CHAPTER XXII.

ABYDUS AND CAIRO.

Our last weeks on the Nile went by like one long, lazy, summer’s day.

Events now were few. We had out-stayed all our fellow-travelers. Even

the faithful Bagstones had long since vanished northward; and the Philæ

was the last dahabeeyah of the year. Of the great sights of the river,

we had only Abydus and Beni Hassan left to see; while for minor

excursions, daily walks and explorations by the way, we had little

energy left. For the thermometer was rising higher and the Nile was

falling lower every day; and we should have been more than mortal if we

had not felt the languid influences of the glowing Egyptian spring.

The natives call it spring; but to our northern fancy it is spring,

summer and autumn in one. Of the splendor of the skies, of the lavish

bounty of the soil at this season, only those who have lingered late in

the land can form any conception. There is a breadth of repose now about

the landscape which it has never worn before. The winter green of the

palms is fading fast. The harvests are ripening; the pigeons are

pairing; the time of the singing of birds is come. There is just enough

south wind most days to keep the boat straight and the sail from

flapping. The heat is great; yet it is a heat which, up to a certain

point, one can enjoy. The men ply their oars by night and sleep under

their benches or croon old songs and tell stories among themselves by

day. But for the thin canopy of smoke that hangs over the villages one

would fancy now that those clusters of mud huts were all deserted. Not a

human being is to be seen on the banks when the sun is high. The

buffaloes stand up to their necks in the shallows. The donkeys huddle

together wherever there is shade. The very dogs have given up barking

and lie asleep under the walls.

The whole face of the country, and even of the Nile, is wonderfully

changed since we first passed this way. The land, then newly squared off

like a gigantic chess-board and intersected by thousands of little

channels, is now one sea of yellowing grain. The river is become a

labyrinth of sand-banks, some large, some small; some just beginning to

thrust their heads above water; others so long that they divide the

river for a mile or more at a stretch. Reïs Hassan spends half his life

at the prow, poling for shallows; and when we thread our way down one of

these sandy straits, it is for all the world like a bit of the Suez

canal. The banks, too, are twice as steep as they were when we went up.

The lentil patches, which then blossomed on the slope next the water’s

edge, now lie far back on the top of a steep brown ridge, at the foot of

which stretches a moist flat planted with watermelons. Each melon-plant

is protected from the sun by a tiny gable-roof of palm-thatch.

Meanwhile, the river being low and the banks high, we unfortunates

benefit scarcely at all by the faint breezes that now and then ruffle

the barley. Day by day, the thermometer (which hangs in the coolest

corner of the saloon) creeps up higher and higher, working its way by

degrees to above 99°; but never succeeding in getting up quite to 100°.

We, however, living in semi-darkness, with closed jalousies, and wet

sails hung round the sides of the dahabeeyah, and wet towels hung up in

our cabins, find 99° quite warm enough to be pleasant. The upper deck

is, of course, well deluged several times a day; but even so, it is

difficult to keep the timbers from starting. Meanwhile L---- and the

idle man devote their leisure to killing flies, keeping the towels wet,

and sprinkling the floors.

Our progress all this time is of the slowest. The men cannot row by day;

and at night the sand-banks so hedge us in with dangers that the only

possible way by which we can make a few miles between sunset and sunrise

is by sheer hard punting. Now and then we come to a clear channel, and

sometimes we get an hour or two of sweet south breeze; but these flashes

of good luck are few and far between.

In such wise, and in such a temperature, we found ourselves becalmed one

morning within six miles of Denderah. Not even L---- could be induced to

take a six-mile donkey-ride that day in the sun. The writer, however,

ordered out her sketching-tent and paid a last visit to the temple;

which, seen amid the ripening splendor of miles of barley, looked

gloomier and grander and more solitary than ever.

