But the peace did not last long and war again broke out betw

WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE

BY

FRANK G. SPECK

The texts are published with the permission of the Division

of Anthropology, National Museum of Canada

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction 169

Phonetic note 178

Gluskα̨be´ the Transformer 180

Gluskα̨be´ creates himself and competes with the Creator 180

The Turtle insults the chief of the Birds; Gluskα̨be´ helps him

to escape; mountains are created; and again Turtle escapes

by getting his captors to throw him into the water, but is

finally killed 181

Gluskα̨be´ becomes angry with the birch tree and marks it

for life 185

Gluskα̨be´ the Transformer (free translation) 186

How a hunter encountered Bmule´, visited his country and

obtained a boon 190

How a hunter encountered Bmule´, visited his country and

obtained a boon (free translation) 193

The origin and use of wampum 195

The origin and use of wampum (free translation) 196

Wawenock drinking song 197

Index 821

ILLUSTRATION

PLATE 13. François Neptune, the last speaker of the Wawenock

dialect 169

[Illustration:

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT

PLATE 13

FRANÇOIS NEPTUNE, THE LAST SPEAKER OF WAWENOCK (1912)]

WAWENOCK MYTH TEXTS FROM MAINE

By FRANK G. SPECK

INTRODUCTION

It is one of the laments of ethnology that the smaller tribes of the

northern coast of New England faded from the scene of history before we

were able to grasp the content of their languages and culture. At this

late day practically all have dwindled below the power of retaining

the memory of their own institutions--their link with the past.

Nevertheless, some few groups along the coast have maintained existence

in one form or another down to the present. In regions somewhat more

remote, the tribes of the Wabanaki group, hovering within the shelter

of the northeastern wilderness, successfully struggled through the

trials of the transition period, preserved their oral inheritance, and

even, to a considerable degree, the practices of their early culture.

Here on native soil still dwell the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy. On the

western and southern boundaries of Maine the Wabanaki bands escaped

extinction only by fleeing to Canada, where their descendants now

live at the village of St. Francis. Of the tribal names included in

this group, however, one in particular, the Wawenock, has long been

reckoned among the obsolete, though several times the suggestion had

appeared in print that the Indians residing at Becancour, Province of

Quebec, might be its survivors. In 1912 my interest in possibilities of

the sort culminated in the intention to follow up this source myself.

The results were extremely gratifying, for during the winter’s visit

traces were uncovered of those eternal values of native language and

tradition, which happily were still preserved in the memory of François

Neptune (pl. 13), one of the Wawenock men. My object in the following

pages is to present part of the literary material obtained from him, to

which I have prefixed a sketch of the tribe’s history.

The proper name of the tribe is, however, _Wali·na´kiak_, “People of

the Bay country.”[1] The term is current among the Wawenock survivors

of to-day, as well as among their neighbors and former allies, the

affiliated tribes originally from southern Maine, which now constitute

the St. Francis Abenaki.

[1] J. A. Maurault, Histoire des Abenakis, Quebec, 1866, p. VII, gives

Wolinak as the native name of Becancour, offering his idea of its

meaning as “river which makes many detours.”

Notwithstanding the fact that we have nowhere any definite information

on the exact boundaries of the Wawenock in their old home, it is

evident from Penobscot sources that the Wawenock territory began where

the Penobscot family claims[2] ended, a short distance west of the

waters of Penobscot Bay. This would give the Wawenock the environs of

St. George’s Harbor and River, and all the intervening coast as far as

the mouth of Kennebec River, since the latter is mentioned as their

western boundary. A difficulty confronts us, however, when we try to

determine how far northward into the interior the Wawenock claims

extended. From geographical considerations, since the region which is

typical of the coast extends inland about 30 or 40 miles, we might

infer that the hunting grounds of the tribe extended at least as far.

The additional fact that the Penobscot territory spread out westward

as we go toward the interior, and that they knew the Norridgewock

and Aroosaguntacook as their immediate western neighbors, would then

leave the general tract from the headwaters of St. Georges, Medomac,

Damariscotta and Sheepscot Rivers and Togus Stream, all east of the

Kennebec River, and southward to the coast, to be regarded as Wawenock

territory. The Wawenock have been already definitely assigned to the

Sheepscot and Pemaquid,[3] which would seem to have been at about

the center of their habitat. That their territory was also known as

Sagadahock (Sαŋkəde´łαk, Penobscot) is shown by a statement giving

different local names to parts of the Kennebec River--names which

corresponded more or less to the names of local bands--as follows:

“Aransoak, Orantsoak,[4] Kennebec River from the lake (Moosehead Lake)

to Norridgewock. Below Skowhegan it was called Canebas or Kenebas[5] to

Merrymeeting Bay, thence to the sea, Sagadahock.”[6]

[2] These were the Penobscot families of Mitchell (Lobster) and Susup

(Crab), who held the immediate shores and surroundings of Penobscot Bay.

[3] Maine Historical Society Collections, Vol. IV, p. 96, 1858. “The

Abnaquies occupied country between Penobscot Bay and Piscataquis River

and were divided into four principal tribes, viz, (1) the Sokokis

on the Saco River, (2) the Anasagunticook on the Androscoggin, (3)

the Carribas or Kenabes on the Kennebec, (4) the Wawenocks on the

Sheepscot, Pemaquid, etc.”

[4] Norridgewock, Nalα´djəwak, “Rapids up the river” (Penobscot);

Nawαdzwa´ki (St. Francis Abenaki); Nawi´·djəwak (Malecite), Nashwaak

River, N. B.; and also what may be evidently another form of the

name Newichewanock in New Hampshire. The proper name for the band is

Nalαdjwa´kiak (Penobscot), Nawαdzəwakia´k (St. Francis). A. E. Kendall

(Travels through the Northern Parts of the United States in 1807-8,

Vol. III, N. Y., 1809) gives the term as “Nanrantawacs” (p. 52), which

he says implies “still water between two places at which the current

is rapid.” J. D. Prince (Some Passamaquoddy Documents, Annals New York

Academy of Science, XI, no. 15, 1898, p. 376) translates nanrantsouack

as “stretch of still water.”

