THE DESCENT TO BOLSHEVISM
The hopes entertained for the new Republic of Russia were doomed to
disappointment. For a short time, under the leadership of Lvov, the
Russians marched along the path of true democracy. But the pace became
too rapid.
The government prospered in Petrograd, and the economic organization
of the country proceeded with great speed. An eight-hour day was
introduced in the capital and in many other cities throughout the
republic. The fever of organization spread even to the peasants. They
formed a Council of Peasants’ Deputies, modeled after the Council
of Workmen and Soldiers. On the 13th of April, 1917, came the first
meeting of the All-Russia Congress of Soviets, and with it a revival
of the differences of opinion which ultimately were to destroy the
government. The great majority were for war, but the minority, led
by Lenine and the Bolsheviki element, demanded an immediate peace.
They declared that the enemies of the Revolution were not the Central
Powers, but the capitalists in all countries, and not least the
Provisional Government of Russia.
[Illustration: _Photo by Donald C. Thompson._
LANDING AT VLADIVOSTOK
Japanese troops and members of the Red Cross on the way to Siberia to
aid the Czecho-Slovaks in their brave resistance to Bolshevism.]
Some clew to the meaning of the Bolsheviki movement in Russia is
to be found in the life of Lenine, its leading spirit. It has been
charged that he was the tool of the German Government. He undoubtedly
received facilities from the German Government to return to Russia
from Switzerland immediately after the Revolution in March. His whole
career, however, suggests that he was not a tool, but a fanatic.
He was born in Simbirsk, in Central Russia, in the year 1870. Lenine
was only one of the several aliases that he had found it necessary
to adopt at various times. He was of good family, and received his
education at the Petrograd University. From the very beginning he took
an active interest in the political and social problems of the day. In
1887 his brother, A. Uljanov, was arrested, and after a secret trial
condemned to death and hanged as a participant in a plot to wreck the
imperial train carrying Alexander III. Lenine was also arrested, but
was released on account of a lack of evidence. At this time the Russian
Socialistic movement was still in its infancy.
Lenine spent his Sundays in a circle of uneducated workmen, explaining
to them the elements of socialistic economics. Along with this
propaganda work he studied deeply the economic phases of Russian
life, being especially interested in its working and peasant classes.
He wrote several books on the subject, which are still accepted as
valuable representatives of Russian economic literature. Because of his
socialistic activities, Lenine was compelled to leave Russia on several
occasions, when he lived in Switzerland, France and Austria. From these
countries he directed the work of one of the groups of the Social
Democratic party, and became an important leader.
In the General Russian Socialistic Convention, held in 1903, this group
made a definite stand for its program and policies. This was the time
when the word “Bolsheviki” was coined, meaning the “majority,” who had
voted in accord with Lenine’s proposals. Lenine believed in the seizure
of political power by means of violent revolution and in establishing
a proletarian government. After the Revolution of 1905, the Lenine
faction dwindled and it seemed as if Bolshevism was destined to die
out. But in 1911, with the awakening of a new spirit in the political
and social life of Russia, a new impetus was given to the activities
of the Bolsheviki. The first Socialist daily paper, _Pravda_, (“the
Truth,”) was one of their efforts. In 1913 the Bolsheviki sent six
representatives to the Duma.
At the outbreak of the war Lenine was in Cracow. Like other
revolutionary leaders he was compelled to live in exile. He went
to Switzerland where he remained until the news of the successful
revolution caused his return to Russia. On his arrival in Petrograd he
gathered together his followers and began the agitation in favor of the
Bolshevist program and of peace.
The first sign of the conflict between the Provisional Government
and the Soviet arose in connection with the joint note sent to the
Allies by the Provisional Government on May 1st. This note was signed
by Foreign Secretary Miliukov. It declared, among other things, that
the Provisional Government would “maintain a strict regard for its
engagements with the Allies of Russia.”
The document aroused strong disapproval among many members of the
Council of the Soviet, and serious anti-government demonstrations
occurred in Petrograd on May 3rd and 4th. These demonstrations were
directed distinctly against Miliukov. Detachments of soldiers and
workmen gathered in front of the headquarters of the Provisional
Government, carrying banners, with inscriptions “Down with Miliukov!
