, he labored for the

respect and approval of the great body of the American people, rather

than of the masses by whom he was immediately surrounded.

That he possesses much personal courage is evidenced by many of his

official acts, some of which he had reason to believe would subject him

at once to personal danger. The presence of the military in the

immediate neighborhood was sufficient to prevent any open outbreak;

still there were many ways in which his personal safety might be

jeopardized, without subjecting the perpetrators of the acts to

punishment.

So well is this understood in Salt Lake, that it requires a high degree

of moral courage to enable one to do any act offensive to "the powers

that be" in the Holy City.

Every attempt was made to seduce him from the path of duty, not omitting

the same appliances which had been brought to bear upon Steptoe and

Dawson, but all in vain.

His family remained at Milan, except his son, Attila, who was with the

Governor at Salt Lake, and acted as his private secretary.

Hon. James Duane Doty, the successor of Harding, and the present

Governor of the Territory, was, for nearly two years previous to

receiving the appointment of Governor, Superintendent of Indian Affairs

for the Territory. He was appointed to succeed Harding in April or May,

1863.

James Duane Doty, Governor of Utah, was born at Salem, in the County of

Washington and State of New York, on the 5th day of November, A. D.

1799, the last year of the last century.

He emigrated to Detroit, Michigan, where he was admitted to the Supreme

Court, and settled in the practice of the law in the year 1818, and was

one of the earliest emigrants to that State.

The next year he was elected Clerk of the Common Council of the City,

and appointed Secretary to the Legislature, which was then composed of

the Governor and Judges of the Supreme Court; and was also appointed a

Notary Public, and soon afterwards Clerk of the Supreme Court of the

Territory by the Judges of that court.

In 1820 he accompanied Governor Cass, as Secretary, in his expedition to

the sources of the Mississippi, travelling a distance of over four

thousand miles through the Indian Country in a birch-bark canoe, from

the 20th of May to the 20th of November.

In this year he revised the laws of the Territory, which were published

by the authority of the Legislature.

In 1821 he was admitted an attorney of the Supreme Court of the United

States at Washington.

In 1823 the country north of lakes Huron and Michigan, and west of lakes

Michigan and Superior, was made by Congress a judicial district, and he

was appointed by James Monroe its Judge, with the title of "an

additional Judge of the Territory of Michigan." He performed the duties

of this office until the year 1832,--having married, and fixed his

residence at Green Bay, then the largest settlement in the country north

or west of Detroit.

In 1832 he was appointed by the Secretary of War a Commissioner to

locate Military Roads from Fort Howard, at Green Bay, to Fort Crawford

on Prairie du Chien, and to Fort Dearborn at the mouth of Chicago Creek,

now the site of the city of Chicago,--between which points there were

then scarcely twenty white inhabitants.

In 1834 and 1835 he served in the Legislative Council of Michigan,

having been elected by the voters west of the Lake; and introduced the

measure of a State government, which was adopted by the Council.

He contended for the right of the people to form a government for

themselves, under the provisions of the Ordinance of 1787.

By this measure a territorial government was obtained for Wisconsin, and

a permanent separation from Michigan of the country west of Lake

Michigan, which had been attached to that Territory in 1818, when

Illinois was admitted into the Union. It had been sought in vain of

Congress from the year 1825,--the application having been successfully

opposed by the party averse to laying the foundation of new

non-slaveholding States.

In 1837 he was elected Delegate to Congress from Wisconsin, and

continued to serve in that office by reëlection until the year 1841,

when he was appointed Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs in

that Territory; and as Commissioner held treaties at Oeyoowurah, on

Minnesota River, with the Dakotahs, and with the bands of that nation on

the Mississippi River.

It was in 1837 that he laid out the town of Madison, and succeeded in

making it the seat of government,--one of the most valuable services

which he ever rendered that State. It is now considered one of the most

beautiful sites for a town. When selected by him there was not a white

settler within forty miles, and it was occupied by Winnebago Indians.