[5] Kwun·i·begᵂ “Long water” (Penobscot). The form of the proper name

would be Kwun·i·begwiak “people of the long water,” but we do not

encounter this in the documents. Maurault (op. cit., p. IV and 89) has

an interesting and very probable opinion on this term. He suggests as

an origin Kanibesek, “qui conduit au lac,” chaque année au temps de

la grande chasse de l’hiver les Canibas se rendaient en grande nombre

au “lac à l’original” (Moosehead Lake) en suivant la rivière Kénébec.

C’est pour cela qu’ils appelaient cette rivière “le chemin qui conduit

au lac.”

[6] Sαŋkəde´łak, “where the river flows out” (Penobscot). See also

Father Rasles (Jesuit Relations, 1716-27, vol. 67, p. 197), Sankderank.

Kendall, who traveled this country in 1807 (E. A. Kendall, op. cit.,

pp. 143-144), gives the same names Schunkadarunk and Zaughe’darankiac

and translates them correctly as “mouth of the river” and “people of

the mouth of the river.” Maurault (op. cit., p. 77) differs from others

in giving the form “‘sakkadaguk’ à l’endroit où le terrain est plat et

uni.” The proper name Sαŋkədeławiak, “people of where the river flows

out,” is known among the Penobscot to-day and has been frequently used

by authors in referring to Indians at the mouth of the Kennebec and

Androscoggin Rivers, or better, as Kendall states, to “the people of

the common mouth of Kennebec and Amariscoggin, that is the Sagahoc of

the early colonists.” (Kendall, op. cit., vol. III, p. 144.)

Bearing upon this is the fact that part of the St. Francis band

residing near Durham, Province of Quebec, until recently preserved the

local name kwən·a·´mwiak, “long point people.” This has been thought

to be possibly connected with the term just given. Joseph Laurent[7]

assigns the same name (Kwanahômoik) to Durham and gives the meaning

“where the turn of the river makes a long point.” It is evidently,

however, a later name acquired by these St. Francis families after they

had settled at Durham.

[7] New Familiar Abenakis and English Dialogues, Quebec, 1884, p. 210.

In ancient times the tribes on the coast of Maine extended into the

interior, but were more or less locally identified with the mouths of

the rivers and the large bays. The Wawenock were then located southwest

of the Penobscot, whose proper territory on the coast only surrounded

Penobscot Bay. According to tradition among the Penobscot, their

nearest relatives, the Wawenock, as we shall henceforth call them on

preferred authority,[8] are definitely remembered as Wα̨li·´naki·ak,

“People of the bay country,” because they were located on the shores

and in the country back of what is now known as Sagadahoc. This

country lies southwest of Penobscot Bay and includes a number of

smaller bays from St. George’s Bay, in Knox County, westward to the

mouth of the Kennebec River, embracing Lincoln and part of Sagadahoc

Counties. The Penobscot also refer to the inhabitants of this region

as Sα̨ŋkədeła´wiak, “People of the mouth of the river” (Sagadahoc),

the term being evidently another name for the Wawenock. At the present

time, not having held any contact with the Wawenock since their removal

to Canada early in the eighteenth century, they know the tribe only

by name. There is some evidence, however, in one of the family names,

Neptune, which occurs among both the Penobscot and Wawenock, that

during this period some of the latter may have joined the Penobscot or

vice versa.

[8] Various spellings for the tribal name have been given at different

times by different authors, occasionally even in the same work. Among

these occur such forms as Weweenock, Wewoonock, Wewenock, Wewonock;

the differences being evidently due to illegible handwriting in the

manuscripts and to the usual whims of orthography.

From these sources we can derive a fairly definite idea of the Wawenock

habitat and also two of the tribal synonyms.[9] Sagadahoc seems to have

been a commonly used designation for both the country and people.

[9] It seems a bit strange in passing along over the literature of

this region to note that Maurault, who seems to have known Wabanaki

history and ethnology very well, did not mention anything of the

term Wawenock in his chapter on the establishment of the Abenaki at

Becancour. (Maurault, op. cit., chap. 7.) He does, however, say that

the Indians at Becancour were Abenaki and Sokokis who came previously

from Damisokantik, which term he correctly derives from Namesokântsik,

“place where there are many fish,” later changed to Megantic, the

present name of a large lake near the Canadian boundary. It may be

remarked that tradition supports this assertion, for the Wawenock

informant, François Neptune, says that his grandmother knew that some

of her people came from there, and that the families at Becancour

formerly had hunting grounds there.

In the matter of the first European contact with the tribe it is

probable that Captain Waymouth in 1609, when he encountered the Indians

while riding at anchor off the coast of Maine, in what is now thought

to be George’s Harbor, encountered men of the Wawenock. The chances

are, however, about even that they were Wawenock or Penobscot. We may

assume in either case, nevertheless, that some of the descriptions,

which the scribe of the expedition, James Rosier, left us, refer to the

Wawenock, because subsequently during his sojourn in the neighborhood

he met a great many natives, concerning some of whom he has given

considerable information.[10]

[10] A True Relation of the Voyage of Captain George Waymouth (1609),

By James Rosier, p. 67 et seq. (Early English and French Voyages

(1534-1608) in Original Narratives of Early American History.)

Subsequent historical literature contains nothing, so far as I could

find, until about a century later when the Wabanaki tribes of Maine

had become hostile to the English colonists in Massachusetts. Father

Rasles, the Jesuit missionary who took charge of a mission in 1690,

founded at Norridgewock several years before, mentions the tribe as the

Warinakiens.[11] An estimate for this year states that the Sheepscot

(a local name for the Wawenock) had 150 men and the Pemaquid 100.[12]

The Wawenock were one of the tribes to be represented in the mission

at Norridgewock, which was some 50 miles from the heart of their

country.[13] During this period the Wawenock appear to have gradually

drifted northward toward the interior, probably in order to associate

more closely with the Christian proselytes of the Norridgewock and

Aroosaguntacook.[14]

[11] Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., 2d ser., Vol. VIII, p. 263 (1819).

[12] New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1866, p. 9.

[13] Rasles, in a letter to his brother written at Norridgewock in 1723

(Jesuit Relations, 1716-1727, vol. 67, pp. 183-195), speaks of a tribe

of “Amalingans,” who evidently lived near the sea, whom he converted.

Is it possible that he meant the “Warinakiens”?