Two or three days later we came within reach of Abydus. Our proper

course would have been to push on to Bellianeh, which is one of the

recognized starting-points for Abydus. But an unlucky sand-bank barred

the way; so we moored instead at Samata, a village about two miles

nearer to the southward. Here our dragoman requisitioned the inhabitants

for donkeys. As it happened, the harvest had begun in the neighborhood

and all the beasts of burden were at work, so that it was near midday

before we succeeded in getting together the three or four wretched

little brutes with which we finally started. Not one of these steeds had

ever before carried a rider. We had a frightful time with them. My

donkey bolted about every five minutes. L----’s snarled like a camel

and showed its teeth like a dog. The idle man’s, bent on flattening its

rider, lay down and rolled at short intervals. In this exciting fashion

we somehow or other accomplished the seven miles that separate Samata

from Abydus. Skirting some palm-groves and crossing the dry bed of a

canal, we came out upon a vast plain, level as a lake, islanded here and

there with villages, and presenting one undulating surface of bearded

corn. This plain--the plain of ancient Thinis--runs parallel with the

Nile, like the plain of Thebes, and is bounded to the westward by a

range of flat-topped mountains. The distance between the river and the

mountains, however, is here much greater than at Thebes, being full six

miles; while to north and south the view ends only with the horizon.

Our way lies at first by a bridle-track through the thick of the barley;

then falls into the Bellianeh road--a raised causeway, embanked some

twenty feet above the plain. Along this road the country folk are coming

and going. In the cleared spaces where the maize has been cut, little

encampments of straw huts have sprung up. Yonder, steering their way by

unseen paths, go strings of camels; their gawky necks and humped backs

undulating above the surface of the corn, like galleys with fantastic

prows upon a sea of rippling green. The pigeons fly in great clouds from

village to village. The larks are singing and circling madly in the

clear depths overhead. The bee-eaters flash like live emeralds across

our path. The hoopoes strut by the wayside. At rather more than half-way

across the plain we come into the midst of the harvest. Here the brown

reapers, barelegged and naked to the waist, are at work with their

sickles, just as they are pictured in the tomb of Tih. The women and

children follow, gleaning, at the heels of those who bind the sheaves.

The sheik in his black robe and scarlet slippers rides to and fro upon

his ass, like Boaz among his people. As the sheaves are bound up the

camels carry them homeward. A camel-load is fourteen sheaves; seven to

each side of the hump. A little farther and the oxen, yoked two and two,

are plowing up the stubble. In a day or two the land will be sown with

millet, indigo, or cotton, to be gathered in once more before the coming

of the inundation.

Meanwhile, as the plain lengthens behind us and the distance grows less

between ourselves and the mountains, we see a line of huge irregular

mounds reaching for apparently a couple of miles or more along the foot

of the cliffs. From afar off the mounds look as if crowned by majestic

ruins, but as we draw nearer these outlines resolve themselves into the

village of Arabát-el-Madfûneh, which stands upon part of the mounds of

Abydus. And now we come to the end of the cultivated plain--that strange

line of demarcation where the inundation stops and the desert begins. Of

actual desert, however, there is here but a narrow strip, forming a

first step, as it were, above the alluvial plain. Next comes the

artificial platform, about a quarter of a mile in depth, on which stands

the modern village; and next again, towering up sheer and steep, the

great wall of limestone precipice. The village is extensive and the

houses, built in a rustic arabesque, tell of a well-to-do population.

Arched gateways ornamented with black, white and red bricks, windows of

turned lattice-work and pigeon-towers in courses of pots and bricks,

give a singular picturesqueness to the place; while the slope down to

the desert is covered with shrubberies and palms. Below these hanging

gardens, on the edge of the desert, lies the cut corn in piles of

sheaves. Here the camels are lying down to be unladen. Yonder the oxen

are already treading out the grain, or chopping the straw by means of a

curious sledge-like machine set with rows of revolving circular

knives.[248] Meanwhile, fluttering from heap to heap, settling on the

sheaves, feeding unmolested in the very midst of the threshing-floors,

strutting all over the margin of the desert, trailing their wings,

ruffling their plumes, cooing, courtesying, kissing, courting, filling

the air with sweet sounds and setting the whole lovely idyl to a

pastoral symphony of their own composing, are thousands and tens of

thousands of pigeons.[249]

Now our path turns aside and we thread our way among the houses,

noticing here a sculptured block built into a mud wall--yonder, beside a

dried-up well, a broken alabaster sarcophagus--farther on, a granite

column, still erect, in the midst of a palm-garden. And now, the village

being left behind, we find ourselves at the foot of a great hill of

newly excavated rubbish, from the top of which we presently look down

into a kind of crater, and see the great Temple of Abydus at our feet.

