Meanwhile old Kaminski had taken the command of the Russian army, and
had fixed his head-quarters at Pultusk. His Generals concentrated
their forces, and every thing denoted the design of removing to this
side of the river. Napoleon hastened forward with the view of driving
them from their position. He visited the entrenched camp of Okuniew,
reconnoitred the river, the position of the Russians, and the plain
which it was necessary to cross in order to come up with them. This
plain, which was covered with trees, cut down wood, and marshes,
was almost as difficult to carry as the redoubts, behind which the
Cossacks had sheltered themselves. The Emperor examined it for a
considerable time. Some clumps of trees intercepted his view; but he
called for a ladder, and mounting on the roof of a hut, he was enabled
to observe the nature of the position occupied by the Russians, and
the movements that were taking place on the opposite bank of the
river. “We will pass,” said he; “send an officer hither.” The second
chief of the staff of the 3d corps presented himself, and wrote down
to the Emperor's dictation the following arrangements.
“The first division is to proceed to the island, and to form itself at
as great a distance as possible from the enemy.
“All the troops of the 3d division must remain at the head of the
bridge; and are to take no share in the attack: they are to remain in
reserve.
“Battalions are to be formed with the eight companies of voltigeurs,
which, with the battalions of the 13th light, will form three columns.
These three columns are to proceed as secretly as possible to the
three extremities of the canal, and will halt in the centre of the
island, so as to be beyond reach of the fusillade. Each of these
columns will have three pieces of cannon in its rear.
“Each company will detach its cannon, escorted by a company of
voltigeurs. These companies will commence the fusillade, covering
themselves with the hedges. Meanwhile the artillery officers will
plant their batteries, and fire grape-shot on the battalions and
troops with which the enemy will not fail to oppose our passage.
“Bridges may be constructed under the protection of this artillery.
“The three columns are to cross the river; and as soon as they shall
be stationed on the opposite side, three piquets of horse chasseurs,
each consisting of sixty men, will cross to charge the enemy, pursue
him speedily, and make prisoners.
“The 17th regiment will cross immediately after, and range itself
in the order of battle, leaving between each battalion a space of
twenty-five toises; in the rear of which will be stationed three
squadrons of light cavalry. The remainder of the division will
afterwards cross, and form itself in the rear.”
We advanced towards the heights occupied by the enemy, whom we
attacked on the right and the left: he was unable to resist the shock,
and was repulsed. Our troops evinced unexampled valour: Napoleon
applauded their courage; and he called Generals Morand and Petit, on
whom he bestowed the most flattering compliments. He wished to afford
some repose to the corps, who had just been engaged; and he detached
Friant's division in pursuit of the Russians. Our voltigeurs came up
with them at Nasielsk, attacked their left wing, routed, cut them up,
and took three pieces of cannon: they pursued them into the woods;
the fusillade commenced on both sides, and we experienced obstinate
resistance. We had no artillery, and we could not drive from their
position, columns which were protected by the nature of the ground,
and the grape-shot; but the courage of our troops made amends for
their deficiency of artillery. The signal for the attack was given:
the 48th, led on by the intrepid Barbanegre, rushed headlong upon the
enemy's masses, and routed them. Night approached, and the darkness
enabled them to escape from the thrusts of our bayonets. We collected
several pieces of cannon, which had stuck in the mud on the road.
Some formidable masses of the enemy's force were before us; but they
did not venture to wait until we came up with them: they fled, some
towards Golymin and others towards Pultusk. I pursued those who fled
in the former direction, with the division of dragoons which the
Emperor had entrusted to my command. The Marshal detached Daultane
to cover the rear of the 5th corps, which he knew had proceeded to
Pultusk. There had been a complete thaw for the space of two days;—a
circumstance which was uncommon in Poland at that season of the
year. The ground over which we passed was a clayey soil, intersected
with marshes: the roads were excessively bad: cavalry, infantry, and
artillery stuck in the bogs; and it cost them the utmost difficulty to
extricate themselves. We advanced only a short league in the space of
two hours. Many of our officers stuck in the mud and remained there
during the whole of the battle of Pultusk. They served as marks for
the enemy to shoot at.