Down with the Provisional Government!” Miliukov appealed to the crowd
for confidence, and his words were greeted with hearty cheering.
The Soviet Council ultimately voted confidence in the Government by
a narrow margin of 35 in a total of 2500. But the agitation against
the Government persisted, and on May 16th Miliukov resigned. General
Kornilov, Commander of the Petrograd Garrison, and Guchkov, Minister of
War, finding their control of the army weakened by the interference of
the Soviet Council, also resigned.
The situation became critical. As a result of this agitation a new
coalition government was formed. Prince Lvov remained Prime Minister.
Terestchenko became Foreign Minister. Most significant of all, Kerensky
became the Minister of War. The new Government issued a new declaration
of policy, promising a firm support of the war with Germany, and an
effort to call together at the earliest possible date a Constituent
Assembly to deal with questions of land and of finance. This manifesto
was received coldly by the Soviets and their press.
It was at this time that Allies sent special missions to Russia to
aid the Russian Government in forwarding the fight against the common
enemy. The American mission to Russia was headed by Elihu Root, former
Secretary of State.
It was most cordially received, and housed in the former Winter Palace
of the Czar. On June 15th the American Ambassador, David R. Francis,
presented the Root mission to the Council of Ministers in the Marinsky
Palace, and Mr. Root made an eloquent address, declaring the sympathy
of the American Republic with the new Russian Democracy. He declared
that the liberty of both nations was in danger. “The armed forces of
military autocracy are at the gates of Russia and the Allies. The
triumph of German arms will mean the death of liberty in Russia. No
enemy is at the gates of America, but America has come to realize that
the triumph of German arms means the death of Liberty in the world.”
At Moscow Mr. Root addressed representatives of the Zemstvo and the
local Council of the Workmen and Soldiers. He was warmly applauded,
and on motion of the Mayor a telegram was sent to President Wilson,
thanking him for sending the Root Commission to Russia. The Root
Mission returned to the United States early in August, and reported to
Washington August 12th. At a public reception given by the citizens of
New York, Senator Root expressed supreme confidence in the stability of
the Revolution.
On July 1st, inspired by Kerensky, and under the personal leadership of
General Kornilov, the Russian army began an offensive in Galicia. It
first met with complete success, capturing Halicz, and sweeping forward
close to Dolina in the Carpathian foothills. Then under a very slight
hostile German pressure, the Russian armies, immediately to the north
and south of Kornilov’s army, broke and ran. This action was directly
traced to orders subversive of discipline, emanating from the Petrograd
Soviet. Kornilov’s army was compelled to retire, and by July 21st was
in full retreat from Galicia.
The Russian mutiny spread. Regiments refused to fight or to obey their
officers.
One of the most picturesque episodes of this phase of the war was the
formation of a woman’s regiment, known as the “Command of Death,” which
was reviewed at Petrograd June 21st, by Minister of War, Kerensky. In
front of the barracks assigned to this regiment a visitor found posted
at the gate a little blue-eyed sentry in a soldier’s khaki blouse,
short breeches, green forage cap, ordinary woman’s black stockings
and neat shoes. The sentry was Mareya Skridlov, daughter of Admiral
Skridlov, former commander of the Baltic fleet and Minister of Marines.
In the courtyard three hundred girls were drilling, mostly between 18
and 25 years old, of good physique and many of them pretty. They wore
their hair short or had their heads entirely shaved. They were drilling
under the instruction of a male sergeant of the Volynsky regiment, and
marched to an exaggerated goose step.
The girl commander, Lieutenant Buitchkarev, explained that most of
the recruits were from the higher educational academies, with a few
peasants, factory girls and servants. Some married women were accepted,
but none who had children. The Battalion of Death distinguished itself
on the field, setting an example of courage to the mutinous regiments
during the retreat of Brusilov.
With the army thus demoralized the Russian Revolution encountered a
perilous period toward the end of July, 1917, and civil war or anarchy
seemed almost at hand, when out of the depths of the national spirit
there arose a new revolution to save the situation and to maintain
order. The country was everywhere the scene of riotous disturbances.