[14] That the Indians at the mouth of Kennebec River were not always on

the best of terms with the bands up river appears from a reference in

Jesuit Relations for 1652, quoted by Maurault (op. cit., p. 8), saying

that the latter had been on the point of declaring war on them.

Mention is made of a withdrawal of some of the Indians in 1713

to Becancour, Province of Quebec, which probably refers to the

Wawenock.[15] Another notice, dated 1717, gives under the name of

Wawenock, a total of 15 men; the same source stating that in 1726 those

at “Sheepcut” numbered 3 and at “Pemaquid” 10.[16]

[15] Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., part 1,

p. 881.

[16] New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1866, p. 9.

As regards the mission at Norridgewock, Father Rasles was accused

of attaching the tribes so warmly to the French cause that they soon

became regarded as dangerous enemies of the English colonists. In 1724

an expedition was sent against the Norridgewock, which resulted in the

destruction of their village, the dispersion of the tribe, and the

death of Rasles.[17]

[17] Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., part 2,

p. 83.

Much has been written, both by English and French historians, showing

that Father Rasles was murdered and mutilated by the English in this

unfortunate massacre,[18] but another version of the affair is related

by the Wawenock informant. In this it is claimed that Rasles secretly

betrayed the mission to the English.[19]

[18] The original account of this event is by Father de la Chasse,

Quebec, 1724, cf. Jesuit Relations, 1716-1727, vol. 67, pp. 231-238.

Maurault (op. cit., pp. 403-404) also gives an account of the same

based on Charlevoix, Histoire Général de la Nouvelle France, vol. iv,

pp. 120-121, and Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. ii, p.

122, and Chiètien Le Clercq, “First Establishment of the Faith in New

France,” translated by J. G. Shea, New York, 1881.

[19] The legend runs as follows: When the English came to Norridgewock

the French priest sold the Indians to the English. The English gave him

a bag of gold and they promised that he should not be killed when the

attack was made. On that day he called the Indians into the church,

but one of the old women (the Malecite call her Pukdji´nskwes·) warned

them not to go, as she had had a presentiment of trouble. Her folks

ridiculed her, saying that she was silly with old age. When they had

gathered in the church the English attacked and the old woman was the

only one to escape, taking with her her grandchild on a cradle board

and swimming Kennebec River. The rest of the people were killed. During

the massacre one of the Indians tomahawked or shot Rasles in revenge.

The same story, strange to say, is well known among the Penobscot and

the Malecite. Among the Penobscot there are supposed descendants of

this grandchild, whose name was Bámzi·, according to an historical

legend.

After this unfortunate event the Wawenock who still dwelt there moved

from Norridgewock with their relatives, the Aroosaguntacook[20] allies,

who became known thereafter as the St. Francis Abenaki. The Wawenock

never became so thoroughly incorporated with the St. Francis Indians as

to lose their identity as did the other bands from southern Maine. They

did, however, share in the general term Abenaki, and were designated in

later accounts as the Abenaki of Becancour.

[20] The original form of this term is alsiga´ntαgwi·ak, for which the

following three meanings, depending upon the translation of the first

two syllables, have been assigned by different authorities. The Indians

of St. Francis, the Aroosaguntacook themselves, suggest in explanation

(1) “people of the river abounding in grass,” deriving the first part

of the term from a´lsiàl, “river grasses,” and -gan, “abundance of,”

and (2) “people of the river abounding in shells,” from als, “mollusk

shell.” The related Penobscot generally render the name (3) “people of

the empty house river,” taking alsigan to mean “empty house.” There

seems to be on etymological grounds about equal reason for all the

suggestions, so far as can be shown. Different writers, according to

their extent of knowledge or opinion on the matter, have favored one or

the other of these interpretations. For instance, Maurault (op. cit.,

pp. 272-273 and p. VII) inclines to interpretation (1). Prof. J. D.

Prince (American Anthropologist, n. s. Vol. IV, p. 17 (1902)) favors

the third, and quotes Gill (Notes sur les Vieux Manuscrits Abenakis,

Montreal, 1866, p. 13) as showing the same opinion. The second

interpretation receives favor from Joseph Laurent (Lola), “New Familiar

Abenakis and English Dialogues,” Quebec, 1884, p. 206.

According to their own traditions of the removal,[21] the Wawenock

informant says, they reached the St. Lawrence River opposite the mouth

of St. Maurice River, having probably come down the St. Francis River

from the south. The place is known in Wawenock as Noda´wαŋgαŋk, “Place

of the dance.”[22] The exiles, who were of course obliged to recognize

the territorial hunting rights of the Algonquin proprietors,[23] are

said to have asked if they could hunt with them. In response, it is

claimed, the Algonquin gave the Abenaki a concession extending 2

leagues above Three Rivers, down to the St. Lawrence to the mouth of

a river on the south side where there is an island called Mαtasu̹´, a

corruption of the name of the Seigneur Montesson who held the title

to it.[24] There the Wawenock separated from the Abenaki allies and

located on what is now Becancour River. Maurault[25] says that in

the move of 1679 the Sokoki (Sako´ki·ak “Saco River people”) in part

settled at Becancour.[26]

[21] Maurault (op. cit., p. 284) states that the Indians first began

their settlement at Becancour as early as 1680.

[22] Our informant, François Neptune, says that the site is near the

railroad bridge at Three Rivers.

[23] Maurault (op. cit., pp. 109-112) speaks of friendly relations

existing between the Algonquins and the Wabanaki tribes as early as

1613.

[24] Maurault (op. cit., p. 290) mentions the same and has something to

say about the identity of the owner of the name.

[25] Op. cit., p. 174.

[26] Kendall (op. cit., pp. 143-144) also states that Sakokiak settled

at Becancour.

They evidently played a considerable part in the Indian wars that

devastated southern Maine at this time, and in 1726, when the first

serious attempt was made by the Massachusetts government to secure

peace, the Wawenock receive frequent mention in the records of the

proceedings. At the treaty of Falmouth, Casco Bay, in 1726, before Gov.

W. Dummer, of Massachusetts, “Wenemovet answered that they had full

power to act for them (the Norridgewock) and for the Wewenocks and for

the ‘Arresuguntenocks’ and (St.) François.”[27]

[27] Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th ser., Vol. V, 353 (1861).