The third division had no sooner debouched from the village than it
was informed by its pioneers that a considerable mass of cavalry
covered, at some distance a column of artillery and baggage. General
Friant ordered them to be watched by detachments of cavalry, as he
was well convinced that the cloud of Cossacks would disperse on
the appearance of the infantry. They fled, and we took artillery,
ammunition, carriages and cassoons of every kind. The General, pleased
with these advantages, went to take up a position for the night, when
a heavy cannonade was heard; it proceeded from Marshal Lannes' forces,
who were driven by the Russians from Pultusk. We had our turn on the
following day: they occupied a wood whence we wished to dislodge them;
our columns advanced, the voltigeurs were in front, and the infantry
were disposed _en echelon_ behind them. We experienced obstinate
resistance on the part of the enemy. He attacked us: we charged with
the bayonet; and our battalions drove him back on his own masses. We
remained masters of the field: it was covered with the bodies of the
dead, and with bags which the Russians had thrown down in order to fly
with the greater speed. The infantry was dislodged, and the cavalry
now advanced. I went forward to meet them and drove them back. But the
voltigeurs, who were dispersed about in the marshes, overwhelmed us
with their balls: I had my left arm broken.
I had been four times wounded in the first campaigns of the army of
the Rhine, under Custine, Pichegru, Moreau, and Desaix; twice before
the ruins of Memphis, and in Upper Egypt before the ruins of Thebes;
at the battle of Austerlitz and at Golymin. I also received four other
wounds at Moscow, as I shall hereafter have occasion to mention.
From Golymin I was removed to Warsaw. Napoleon arrived there on the
1st January, and he did me the honour to come and see me. “Well,
Rapp,” said he, “you are wounded again; and on your unlucky arm too.”
It was the ninth wound which I had received on my left arm, and the
Emperor therefore called it my unlucky arm.—“No wonder, Sire,” said I,
“we are always amidst battles.” “We shall perhaps have done fighting,”
he replied, “when we are eighty years old.”
MM. Boyer and Yvan dressed my wound in his presence. When Napoleon saw
that the bone was really broken, he said, “His arm must be amputated.
He is now very ill; and this wound may be his death.” M. Boyer smiled
and said, “Your Majesty would go too hastily to work: the General is
young and vigorous; we shall cure him.”—“I hope,” said I, “this is not
the last time you will have occasion to make me suffer martyrdom.”
Napoleon soon left Warsaw for the battle of Eylau, and established his
head-quarters at Osterode. Here I was appointed to the government of
Thorn, whither I was directed to proceed to complete the restoration
of my health. I forwarded provisions, artillery, and ammunition, to
carry on the siege of Dantzic.
I was now the Providence of the Prussian Generals. They wrote to me
intreating my intercession in their behalf. Blucher himself did not
disdain to solicit the _grace_ of his Majesty the Emperor and King
of Italy. He was at first to have been conducted to Dijon, as has
been already mentioned; but he had laid down arms, and therefore
it signified little whether he was at Dijon or elsewhere. He was
permitted to retire to Hamburgh; but he soon grew tired of that city,
and begged to be allowed to go to the neighbourhood of Berlin. The
following is the letter which he addressed to me on this subject:—
“Monsieur General,
“Your Excellency will probably remember that I had the honour of
becoming acquainted with you some years ago, on your journey to
Munster; and the marks of attention you then condescended to show
me induce me to hope, that the unfortunate situation in which
I am now placed will not be absolutely indifferent to you. I
take the liberty of addressing your Excellency, to intreat your
intercession with his Majesty the Emperor of France and King of
Italy, that he may graciously order passports to be granted for
myself, the two officers my sons, and the rest of my family, to
enable us to retire to the environs of Berlin, or into Pomerania,
to one of my estates. Having lost my all by the chances of war, I
find it impossible to support the expenses attending a residence
in a city where every thing is so enormously dear as in Hamburgh.
Moreover I am in ill health, and I feel that it is only by living
in the bosom of my family, and leading a very retired life, that
I shall be able to recover myself.