Anarchists, radicals, and monarchists seemed to be working hand-in-hand
to precipitate a reign of terror, when once more Kerensky saved the
situation. On July 20th, it was announced that the Premier, Prince
Lvov, had resigned, and that Alexander Kerensky had been appointed
Premier, but would also retain his portfolio as Minister of War.
A new government was quickly formed. Kerensky was made practical
Dictator, and his government received the complete endorsement of a
joint Congress of the Soviets and the Council of peasant delegates.
Kerensky acted with the utmost vigor. Orders were given to fire on
deserters and warrants issued for the arrest of revolutionary agitators
whoever they might be. Rear-Admiral Verdervski, commander of the Baltic
fleet, was seized for communicating a secret government telegram to
sailors’ committees. Agitators from the Soviet were arrested, charged
with inciting the Peterhof troops against the Federal government. On
July 22d, the following resolution was passed by the joint Congress:
Recognizing that the country is menaced by a military debacle on the
front and by anarchy at home, it is resolved:
1. That the country and the revolution are in danger.
2. That the Provisional Government is proclaimed the Government of
National Safety.
3. That unlimited powers are accorded the Government for
re-establishing the organization and discipline of the army for
a fight to a finish against the enemies of public order, and for
the realization of the whole program embodied in the governmental
program just announced.
The re-organization of the Councils of the All-Russia, and Workmen’s
and Peasants’ Organizations on the 23rd, issued a ringing address
to the army denouncing its mutinous spirit and warning it of
the inevitable result. The Provisional Government also issued
a proclamation on July 22nd, charging that the disorders were
precipitated to bring about a counter-revolution by the enemies of the
country. But the army was demoralized. It disregarded discipline and
refused to recognize military rule. A general retreat followed. The
Germans and Austrians steadily advanced through Galicia and crossed the
frontier before the Russian armies could be forced to make a stand.
The death penalty for treason or mutiny was restored in the army
on July 25th, when Kerensky threatened to resign unless this was
done. On that same date the government authorized the Minister of
the Interior to suspend the publication of periodicals that incite
to insubordination or disobedience to orders given by the military
authorities. By July 28th the situation had become more hopeful. On
that day General Ruzsky, formerly commander-in-chief of the northern
armies of Russia, and General Gurko, ex-commander on the Russian
southwestern front, were summoned to Petrograd. Each had retired on
account of the interference of the Council of Workmen and Soldiers’
delegates. Their return to the service was a hopeful sign. The Soviet
also passed by an overwhelming majority a resolution censuring Lenine,
and demanding that he should be publicly tried. Charges had been made
that Lenine and his associates were working under German direction and
financed by Germans. On August 2nd, Kornilov became Commander-in-Chief
of the Russian army. A disagreement in the Cabinet led to its
re-organization. In the new Cabinet appeared again representatives
of the Constitutional Democratic party. Conditions began to show
improvement from this time forth.
An extraordinary National Council met at Moscow August 26th, 1917.
This conference consisted of 2,500 delegates representing the Duma,
the Soviets, the Zemstvos, and indeed all organized Russia. Kerensky
opened the conference in a speech of great length in which he reviewed
the general situation, declaring that the destructive period of the
Revolution had passed and that the time had come to consolidate its
conquests.
Perhaps the most important address before the Council was that made by
General Kornilov, Commander-in-Chief of the army. General Kornilov was
received with prolonged cheers, which in the light of his subsequent
action were especially significant. General Kornilov described with
much detail the disorganization and insubordination in the army, and
continued:
“We are implacably fighting anarchy in the army. Undoubtedly it will
finally be repressed, but the danger of fresh debacles is weighing
constantly on the country. The situation on the front is bad. We have
lost the whole of Galicia, the whole of Bukowina, and all the fruits
of our recent victories. If Russia wishes to be saved the army must
be regenerated at any cost.” General Kornilov then outlined the most
important of the reform measures which he recommended, and concluded:
“I believe that the genius and the reason of the Russian people will
save the country. I believe in a brilliant future for our army. I
believe its ancient glory will be restored.”