In speaking of Governor Dummer’s treaty, the “Norridgwocks, St.

François, and Wowenock Indians” are again mentioned as being in Canada,

whither the bulk of the allies must have moved by this year (1726).[28]

Also Loron,[29] a Penobscot chief, explained to the Governor how he

was entitled to make peace for the “Norrigwock, St. François, and

Wowenocks,” who were not present at the treaty, by reason of having

received a wampum belt from them empowering the Penobscot to speak

in their behalf.[30] Loron also said that the Norridgewock Indians

were scattered among the “Arresaguntecook” Wewonock or St. François

tribes.[31] It is interesting to observe the names of some of the

native treaty delegates in these accounts because some of them have

survived in the tribe until the present day, as we shall see later.

They also have some ethnological value. It seems that, owing to the

absence of some of the tribes from the occasion of the first treaty in

1726, it became necessary to hold another the following year to ratify

it. Accordingly in the conference of that year (1727) held again at

Falmouth, the following sachems subscribed to the ratification of the

treaty made through the Penobscot in the year preceding. “Toxeus,[32]

Sagamore of Nerridgawock, Ausummowett,[33] Sagamore of Arresaguntacook,

Woosszurraboonet,[34] Sagamore of Wowenock” are mentioned.[35] Later

again we learn of “Memmadgeen and Woosszaurraboonet, Captains and

Councillors, two of the chiefs of the Wowenock Tribe and delegated by

them, accompanied by Auwemmonett, the chief sachem’s son, Wenerramett,

Paterramett,[36] Saawerramet, Quinoise,[37] chiefs and others of

the said tribe of Wowenock.” The conference was attended by “40

Nerridgawocks and 15 Wawenocks.”[38] The fact that these tribal groups

were fairly independent politically is shown by their desire to have

“separate seals of the treaty,” one for each tribe. Some more Wawenock

personal names were given by Quinoise, one of the above-mentioned

delegates, when he enumerated Indians whom he knew held some English

captives. They were Wauhaway, Acteon, Omborowess, Maneerhowhaw, Pier,

Sungehaugundo, some of whom were St. François, some Wawenocks and some

Scattacooks (from Connecticut).[39]

[28] Ibid., p. 365.

[29] This is from the French Laurent, its Indian form being Lola among

the St. Francis and Penobscot, where it is still a family surname.

[30] Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th ser., Vol. V (1861), pp. 386, 387.

[31] Ibid., p. 390.

[32] Toxus (Taksu´s) was until lately represented among the family

patronyms of the St. Francis people.

[33] This name may be the same as Wasámemet, Wasawánemet, which still

survives as a family name at St. Francis, where it is thought to mean,

“He talks against some one.”

[34] For a supposition as to the later identity of the name among the

Wawenock themselves, see p. 176 of this paper.

[35] Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. III (1853), p. 411.

[36] See also p. 176.

[37] Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. III (1853), p. 412. Possibly

the French rendering of Kwun·a´wαs, “Long Hair,” a personal name

in Penobscot mythology (F. G. Speck, Penobscot Transformer Tests,

International Journal of American Linguistics, vol. 1, no. 3, 1918, p.

188).

[38] Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. III (1853), p. 413.

[39] Ibid., p. 440. Among these names, Acteon for Attean (Etienne),

Omborowess for Amblowess (Ambroise), and Pier for Piel (Pierre) are

recognizable as present day Wabanaki family names. The name Omborowess

was a Wawenock patronym. (See p. 176.)

But the peace did not last long and war again broke out between the

English and Wabanaki tribes. Another treaty was consummated at Falmouth

in 1749. In this compact, which finally brought an end to the Indian

troubles in southern Maine, the “Arresuguntoocooks and Weweenocks” were

represented by “Sawwaramet, Aussaado, Waannunga, Sauquish, Wareedeon,

Wawawnunka.”[40] From this time on the Abenaki relinquished their

attempts to retain their claims in Maine and retired to Canada, where

the Wawenock came into possession of land at Becancour on Becancour

River, while the Norridgewock and Aroosaguntacook, together with

survivors of the other smaller tribes, settled permanently about 30

miles away at St. Francis, on St. Francis River. Maurault in 1866[41]

asserted that only 10 families remained at Becancour, though they were

of purer blood than the Abenaki at St. Francis. He says that in 1708

the Indians at Becancour numbered 500, having come from Lake Megantic,

with others from the Androscoggin and Chaudiere Rivers. The number

probably included Sokoki who had joined them in 1679 (see p. 173).

[40] Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. IV, p. 164 (1856).

[41] Maurault, op. cit., pp. 288 and 294.

Although the Indians forming the St. Francis village and the Wawenock

had many interests in common they remained independent of each other,

not only in dialect but in political respects, in having their own

reservations, chiefs, and administration, both religious and civil. The

same conditions hold to-day. At St. Francis the Wawenock from Becancour

are regarded as friendly strangers.

This brings us down to recent times. Politically the Wawenock have now

about lost their name, being known in occasional reports as the Abenaki

of Becancour. In 1910 they numbered 26,[42] including absentees, upon

their reservation of 135⅔ acres. Most of them have scattered, some

having gone to the French towns, while I encountered several families

who have migrated to Lake St. John and live with the Montagnais as

hunters and trappers.[43]

[42] In 1914 when I visited them they numbered 23.

[43] In traveling among the Montagnais of the Province of Quebec I have

encountered some of the dispersed Wawenock families and descendants

from whom the following information was secured.

In about 1870 Charles Neptune and his sister of Becancour, in company

with some Abenaki from St. Francis (Aimable Gille, Obomsawin family),

and relatives, came to Lake St. John by way of Chicoutimi. They

migrated to Metabetchouan by canoe from Chicoutimi, and settled near

the Hudson Bay Co.’s post, long since abandoned. Here they appropriated

hunting territories with the permission of the Montagnais. Charles

Neptune died in 1907. He spoke the Wawenock language. Six sons and

three daughters survived him, his wife having been a Canadian. Their

descendants are now living among the Montagnais at Lake St. John, under

the family names of Neptune, du Chêne, and Phillippe. Another Wawenock

from Becancour, Louis Philip, lives at Lake St. John. His father came

from Lake Megantic on the border between Maine and the Province of

Quebec. He was probably the last Wawenock to have been born in Maine.