“These reasons, and the generosity of his Majesty the
Emperor, induce me to hope that he will deign to relieve my
painful situation by permitting me to make choice of a place
of residence; and the protection which your Excellency may
condescend to grant me in this affair will add feelings of the
deepest gratitude to the sentiments of high consideration, with
which I have the honour to be,
“Your Excellency's
“Very humble and very obedient Servant,
“BLUCHER, Lieut.-Gen.
“Hamburgh, November 15, 1806.”
The Emperor refused to grant the request, but the General cannot have
forgotten the manner in which I treated him. It is in his power to say
whether the French know how to respect misfortune.
On the surrender of Dantzic, I was appointed Governor of the city,
with the rank of General-in-chief.
Napoleon arrived at Dantzic on the 29th of May, and he spent two days
there. He expected that this new acquisition would afford immense
resources, particularly in specie. I received the strictest orders
to collect the contributions, which amounted to twenty millions,
and which were extended to thirty in provisions by the treaty which
I sometime after entered into with the town. I was furnished with
a _carte blanche_, and was authorized to adopt any means I chose
for effecting the collection; but I found the thing impossible.
It occasioned me the greatest annoyance. Sometimes one measure of
severity was resorted to, and sometimes another. The common people,
as well as the richest and most considerable of the citizens, were
all threatened in their turns. I constantly used my utmost endeavour
to elude these violent orders; I spared the inhabitants of Dantzic
many causes of discontent. At the peace, they still owed 17,000,000 of
contributions.
Napoleon was present at the battles of Heilsberg, and Friedland. Eight
days after his departure he wrote to me as follows:—
“M. de Talleyrand will proceed to Dantzic, and will stay with you some
time. You will receive and treat him like a prince. You are aware of
the esteem and attachment I entertain for that Minister,” &c. He might
have escaped many misfortunes had he never quarrelled with Talleyrand.
After the treaty of Tilsit, Napoleon sent me private instructions.
He informed me of the probability of peace, and ordered me to keep
a vigilant eye over Prussia and the Royal family. He was still
incensed against William and his subjects. I could not guess the
reason. Berthier explained it to me; and I did not think it a just
one. Berthier came to Dantzic to deliver me fresh instructions, and
to remind me of the directions I had received, to be on my guard
against the plots which might be hatching around me. I was to remain
at Dantzic until the cessation of hostilities. The Russians were for
us. We had fine sport with the English; in less than two years those
islanders were to be obliged to sue for peace.
In fine, I remained at Dantzic. I corresponded directly with
Napoleon: most of his letters evinced an extraordinary degree of
dissatisfaction, in which I must confess I myself participated for a
considerable time.
The language and conduct of some Prussian officers contributed to keep
up the prejudice against them. I treated them with great severity;
the least fault was punished to the utmost; but at the same time I
always rendered them justice, and never allowed them to be molested.
Tranquillity, however, was restored. Each party mutually laid aside
their animosity, and confidence was re-established. I saw and received
the Prussians; and I may say, that from the first year after I
obtained the command, all the reports which I forwarded to Paris were
distinguished by moderation and truth. I represented to Napoleon that
it was difficult for the Prussians so soon to forget their former
greatness; that the public mind was becoming tranquil, and that the
King, the ministers, and the Royal family never ceased to recommend to
the people that resignation which misfortune renders indispensable.
I always wrote to this purport. I had no cause to complain of any one;
for my own part, I was on very good terms with the civil and military
authorities. I saw them frequently; and all of them, I may say, placed
the greatest confidence in me. They were sensible of the justice of my
proceedings.
All the commandants, however, did not act in the same way: their
reports, and the disasters of Baylen, excited fresh doubts in
Napoleon's mind with regard to the conduct of Prussia. He charged me
to double my vigilance: “Overlook nothing in the Prussians,” he said
to me in one of his letters; “they must not be allowed to raise their
heads.”
The news of the disasters which we had experienced in the peninsula at
length spread over Germany, and awakened new hopes; the public mind
was violently agitated. I informed Napoleon of this; but he disliked
the revival of painful recollections, and was still more averse to
unpleasing anticipations of the future. He replied to me: “Germans are
not Spaniards; the character of the German bears no resemblance to
that of the fierce Catalonian.”