He was elected and served as a member of the Convention to form a State

Constitution in 1846 for Wisconsin.

In 1849 he was elected in the Third District of Wisconsin a

Representative in Congress, and was reëlected in 1851,--serving on

several committees. It was during his first term as a member that he was

declared an Abolitionist--now no longer a term of reproach--by Father

Ritchie and the Southern leaders, because he declined to vote for a

repeal of the duty on lead.

In 1861 he was appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the

Territory of Utah; and in 1862 was appointed a Commissioner to negotiate

treaties with the Shoshonees,--which were held by him in 1863. These

were the first treaties ever made by the United States with this nation

of Indians.

In May, 1863, he was appointed Governor of the Territory of Utah. During

his long public service he has had the acquaintance, and enjoyed the

friendship, of most of the eminent men connected with the Government of

our country. Of those who were on the stage when he entered public life,

it is believed that but one is now living,--Gen. Cass, who was his

generous patron in boyhood, and has been his friend during this long

period of an eventful life.

He is now believed to be the oldest pioneer living west of Lake

Michigan. In the performance of his duties he has traversed the

Continent,--having stood on the shores of the Atlantic and Pacific; on

the latter of which he reached the point in his westward march, where,

when the eye is directed over that vast ocean towards the East Indies,

the West appears to terminate and the East begins.

Hon. Thomas J. Drake, Associate Justice, is from Pontiac, Michigan,

where he had resided from early manhood. He is now over sixty years of

age. He has a thin, wiry frame, dark hair, and a nervous, bilious

temperament.

His mind is vigorous and clear, and his virtue and integrity of the old

Roman order. Of blameless life and manners, all the shafts of his

accusers fall harmless at his feet.

The wrongs and iniquities he has witnessed, added to personal

ill-treatment, has engendered an intense hatred of the despots who sit

enthroned over the people of Utah, but he has the most kindly feelings

toward the great body of the people.

Lacking all adequate power, he is obliged to sit quietly by, and see

wrongs perpetrated, which he is utterly unable to redress.

Judge Waite, the Associate of Harding and Drake, was from the State of

Illinois, where he had resided since the year 1840.

At the time of his appointment, in February, 1862, he was thirty-eight

years of age. He was then living near Chicago, in which city he had

resided and practised law since 1853.

Of Chief Justice Kinney mention has already been made. Suffice it to

add, he was, in the summer of 1863, elected as Delegate to Congress from

Utah, and took his seat the following winter. He doubtless aspires to

still higher honors from the same Territory.

Hon. John Titus, who succeeded Kinney, and is the present Chief Justice

of the Territory, is somewhat past fifty years of age,--a gentleman of

much dignity and urbanity of manners. He is large and well formed, and

has an active temperament.

His duties as yet have been exceedingly light, and will probably

continue so while he remains in the Territory. The Mormons withhold from

him all the cases they can control. He is outspoken against polygamy,

making no reserve whatever of his opinions on that question.

Chief Justice Titus was appointed from the Philadelphia bar.

Dr. Frank Fuller was Secretary of the Territory about two years, and was

succeeded by Mr. Reed, in the fall of 1863.

Dr. Fuller is from New Hampshire, and a dentist by profession and

practice. He was attentive and obliging in his official intercourse with

all parties. He is a polished gentleman also in social intercourse.

He was one of the few federal officers in Salt Lake at that time who was

so fortunate as never seriously to offend Brigham Young. Doubtless his

position brought him less in collision with that gentleman than was the

case with other officers. If he saw any difficulties approaching, by a

little shrewd management he carefully avoided them. If in thus steering

between Scylla and Charybdis he did not always meet the approbation of

his fellow-officers, he managed at least to avoid any open differences,

and thus kept up the appearance of friendship with all.

He enjoyed for a long time the confidence and apparent respect of

Brigham, to a greater degree, perhaps, than Kinney himself.

From Salt Lake he went to San Francisco, where he engaged in dealing in

mining stocks.