Philip has descendants at Lake St. John. He knows a few words and

expressions which indicate the dialect of his father to have been

really Wawenock. Of the 23 Wawenock descendants at Lake St. John, as

enumerated by Noah Neptune in 1915, none know anything distinctive of

their ancestral language or customs.

Again on the lower St. Lawrence there are Wawenock descendants. At

Tadousac and Chicoutimi, the Nicola families have become admitted to

land rights with the Montagnais of these places. At Escoumains is

another named Jacques. Four children of old Joseph Nicola who migrated

many years ago from Trois Rivières, and settled also at Chicoutimi,

also have numerous offspring by either Montagnais or Canadian wives.

Possibly these emigrants came to the Saguenay with the ancestors of the

Gille, Neptune, and Phillippe families at Lake St. John. At Tadousac,

Joseph Nicolar remembered the text of a Wawenock song which his father

used to sing. This is given with the other texts in this paper (see p.

197).

I should add, that with few exceptions among the older people, these

Wawenock descendants have become so merged either with the Canadian or

the Montagnais that they know almost nothing of their own people. In

the family names, however, we can see the survival of influences which

began in Maine when the ancestors of the Wawenock were close to the

Penobscot with whom they have some family names in common.

The following are the family names of the tribe. Some are still in

existence (marked *); others have recently become extinct.

Pabi·welə mα´t “He is thought small.” The family name

of the grandmother of François Neptune,

our informant. This name may be the

original of “Paterramett” mentioned

in the treaty of 1727 (cf. p. 174).

*Metsałabα̨lα´t “Lost his Breath” (?) This name is undoubtedly

the original of “Wooszurraboonet” of 1727

(cf. p. 174).

Sogαla´n “It rains.”

Sezawegwu´n “Feather in the hair.”

Mekwas·α´k “Red stain.”

Abələwe´s· French “Ambroise.” The same as

“Omborowess” in 1727 (cf. p. 175).

*Obä̦´ French, (St.) Urbain.

*Neptα´n Neptune, doubtful origin. This is also

a Penobscot family name.

*Nicola´ Nicholas, also a Penobscot family name.

So far as can be said at present the material culture of the Wawenock

was practically identical with that of the Penobscot and St. Francis

Abenaki. Not much of this is preserved by the survivors at the present

day. The tribe, however, still keeps its organization under a chief.

In the traditions of the Wabanaki Confederacy, as far as we know them,

the Wawenock are not mentioned, though they had been represented in the

alliance at an earlier time.

As for social organization no knowledge is preserved of the family

hunting territories, for it seems that at Becancour hunting has

not been a practicable occupation for several generations. Neither

dances nor ceremonies have been performed within the memory of the

old people, so we only have the names of several dances which are

remembered through tradition. The term alnαk`hadi´·n denotes the

common dance (Penobscot alnαba´gan) performed as a part of the

marriage ceremony which, like that of the Penobscot, is proposed by

means of wampum. Several strings of wampum, which were given to the

parents of his grandmother by her husband when he proposed marriage,

were fortunately obtained from François Neptune. Nawadəwe´·, “song

and dance” (Penobscot, Nawa´dəwe), was a war dance in which the men

carried tomahawks, and skogogwəga´n, “snake dance,” was similar to the

Penobscot ma`tagi´posi·, “moving in a serpentine manner.”

In the field of folk lore, medicinal lore and shamanism much still

remains to be done with the informant. The culture hero and transformer

Gluskα̨be´, “the Deceiver,” is the same as that of the Penobscot, and

shares generally the same characteristics. A comparative study of the

transformer (Gluskap) cycle in Wabanaki mythology is being prepared by

the writer, so it does not seem essential to refer just now to cognate

elements in the mythology of the other tribes of the group.

Within the last generation the Wawenock dialect has gone completely

out of use. Most of the survivors are half-breeds and speak French.

The only person I found who knows the dialect is François Neptune,

supposedly a full blood, in his sixties (1914), the oldest man at

Becancour, whose acquaintance I had the good fortune to make in 1914

during a trip of reconnaissance among the Abenaki in company with Mr.

Henry Masta of this tribe.[44] Neptune’s interest in his dialect, which

he knew to be on the verge of extinction, made work with him quite

easy, although the state of his health prevented our doing more at

the time. The following few myths in text will, I think, enable us to

form some idea of its intermediate position between Penobscot and St.

Francis Abenaki when more of the texts already collected in both of

these dialects are published.[45] It seems hardly necessary to remark

that, in the scanty material on this region so far available in print,

there exists absolutely nothing in the Wawenock dialect.

[44] It might be added that Mr. Masta has given considerable time to

the study of his people, and he is quite satisfied as to the identity

of the Abenaki of Becancour with the Wawenock of early Maine history.

[45] Comparative linguistic and mythological material in Penobscot,

which the Wawenock most closely resembles may be found in the writer’s

“Penobscot Transformer Texts,” International Journal of American

Linguistics, vol. I, no. 3, 1918, while Doctor Michelson has given

the position of Penobscot among the eastern Algonkian dialects in his

Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian

Tribes, Twenty-eighth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1913, pp. 280-288.

PHONETIC NOTE

Although closely related with the Penobscot and the St. Francis

dialects, Wawenock has some distinctive qualities of its own. The list

of sounds is as follows:

p, b, m are normal as in English.

n, l alveolar-dental in position.

ł alveolar-dental lateral surd.

t, d alveolar-dentals, somewhat indeterminate in quality.

k, g medial palatals, indeterminate in quality. k`ᵂ is k followed

by aspiration and lip closure; gᵂ also occurs.[46]

tc affricative medial surd.

dj affricative medial sonant.

s, z in position same as in English, indeterminate in sonant

quality.

ŋ palatal nasal, like _ng_ of English _sing_.

h, w, y as in English.

a, i, o, u normal, medium length.

e open, as _e_ in English _met_.

ε long, between _e_ and _ä_, as in North German _bär_.

i· long closed vowel like English _ee_.

ᴐ longer than _o_, almost like _au_ in English _taut_.

α short _a_, like _u_ of English _but_.

ə short obscure vowel of uncertain quality.