General Kaledines, leader of the Don Cossacks, mounted the tribune and
read a resolution passed by the Cossacks demanding the continuation
of the war until complete victory was attained. He defied the extreme
Radicals. “Who saved you from the Bolsheviki on the 14th of July?” he
asked contemptuously. “We Cossacks have been free men. We are not made
drunk by our new-found liberties and are unblinded by party or program.
We tell you plainly and categorically, ‘Remove yourselves from the
place which you have neither the ability nor the courage to fill, and
let better men than yourselves step in, or take the consequences of
your folly.’”
The conference took no definite action, being invested with no
authority, but it served to bring out clearly the line of cleavage
between the Radical or Socialistic element represented by Kerensky and
the Conservatives represented by the Generals of the army.
Immediately on the heels of the Moscow conference an important German
advance was made in the direction of Riga, the most important Russian
Baltic port. In spite of a vigorous defense the Germans captured the
city.
The loss of Riga intensified the political excitement in Russia, and
produced a profound crisis. A wave of unrest spread throughout the
country. The Grand Duke Michael, and the Grand Duke Paul with their
families, were arrested on a charge of conspiracy. The Provisional
Government was charged with responsibility of the collapse of the army.
It was on September 9th, that the storm broke, and General Kornilov,
the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian armies, raised the flag of revolt
against the Provisional Government. The details of the revolt are as
follows:
At one o’clock Saturday afternoon, Deputy Lvov, of the Duma,
called upon Premier Kerensky, and declared that he had come as the
representative of General Kornilov to demand the surrender of all
power into Kornilov’s hands. M. Lvov said that this demand did not
emanate from Kornilov only but was supported by an organization of
Duma members, Moscow industrial interests, and other conservatives.
This group, said M. Lvov, did not object to Kerensky personally,
but demanded that he transfer the Portfolio of War to M. Savinkov,
assistant Minister of War, who all along had supported Kornilov.
“If you agree,” M. Lvov added, “we invite you to come to headquarters
and meet General Kornilov, giving you a solemn guarantee that you will
not be arrested.”
Premier Kerensky replied that he could not believe Kornilov to be
guilty of such an act of treason, and that he would communicate with
him directly. In an exchange of telegrams Kornilov confirmed fully to
the Premier his demands. Kerensky promptly placed Lvov under arrest,
denounced Kornilov as a traitor and deposed him from his position as
Commander-in-Chief, General Klembovsky being appointed in his place.
General Kornilov responded to the order of dismissal by moving an army
against the Capital.
Martial law was declared in Moscow and in Petrograd. Kerensky assumed
the functions of Commander-in-Chief and took military measures to
defend Petrograd and resist the rebels. On the 12th it was clear
that the Kornilov revolt had failed to receive the expected support.
Kornilov advanced toward Petrograd, and occupied Jotchina, thirty miles
southwest of the Capital, but there was no bloodshed. On the night of
the 13th, General Alexeiev demanded Kornilov’s unconditional surrender,
and the revolt collapsed. Kornilov was arrested and the Provisional
Government reconstituted on stronger lines.
After the so-called Kornilov revolt, the Russian Revolution assumed a
form which might almost be called stable. A democratic congress met
at Moscow, September 27th, and adopted a resolution providing for a
preliminary parliament to consist of 231 members, of whom 110 were to
represent the Zemstvos and the towns. The congress refused its sanction
to a coalition cabinet in which the Constitutional Democrats should
participate, but Kerensky practically defied the congress, and named
a coalition cabinet, in which several portfolios were held by members
of the Constitutional Democratic Party. The new government issued a
statement declaring that it had three principal aims: to raise the
fighting power of the army and navy; to bring order to the country by
fighting anarchy; to call the Constituent Assembly as soon as possible.
The Constituent Assembly was called to assemble in December. It was to
consist of 732 delegates to be elected by popular vote.
Meantime agitation against the Coalition Government continued. On
November 1st, the Premier issued a statement through the Associated
Press, to all the newspapers of the Entente, which conveyed the
information that he almost despaired of restoring civil law in the
distracted country. He said that he felt that help was needed urgently
and that Russia asked it as her right. “Russia has fought consistently
since the beginning,” he said. “She saved France and England from
disaster early in the war. She is worn out by the strain and claims as
her right that the Allies now shoulder the burden.”