From the time of Dawson's hasty departure in the fall of 1861, until

Governor Harding's arrival in July, 1862, he acted as Governor of the

Territory, and his administration gave general satisfaction to the

Mormons.

Amos Reed, Esq., who succeeded Dr. Fuller as Secretary in 1863, and who

now holds that position, came into the Territory with Governor Doty from

Wisconsin.

During the winter of 1863-64, while Governor Doty was absent in

Washington, Reed was the acting Governor, and as such evinced a high

order of administrative talent. The affairs of the Territory were,

during that time, conducted with much discretion and judgment, and so

far as was in his power, the rights and interests of all classes were

respected.

[Illustration: General P. Edward Connor]

General P. Edward Connor was born in County Kerry, Ireland, and migrated

to the United States, with his parents, at a very early period of life.

Having reached the age of manhood, he enlisted in the regular army of

the United States, and served an honorable term, as private, for five

years, on the frontier.

At the breaking out of the Mexican War, he raised a company of Texas

Volunteers, and as captain, led them with distinguished success and

heroism at the battle of Buena Vista. He was mentioned in official

dispatches, with high encomiums for bravery. At this battle he was

severely wounded, and received a pension from the Government. At the

close of the war he settled upon the Pacific coast.

Captain Connor resided in Stockton, California, for ten years, prior to

the rebellion, engaged in private business, wherein he attained a

handsome competence.

He was married at Stockton, and now has two children living. During his

residence in Stockton, Captain Connor took an active interest in

military affairs, and commanded a uniform company.

At the breaking out of the present rebellion, he was tendered the

appointment of Colonel of the Third Regiment of Infantry, California

Volunteers. With the expectation that his regiment was to be sent East,

he promptly raised and organized it.

The exigencies of the service, however, required his presence in Utah,

and in the summer of 1862 he led the 3d Infantry, and part of the 2d

Cavalry, Cal. Vol., across the Plains, in a most successful, though

arduous march, and established his camp where it would command the City

of the Saints.

Amid the snows and storms of the winter of 1862-63, he planned and

prosecuted a successful campaign against hostile Indians, and on the

29th of January, 1863, fought the hard battle of Bear River, defeating

and almost annihilating the savages, under the leadership of Bear Hunter

and Lehigh.

For the brilliancy of this action, Col. Connor was promoted by the

President to be Brigadier-General of United States Volunteers, which

rank he now retains.

He is a man of strong common sense, excellent and quick judgment,

invincible energy and determination, firmness amounting to obstinacy,

and the strictest integrity.

His administration in Utah has been eminently successful. By Brigham

Young he is at once hated and feared. He is but little past forty years

of age.

FOOTNOTES:

[97:A] The above embraces all the commissioned officers then stationed

at Camp Douglas.

CHAPTER VII.

BRIGHAM AS PRESIDENT OF THE CHURCH.

Organization of the Mormon Church.--Functions of the various

Officers. The Two Priesthoods.--Mode of Treating Dissenters or

"Apostates."--Divisions in the Church.--The Gladdenites.--

History of the Morrisites.--The Josephites.--Return to the

true Mormon Church.

In his capacity as President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day

Saints, Brigham Young possesses and wields despotic power over "this

people," and rules them by his single will, in all their affairs, both

spiritual and temporal.

This is owing, not to any peculiarity in the church organization. Any

organization which should recognize him as the absolute head of the

church, and dispense with every system of checks and balances, would

answer the same purpose. Once admit the necessity of a spiritual head,

and fail to require from him any responsibility, and all that remains

is, to establish a grade of agents and mediums for the transmission of

his will and wishes to the masses, and the system is complete.

Such a grade is fully established under the Mormon system.

First,--_The First Presidency_. This consists of three, chosen from

those who hold the high-priesthood and apostleship, and its office is to

preside over and direct the affairs of the whole church. It consists of

a President and two Counsellors. The President is also Seer, Revelator,

Translator, and Prophet. He rules in all spiritual and temporal

affairs.

Secondly,--_The Apostles_. These are to build up, organize, and preside

over churches, administer the ordinances, etc.