, denotes nasalized vowels (α̨, ą, ǫ́).

` denotes aspiration following sound.

· denotes lengthened vowel or consonant.

´ primary stress.

` secondary stress.

[46] This results from the loss of a vowel.

Two stop consonants coming together have a slight vocalic pause,

sometimes amounting to _ə_, between them.

The vowels _e_, _i_, _a_, _o_, _u_ before stops have a tendency to show

a slight aspiration following them. This quality, however, is hardly

noticeable in Wawenock in comparison with Penobscot or Malecite.

Where words differ in spelling in different places it is because they

were recorded as they were pronounced each time.

Wawenock appears to have been intermediate dialectically as well

as geographically between Penobscot and St. Francis Abenaki

(Aroosaguntacook and Norridgewock). In phonetic make-up it has the

predominating _e_, ε, vowel where in St. Francis _a_ and in Penobscot

_e_ occurs, though resembling Penobscot more. Wawenock Gluskα̨bε,

St. Francis Gulskα̨ba´, Penobscot Gluskα̨´be; Wawenock be·´nαm, St.

Francis p`ha´nαm, Penobscot p`he´nαm. “woman.” The dental quality

of the alveolar consonants (_n_, _t_, _d_, _l_) is something of an

individuality to Wawenock. It is totally foreign to Penobscot and the

dialects eastward, while the St. Francis pronunciation shows it in

_t_, _d_, and the affricatives. Wawenock, like St. Francis Abenaki, has

the final syllable stress. Like St. Francis it also lacks the distinct

aspiration following vowels preceding stops and affricatives so

noticeable in Penobscot. Syntactically Wawenock uses more independent

word forms than Penobscot but it is not quite so analytic as the

St. Francis dialect. In vocabulary Wawenock employs some nouns and

verbs which are found in Penobscot and not in St. Francis and vice

versa--perhaps more of the former. Modal and adverbial forms are more

like those of St. Francis. There is nothing in grammar, so far as I

could ascertain, that is really distinct from both the two related

dialects; consequently the intermediate position of the dialect seems

well established. Its intermediate complexion has led to an anomalous

classification among the Indians themselves. The Penobscot associate

Wawenock with the St. Francis dialect, while the latter reciprocate by

classing it with Penobscot. As a final consideration it might be added

that intercourse with the St. Francis people has been too irregular

to have influenced the idiom in recent years, hence the intermediary

characteristics of the dialect seem genuine properties, not of a kind

acquired since the migration of the tribe from its old home in Maine.

GLUSKΑ̨BΕ´ THE TRANSFORMER

A

GLUSKα̨Bε´ CREATES HIMSELF AND COMPETES WITH THE CREATOR

yuwe´dji· mαdjα̨be´gəsit` Gluskα̨bε´ nenawa´ debe´ldak

From this is the beginning Gluskabe. Then he “The Owner”[47]

wa`wali·bα̨de ntami·senα̨bal` ni·nawayu´ ki· peyαnα´k

when he made first man then now of earth left over,

gi·zi·hα̨´t yuli´l senα̨ba´l` ni·wudji·´ nitci·husi´n

when he made this man from that he created himself

Gluskα̨bε´ yu· ki· peyαnα̨·zi´k ki·yu´ gi´zi·begi·hadα̨zu`

Gluskabe this earth left over this earth which had been sprinkled,

ni·wet·e´k mliksαnα´o ni·waida´ Gluskα̨bε´

that is why he was so strong so well Gluskabe

kizi·n’əgwi·tciwəli·hozu´ negani·´ ubα´bmα̨dabi`n

was able to form himself; then he moved about in a sitting position;

ni·debelda´k` umαlhi·nawα´·n ni·udi·łα´n “tαni·´

then “The Owner” was astonished; then he said, “How

wəda´t·e yugədayi´n” ni·udi·´łəgun “a´ida`

happened now here you be?” Then he said, “Well!

ni·´wədji· nidji·hosi´n ki·´yu peyαnəmα´n nta´mi·

because I formed myself from this earth left over from first

se´nα̨bε gizi·h´at” ni·udi·´łəgun debe´ldamli·dji`l`

man that you made.” Then he was told his “Owner,”

“gamα´dj´i· kəmαlhintato´`” udi·´łəgul “nəmαlhi·´ntato`

“Very you are wonderful.” He was told “I am wonderful

e´ligizi·begihalihα`n.” nega´ ni·udi·łα̨gu´n “nəgadji·´

because you sprinkled me.” Then he was told “Accordingly

kiuse´nena` nikwα̨bi·´” ni·we´dji· mαndji·hi·di´t

we shall roam about now.” So they left

ni·wəda´kwαŋk·i·`na wadjuwa´l` ni·gizi· uski·´dji·we`

then they went up hill a mountain, then after they reached the top

wadjo´k nebla´ tα̨ławe·´ ubma´tawᴐ̹·bina`

of the mountain while so they gazed about open eyed

tani·´lαnawage` owewi·wαniwi·´ ni·una´mi·tona` nəbəs·a´l`

so far round about they could see lakes,

si·bua´l` si·biwi·´ abazi·a´l` məsi·´wi el`ka´mige`k ki·

rivers, and trees all how the land lay, the earth.

ni·dəbe´lda`k udi·´łαn “ki·nayu´ eli·mαlhi·´ntatowα̨`

Then “The Owner” said, “Behold here how wonderful is my work,

msi·´wi ngi·zi·dəhα̨´damən[48] pe´mkamige`k sobe´k`ᵂ

all I created by my wish of mind the existing world, ocean,

si·bua´l` si·bui·nəbə´s·a`l`”[49] ni·udi·´łαn Gluskα̨ba´l`

rivers, river lakes.” Then he said to Gluskabe,

“ki·aba´ nəgədli·´bəgwatu´n?” ni·udli·hα̨zi·teməgu´n

“What might you have caused to be created?” Then finally he replied

yuli´l Gluska·ba´l` “nda´ba nindli·´bəgwa tawu`n[50]

this Gluskabe, “Can not I cause anything to be created

ni·nawa´ ke´gwi·ba gizi·uli·´tawu`n” ni·udi·´łan

yet something perhaps I can make?” Then he said,

“a´ida ngizi·hα̨ba´ kə´səlαmsα`n.” ni·debelda´k udi·´łαn.