On November 7th, an armed insurrection against the Coalition Government
and Premier Kerensky was precipitated by the Bolsheviki faction.
The revolt was headed by Leon Trotzky, President of the Central
Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council, with Nicholas Lenine,
the Bolsheviki leader. The Revolutionists seized the offices of the
telephone and telegraph companies and occupied the state bank and
the Marie Palace where the preliminary Parliament had been sitting.
The garrison at Petrograd espoused the cause of the Bolsheviki and
complete control was seized with comparatively little fighting. The
Government troops were quickly overpowered, except at the Winter
Palace, whose chief guardians were the Woman’s Battalion, and the
Military Cadets. The Woman’s Battalion fought bravely, and suffered
terribly, and with the Military Cadets who also remained true, held the
Palace for several hours. The Bolsheviki brought up armored cars and
the cruiser Aurora, and turned the guns of the Fortress of SS. Peter
and Paul upon the Palace before its defenders would surrender.
That evening the Revolutionary Committee issued a characteristic
proclamation, denouncing the government of Kerensky as opposed to the
government and the people, and calling upon the soldiers in the army to
arrest their officers if they did not at once join the Revolution. They
announced the following program:
First: The offer of an immediate democratic peace.
Second: The immediate handing over of large proportional lands to the
peasants.
Third: The transmission of all authority to the Council of Workmen’s
and Soldiers’ Delegates.
Fourth: The honest convocation of the Constitutional Assembly.
At a meeting of the Council Trotzky declared that the Government
no longer existed, and introduced Lenine as an old comrade whom he
welcomed back. Lenine was received with prolonged cheers, and said:
“Now we have a Revolution. The peasants and workmen control the
Government. This is only a preliminary step toward a similar revolution
everywhere.”
Proclamation after proclamation came from the new Government. In one
of them it was stated “M. Kerensky has taken flight, and all military
bodies have been empowered to take all possible measures to arrest
Kerensky and bring him back to Petrograd. All complicity with Kerensky
will be dealt with as high treason.”
A Bolsheviki Cabinet was named. The Premier was Nicholas Lenine; the
Foreign Minister, Leon Trotzky. The other Cabinet members were all
Bolsheviki, including Bibenko, a Kronstadt sailor, of the Committee on
War and Marine, and Shliapnikov, a laborer, who was Minister of Labor.
Lenine’s personality has already been described. Trotzky, the chief aid
of Lenine’s rebellion, had been living in New York City three months
before the Czar was overthrown, but he had previously been expelled
from Germany, France, Switzerland and Spain. His real name was Leber
Braunstein, and he was born in the Russian Government of Kherson, near
the Black Sea.
When the insurrection occurred, Kerensky succeeded in escaping from
Petrograd, and persuaded about two thousand Cossacks, several hundred
Military Cadets, and a contingent of Artillery, to fight under his
banner. He advanced toward Petrograd, but his forces were greatly
outnumbered by the Bolsheviki. At Tsarskoe-Selo a battle took place,
the Kerensky troops met defeat, and its leader saved himself by flight.
At Moscow the entire city passed into the control of the Bolsheviki
but not without severe fighting in which more than three thousand
people were slain. On the collapse of the Kerensky government
conditions throughout Russia became chaotic. Ukraine declared its
independence, and Finland also severed its connection with Russia.
General Kaledines declared against the Bolsheviki, and organized an
army to save the country. Siberia, Bessarabia, Lithuania, the Caucasus
and other districts declared their complete independence of the Central
Government.
The Bolsheviki, in control at Petrograd, opened negotiations with
the Central Powers for an armistice along the entire front from the
Baltic to Asia Minor, and on December 17th, such an armistice went
into effect. Meanwhile they began negotiations for a treaty of peace.
General Dukholin, the Commander-in-Chief on November 20th, was ordered
by Lenine to propose the armistice. To this request he made no reply,
and on November 21st, he was deposed and Ensign Krylenko was appointed
the new Commander-in-Chief. General Dukholin was subsequently
murdered, by being thrown from a train after the Bolsheviki seized the
general headquarters.