Thirdly,--_The Seventies_. The Quorums of the Seventies are to travel in

all the world, preach the gospel, and administer its ordinances and

blessings. There is, also, the Patriarch, whose duty is to bless the

fatherless, to prophesy what shall befall them, etc.

Fourthly,--_High-Priests and Elders_. The High-Priest is to administer

the ordinances, and preside over the _Stakes_ of the church; that is,

over the churches established abroad.

The Elders are to preach and to baptize; to ordain other Elders, also

Priests, Teachers, and Deacons. All the foregoing officers are of the

Melchisedec Priesthood.

Fifthly,--_The Aaronic Priesthood_, which includes the offices of

Bishop, Priest, Teacher, and Deacon.

The _Bishop_ presides over all the lesser offices of the Aaronic

Priesthood, ministers in outward ordinances, conducts the temporal

business of the church, and sits in judgment on transgressors.

The _Priest_ is to preach, baptize, administer the sacrament of the

Lord's Supper, and visit and exhort the saints.

The _Teacher_ is to watch over and strengthen the church, etc.

The _Deacon_ is to assist the Teacher.

There is also a High Council, consisting of Twelve High-Priests, with a

President. The office of the Council is to settle all important

difficulties.

The Priesthood comes direct from Heaven, and was lost to man, until the

keys of both orders of the Priesthood were given to Joseph Smith, by an

angel from Heaven, in 1829. After the death of Smith, they came into the

hands of Brigham Young.

From this _resumé_ of the church organization, it will be seen that it

is sufficient for the purpose. All these officers are but mediums for

the transmission of the will of the President. Nor is it confined to

spiritual affairs. Under the form of a church organization, this system

absorbs not only the religious, but all the civil and political liberty

of the individual member. The High Council forms an apparent check on

the power of the President; but when it is considered that this body is

composed of persons nearest the President, and under his immediate

influence and control, in other relations in the same organization,--as

High-Priests, etc.,--it will be seen that the check is only nominal, and

forms no real protection to the rights of the people.

The orders of the Priesthood, to which these officers are respectively

attached, are thus distinguished:--

The Melchisedec Priesthood hold the right of Presidency, receive

revelations from Heaven, for the guidance of the church, and hold the

keys of all its spiritual blessings.

The Aaronic Priesthood hold the keys of the ministering of angels, and

have the right to administer in outward ordinances. This Priesthood must

be filled by lineal descendants of Aaron.

It will be seen that the mission of all the officers of the Melchisedec

Priesthood--the Apostles, High-Priests, Seventies, and Elders--is to

propagate the gospel, and make converts; while the government of the

church and of the people is committed to the Aaronic Priesthood.

Of these the chief is the Bishop, who is accordingly the civil and

religious magistrate of the ward in which he resides.

There are other civil magistrates, whose duties are but little more than

nominal, except in Salt Lake City, where the occasional large influx of

"gentiles" who will not submit to this spiritual government, renders

necessary an approximation to the forms of civil proceedings to which

they have been accustomed.

The "saints" themselves are not expected to go before other than the

ecclesiastical magistrates. When brought unwillingly before a civil

magistrate, the same being a Mormon, the case receives a favorable

consideration.

Rare exceptions may be cited where, from motives of policy, this rule is

relaxed or departed from. For instance, in the winter of 1863-64, Jason

Luce, a Mormon, was tried, convicted, and shot, for the murder of a

gentile in Salt Lake City. But the murder was of the most cruel and

unprovoked character, the crime was perpetrated on the street, and the

evidence was open and abundant. Much indignation existed among the

miners, many of whom were congregated in Salt Lake City at the time.

If this had not been the first instance in the history of Utah of the

execution of a Mormon, under judgment of a Mormon court, for the murder

of a gentile, it might be taken as evidence of an intention to do

justice to all. As it is, it should be marked to their credit; and it is

only to be hoped that subsequent events may not prove it to have been an

act of policy merely.

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