“Well! I can make him perhaps the wind.” Then “The Owner” said,

“nega´ wuli·hya´ tanegədli·´bəgwatu`n si·biwi·´ ta´ni·gədotsani·`n.”

“Then make it what you can do even according to your power.”

negeła´ ni·uli·ha´n gəsəlαmsαnu´l` madje´lαmsα´n

Then surely then he made him the wind. The wind rose

ni·gwi·kwaskwaiwi·´ aləmi·gəslαmsα´n ni·askwa´ eləmi·gəslamsα´k

then sufficiently the wind coming up and then so hard it blew

ni·abazi·a´k aləmi·α̨bə´djəgelke` elαmso´genα̨`. ni·debe´ldak

then the trees torn out by the roots blew over. Then “The Owner”

udi·´łαn Gluskα̨ba´l` “teba´t` gizi·nami·tu´n elsani·a´n

said to Gluskabe “Enough! I have seen how powerful you are

tet·a´tci· eli·bəgwatəwα̨´n.” ni·dəbe´ldak udi·damə´n “nega´ni·a

and now what you can do.” Then “The Owner” said, “Now, I

α̨zi·daiwi·´ noli·ha´n kəzəlαmsα´n” negeła´ ni·mα´djegəslαmsα`n

in return I will make him the wind.” Then surely the wind rose

α̨zi·daiwi·´ ni·edudlαmsα´k alni·gelnα´ kwi·hi·di·`t` ni·ga

in return then it blew so (?) then

ni·edudlαmsα´k ni·wədu´kskα̨dəbelαmsoge`n wa

it blew so then it blew his hair all tangled up on his head that

Gluskα̨bε´ ni·gadawi·´ e´nawiptα`ŋk`ᵂ wədəpkwana´l` nimzi·wi·´

Gluskabe then he wanted to smoothe it down his head of hair then all

me´tlαmsα`n ni·nda´tαmα wədəpkwana´l` nimsi·´wi· me´tlαmsα`n

it blew off, then not his head of hair all it blew off

ni·t·a´tci· ume´tα̨begəzi´n notlo´kα̨ga`n.

and now ends my story.

[47] The “Owner” of the Universe, synonymous with God.

[48] A common concept among the Indians; freely “by wishing a thing

into existence.”

[49] Or si·bi·wi·´ nəbə´s·a`l` “also lakes.”

[50] Denoting more “to make complete.”

B

THE TURTLE INSULTS THE CHIEF OF THE BIRDS; GLUSKABE HELPS HIM

TO ESCAPE; MOUNTAINS ARE CREATED; AND AGAIN TURTLE ESCAPES BY

GETTING HIS CAPTORS TO THROW HIM INTO THE WATER, BUT IS FINALLY

KILLED

Negawa´ida pemi·zo·bek`ᵂke´t Gluskα̨be´ ni·uni·´łαn

So well then as he wandered by the ocean Gluskabe then he killed

podeba´l` ni·ugizi·nłα´n podeba´l` ni·unα̨dji·´ wa´wαndokewα`n

a whale; then when he had killed the whale then he went to inform

wusa´si·za`l` toləba´ ni·udi·´łαnα “naba´tci·eli·` podebε´”

his uncle turtle, then he told him “Great fortune! killed a whale.”

ni·wusasi·za´l` udi·´łəgun “negateci´ gα̨djip`tonenα̨´ podebaiya´.”

Then his uncle he was told “and now we will go and get it whale meat.”

negeła´ ni·unα̨dji·na´ ni·wədlosenα´ sobegu´k` ni·bayα̨hα̨di·´t

So then they went; then they came to the ocean; when they arrived

wabodebe´ls·ik ni·wədnαmna´ kesi´tcweldamohodi·`t

where the whale lay then they took as much as they wished;

ni·gizi·´wikwu`nəmohodi·`t ni·bla´ pali·wi·´ obunəmona´

then when they took it for a while to one side they put it

ni·wadoləba´ edudji·´wehemα̨`t si·psa` ges·i·k·i·gi·´t msi·´wi·

then that turtle called them together the birds various kinds all

wski·tkami´k`ᵂ negan·i·´ sα̨khedəwoldihi·di·´t ne´bəgwatci´

in the world; then they came flying then on account of it

nαn·e´mkami·gi·pode·` si·bi·wi·´ wəda´s·ot·ekawα̨wα`l` ki·sosa´l`

the ground shook and fairly covering up by flocking the sun

ni·ubedji·´dəwuldenα̨ msi·wi·´ ni·umi·tsoldi´n taneba`

then they all came flying all they all ate since

wik`ᵂhαbαlαŋk ni·wa´ gəl·u´[51] sαŋgəma´ ni·yu´

they were invited to the feast then that eagle chief and here

wawi·wuni·wi·´ i·yu´ ebita´ida toləbε·´ ni·´wa toləbε·´

near around here where he sat then turtle that turtle

wikwu´nəmən unəs·ekwa´k`ᵂ ni·wətəmi·´ktci·es·α`n kəl·uwa´l` yu´lil

took his knife then cut off his rear the eagle this

sαŋgəma´l`. ni·wa´ sαŋgəma´ ndawawαma´ls·wi·` gizi·təmi·´kətci·azamα`k

chief. Then chief did not feel it when his rear was cut off

ni·yuli´l et·ak·αŋgotci·´l` kepti´n[52] ni·udi·łα´n sαŋgəma´l`

then this his second chief captain then said to the chief,

“ni·aweni´ eli·hogowα´n kəmaməs·ani´ pəna´lgebəna`” ni·

“And who has done so to you belittling you we are all insulted.” Then

umoskwe´ldamənα̨` ni·ugi´zəlomana` toləba´l`

they all became angry then they planned what to do to turtle

wedjinłαhα̨di·´t ni·gistε·´ tα̨ ławe·´ unaskasi·nα̨´ negawα´

so as to kill him and then accordingly they attacked him and that

toləbε·´ ni·wikwunα´n yuhi·´ awi·p`hona´ ni·udα̨ba´sahozi´n

turtle then he took these feathers and fanned himself

ebəgwa´tc i·da´k “nαləgwa´ wədα̨´bas·ehwana`l`,[53] nαləgwa´

on account of it said “wing his fan wing

wədα̨´basehwa`nal`” ni·yu´ nαləgwa´ wədα̨ba´s·ehwa´nak ni·wa´

his fan!” Then (with) wing he fanned himself then that

Gluskα̨bε´ udi·łα´n wuza´si·zal` “kəba´lalokε·` eli·tα̨ławei·´

Gluskabe said to his uncle “you have done wrongly so doing

a´ida təmi´k·ətci·as·a´t sαŋgəma´ nide´bəne` kənαskα´ŋgen·enα̨`”

well, cutting his rear off the chief and soon they will attack us.”