Trotzky sent a note to the representatives of neutral powers in
Petrograd, informing them of his proposal for an armistice, and
stating, “The consummation of an immediate peace is demanded in all
countries, both belligerent and neutral. The Russian Government counts
on the firm support of workmen in all countries in this struggle for
peace.” Lenine, however, declared that Russia did not contemplate a
separate peace with Germany, and that the Russian Government, before
agreeing to an armistice, would communicate with the Allies and make
a certain proposal to the imperialistic governments of France and
England, rejection of which would place them in open opposition to the
wishes of their own people.
A period of turmoil followed. In the meantime elections for the
Constituent Assembly were held. The result in Petrograd was announced
as 272,000 votes for the Bolsheviki, 211,000 for the Constitutional
Democrats, and 116,000 for the Social Revolutionaries, showing
that the Bolsheviki failed to attain a majority. Notwithstanding
the prevailing chaos, the Lenine-Trotzky Government persisted in
negotiations for an armistice, and it was arranged that the first
conference be held at the German headquarters at Brest-Litovsk.
The Russian delegates were Kaminev, whose real name was Rosenfelt,
a well known Bolshevist leader; Sokolnikov, a sailor; Bithenko, a
soldier, and Mstislasky, who had formerly been librarian to the General
Staff, but who was now a strong Socialist. Representatives were present
of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria.
After many interchanges of opinion a suspension of hostilities for
ten days was authorized, to be utilized in bringing to a conclusion
negotiations for an armistice. On December 7th it was announced from
Petrograd that for the first time since the war not a shot was fired on
the Russian front. Foreign Secretary Trotzky, on the 6th of December,
notified the allied embassies in Petrograd of these negotiations
and added that the armistice would be signed only on condition that
the troops should not be transferred from one front to another. He
announced that negotiations had been suspended to accord the Allied
Governments opportunity to define their attitude toward the peace
negotiation; that is, their willingness or refusal to participate in
negotiations for an armistice and peace. In case of refusal they must
declare clearly and definitely before all mankind the aims for which
the peoples of Europe had been called to shed their blood during the
fourth year of the war.
No official replies were made to this note. On December 7th, Generals
Kaledines and Kornilov raised the standard of revolt, but reports
indicated that the Bolsheviki were extending their control over all
Russia. A meeting of the Constituent Assembly took place on December
11th. Less than 50 of the 600 delegates attended. Meanwhile the
negotiations for an armistice continued. On December 16th an agreement
was reached and an armistice signed, to continue from December 17th
to January 14th, 1918.
[Illustration: RUSSIA’S GREAT RAILWAY LINK BETWEEN VLADIVOSTOK AND THE
ARCTIC OCEAN]
Within the first month in which the Bolsheviki conducted the government
numerous edicts of a revolutionary character were issued. Class titles,
distinctions and privileges were abolished; the corporate property of
nobles, merchants and burgesses was to be handed over to the state,
as was all church property, lands, money and precious stones; and
religious instruction was to cease in the schools. Strikes were in
progress everywhere, and disorder was rampant.
Kornilov, Terestchenko and other associates of Kerensky, were
imprisoned in the Fortress of SS. Peter and Paul; the Cadet Party was
outlawed by decree and the houses of its leaders raided. On January
8, 1918, it was announced that the Bolsheviki had determined that all
loans and Treasury bonds held by foreign subjects, abroad or in Russia,
were repudiated.
During this period the Bolsheviki’s Foreign Secretary astonished
the world by making public the secret treaties between Russia and
Foreign Governments in the early years of the war. These treaties
dealt with the proposed annexation by Russia of the Dardanelles,
Constantinople and certain areas in Asia Minor; with the French claim
on Alsace-Lorraine and the left bank of the Rhine; with offers to
Greece, for the purpose of inducing her to assist Serbia; with plans to
alter her Western boundaries, with the British and Russian control of
Persia; and with Italy’s desire to annex certain Austrian territories.
These treaties had been seized upon the Bolsheviki assumption of power,
and were now repudiated by the new Government.
During the period of the armistice Lenine began his move for a separate
peace, in spite of the formal protests of the Allied representatives at
Petrograd.