ni·udi·´łαn “ni·dji·na´wa dani·` kədlada´kanena`?” ni·udi·´łαn

Then he said, “On account of it what shall we do?” Then he said

pla wa´ses·enolitu`n yu abaz·i´k.” ni·geła´

“In the meantime I will build a nest here in the tree.” Accordingly

uwəli·tu´n wazəs·e´ ni·udi·łα´n yuli´l wuza´si·zal`

he built a nest. Then he said to this his uncle

“tcespi·gwᴐ̹·dawε·´” ni·geła´ toləbε·´ ogwa´gwedji·spi·gwᴐ̹dawε·`

“You shin up.” Forthwith turtle tried to shin up

ni·ndate´gəne` ugizi·spi·gwᴐ̹´dawα`n ni·udi·´damən “madji·łε·´

and he was not able to shin up, then he said, “Dull

gwagwα´nhekasi·α`n´.” ni·wa´ Gluakα̨bε´ ni·wəni·malwenα´n

are my heel claws.” Then Gluskabe took hold of him

toləba´l` ni·wədebake´n wa´zəs·ə´k ni·gi·zi·waz·əs·e´k

turtle and tossed him into the nest and when he was in the nest

ebi·hi·di´t ni·ubedji·´dα̨ławe`i· bagi·damə´n nəbi·´

they sat down, then he felt like to void water,

ni·do´ləbε udi·`damən “a´ida! eli·gadawi·´bagi·da`k

that turtle he said, “Lo! how am I going to void

nəbi·´?” ni·udi·´łəgul` Gluskα̨ba´l` “pα̨´·zi·djikətci·ewi·`

water?” Then he was told Gluskabe “Lean your rear

waz·əs·e´k.” ni·geła´ ali·mi·tcəwα´n nəbi·´ amək·ai·wi.

from the nest.” Accordingly he urinated water running down below.

ni·we´wᴐ̹la`n yugi´k nope`´sawe`n·owa`k ni· ke´ptin

Then they discovered it these warriors. Then the captain

elα̨bi·´t spəmə´k ni·una´mi·hα`·n toləba´l` wazəs·e´k ni·wedji·´

looking up also saw the turtle in the nest, so then

pi·´bmamα`·k ni·wəzα´·ŋkhelədji·ni·łα`n ni·yu´ udi·damə´n

he shot an arrow then he made him fall down and out. Then here he said,

“madji·djᴐ·´s wələ´·mk·i·`tc” madjidjᴐ̹´s wələ´mk·i·`tc”

“Bad stooping coward Bad stooping coward.”

ni·ye´nəma to´ləbε pa´gəs·i`k ki·k nit·e udeli·wα̨ni·ła´n

Then there turtle falling on the ground right away disappeared.

ni·gwi´·lawasoldi`n ni·nda mskaᴐ̹wi·´ ni·wa´ gepti´n

Then they all searched for him but not could find him. Then the captain

pabmi·gwi·lawαs·i´t ni·una´mi·tun se´ski·dju´ we´lαmkat·e`k

went about hunting him still and saw a bark basket upside down

ni·uda´kskamən ni·uməskawαna´ toləba´l` ni·´ga

and he kicked it over and found turtle. Then

təpəloma´n nit·a´tci· eləmi·gi·zloma´n wedji·´

he held a trial (over turtle) and at once it was decided that

metci·ne´t`. ni·gepti´n udi·damə´n “tanedji·nawa´

he should die. Then the captain said, “How then

kdli·hα̨´nenα̨`?” ni·wa´ eta´k·ozi·t ni·udi·damə´n

shall we do with you?” Then second chief said,

“kzəgu´sktahα̨`n·α̨dji·`” ni·wa toləbε·´ wədi·damə´n “nda´ ni·a

“We will cut him to pieces.” Then turtle said, “Not me

ni·łəgowα´n.” ni·udi·damənα´ “negatci·´ kəme´t`kasesαn·enα̨`.”

it will kill.” Then they said “Then will we burn him.”

ni·udi·damə´n mi·´na toləbε·´ “nda ni·n ni·łəgowα´n”

Then he said again turtle, “Not me it will kill.”

ni·udi·daməna´ “nəgatci·´ ba´skədji·balα`n” ni·wa´ toləbε·´

Then they said “Then will drown him.” Then that turtle

udi·damə´n mi·´na “ni·n ni·łəgu´n” nega´t·e

said again, “Me will be killed.” Immediately

we´dji·ni·mi`p`hamα`k` ni·´l·αnasi´n aida´ nəbə´s·i·zak ni·wedji·´

they grabbed him to kill him. Well! in a little lake that is why

α̨bodji·gelkε·´t·ek yuki·´ edudna´s·imα`k[54]w wa toləbε·´

it is torn and furrowed this earth where they dragged him that turtle

malα´mit·e yu nəbəs·ə´k ni·wədjau´paken·α̨`

at last here in the pond. Then they threw him into the water.

ni·wədali·mi·´ ele·dji·ni·gədałα´n ni·yu´ onəs·ε·bε·nəmə´n

Then he sank back down and belly up. Then here he riled it up with his paws

nəbi·´ ni·gizi·´ pα̨´gowi·az·əs·ko` ni·wədji·´ nodα̨´dəbewi`n

the water; then after it became real muddy so he poked his head out

nəbi´k· ni·ugα̨´galowe`n “oho< >u· ki·ləwᴐ̹,wα´n kəda´k·i·wα̨`

of the water. Then he cried out “Oho< >u you all your land

Wawenock Myth Texts from Maine Forty-third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1925-26, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1928, pages 165-198 · 第 1 / 3 段