The first sitting took place on Saturday, December 22, 1917. Among
the delegates were Dr. Richard von Kühlmann, Foreign Minister, and
General Hoffman, of Germany; Count Czernin, Foreign Minister of
Austria-Hungary; Minister Kopov, of Bulgaria; Nesimy Bey, former
Foreign Minister of Turkey, and a large delegation from Russia,
composed of Bolshevist leaders. Dr. von Kühlmann was chosen as the
presiding officer and made the opening speech. The Russian peace
demands and the German counter-proposals were then read, and considered.
The German proposals proved unacceptable to Russia, and a second
session of the peace conference was held at Brest-Litovsk on January
10, 1918. Trotzky himself attended this meeting as one of the
representatives from Russia, and there was also a representative from
Ukraine, which had declared its independence, and was allowed to join
the conference. General Hoffman protested strongly against the Russian
endeavor to make appeals of a revolutionary character to the German
troops.
The armistice having expired, it was agreed it should be continued
to February 12th. After a long and acrimonious debate the Conference
broke up in a clash over the evacuation of the Russian provinces. On
January 24th it was announced that the Russian delegates to the peace
conference had unanimously decided to reject the German terms. They
stated that when they asked Germany’s final terms General Hoffman of
the German delegation had replied by opening a map and pointing out a
line from the shores of the Gulf of Finland to the east of the Moon
Sound Islands, to Valk, to the west of Minsk, to Brest-Litovsk, thus
eliminating Courland and all the Baltic provinces.
[Illustration: RUSSIA AS PARTITIONED BY THE BREST-LITOVSK TREATY]
Asked the terms of the Central Powers in regard to the territory south
of Brest-Litovsk General Hoffman replied that was a question which they
would discuss only with Ukraine. M. Kaminev asked: “Supposing we do not
agree to such condition, what are you going to do?”
General Hoffman’s answer was, “Within a week we would occupy Reval.”
On January 27th, Trotzky made his report to the Soviets at Petrograd.
After a thorough explanation of the peace debates, he declared that
the Government of the Soviets could not sign such a peace. It was then
decided to demobilize the Russian army and withdraw from the war.
Final sessions of the peace congress were resumed at Brest-Litovsk,
January 29th; a peace treaty was made between the Central Powers and
the Ukraine, and the Bolsheviki yielded to the German demands without
signing a treaty. Meanwhile the Russian Constituent Assembly which met
at Petrograd on January 19th, was dissolved on January 20th, by the
Bolsheviki Council.
Disorders continued throughout all Russia and counter-revolutionary
movements were started at many places. On February 18th, the day
when the armistice agreement between Russia and the Central Powers
expired, German forces began a new invasion of Russia. The next day
the Bolshevist Government issued a statement, announcing that Russia
would be compelled to sign a peace. The German advance went on rapidly,
and many important Russian cities were occupied. On February 24th, the
Bolshevist Government announced that peace terms had been accepted, and
a treaty was signed at Brest-Litovsk on March 3rd.
On March 14th the All-Russia Council of Soviets voted to ratify the
treaty, after an all-night sitting. Lenine pronounced himself in
favor of accepting the German terms; Trotzky stood for war, but did
not attend the meetings of the Council. Lenine defended the step
by pointing out that the country was completely unable to offer
resistance, and that peace was indispensable for the completion of the
social war in Russia.
[Illustration: GENERAL MAP OF THE BALTIC SEA
With the collapse of Russia German forces advanced from Riga, along
the Gulf of Finland occupying Reval and threatening Petrograd.]
The new treaty dispossessed Russia of territories amounting to nearly
one-quarter of the area of European Russia, and inhabited by one-third
of Russia’s total population. Trotzky resigned on account of his
opposition to the treaty and was succeeded by M. Tchitcherin. He
became Chairman of the Petrograd Labor Commune. The treaty between
Russia and the Central Powers was formally denounced by the Premiers
and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain, France, and Italy, and was not
recognized by the Allied nations.
A final revocation of its provisions by both sides did not put an end
to the military operations of the Central Powers in Russia, nor did
the Russians cease to make feeble and sporadic attempts at resistance.
Germany was forced to keep large bodies of troops along the Russian
front, but formally Russia’s part in the war had come to an end.