It was now nearly three o’clock; so, having seen what we could in the

time and having before us a long ride through a strange country, we left

again at six. I will not presume to describe the temples of Abydus--one

of which is so ruined as to be almost unintelligible, and the other so

singularly planned and so obscure in its general purport as to be a

standing puzzle to archæologists--after a short visit of three hours.

Enough if I sketch briefly what I saw but cursorily.

Buried as it, Abydus,[250] even under its mounds, is a place of profound

historical interest. At a time so remote that it precedes all written

record of Egyptian story, there existed a little way to the northward of

this site a city called Teni.[251] We know not to what aboriginal

community of prehistoric Egypt this city belonged; but here, presumedly,

the men of Kem[252] built their first temple, evolved their first

notions of art and groped their way to an alphabet which, in its origin,

was probably a mere picture-writing, like the picture-writing of Mexico.

Hence, too, came a man named Mena, whose cartouche from immemorial time

has stood first in the long list of Egyptian Pharaohs. Of Mena,[253] a

shadowy figure hovering on the border-land of history and tradition, we

know only that he was the first primitive chieftain who took the title

of king of Upper and Lower Egypt and that he went northward and founded

Memphis. Not, however, till after some centuries was the seat of

government removed to the new city. Teni--the supposed burial-place of

Osiris--then lost its political importance; but continued to be for long

ages the holy city of Egypt.

In the meanwhile, Abydus had sprung up close to Teni. Abydus, however,

though an important city, was never the capital of Egypt. The seat of

power shifted strangely with different dynasties, being established now

in the delta, now at Thebes, now at Elephantine; but having once

departed from the site which, by reason of its central position and the

unbounded fertility of its neighborhood, was above all others best

fitted to play this great part in the history of the country, it never

again returned to the point from which it had started. That point,

however, was unquestionably the center from which the great Egyptian

people departed upon its wonderful career. Here was the nursery of its

strength. Hence it derived its proud title to an unmixed autochthonous

descent. For no greater proof of the native origin of the race can be

adduced than the position which their first city occupies upon the map

of Egypt. That any tribe of colonists should have made straight for the

heart of the country and there have established themselves in the midst

of barbarous and probably hostile aborigines is evidently out of the

question. It is, on the other hand, equally clear that if Egypt had been

colonized from Asia or Ethiopia, the strangers would, on the one hand,

have founded their earliest settlement in the neighborhood of the

isthmus; or, on the other, have halted first among the then well-watered

plains of Nubia.[254] But the Egyptians started from the fertile heart

of their own mother country and began by being great at home.

Abydus and Teni, planted on the same platform of desert, were probably

united at one time by a straggling suburb inhabited by the embalmers and

other tradesfolk concerned in the business of death and burial. A chain

of mounds, excavated only where the temples were situated, now stand to

us for the famous city of Abydus. An ancient crude-brick inclosure and

an artificial tumulus mark the site of Teni. The temples and the

tumulus, divided by the now exhausted necropolis, and about as distant

from one another as Medinet Habu and the Ramesseum.

There must have been many older temples at Abydus than these which we

now see, one of which was built by Seti I, and the other by Rameses II.

Or possibly, as in so many instances, the more ancient buildings were

pulled down and rebuilt. Be this as it may, the temple of Seti, as

regards its sculptured decorations, is one of the most beautiful of

Egyptian ruins; and as regards its plan, is one of the most singular. A

row of square limestone piers, which must once have supported an

architrave, are now all that remains of the façade. Immediately behind

these comes a portico of twenty-four columns leading by seven entrances

to a hall of thirty-six columns. This hall again opens into seven

parallel sanctuaries, behind which lie another hall of columns and a

number of small chambers. So much of the building seems to be

homogeneous. Adjoining this block, however, and leading from it by

doorways at the southern end of the great hall, come several more halls

and chambers connected by corridors, and conducting apparently to more

chambers not yet excavated. All these piers, columns, halls, and

passages, and all the seven sanctuaries,[255] are most delicately

sculptured and brilliantly colored.

There is so far a family resemblance between temples of the same style

and period that, after a little experience, one can generally guess

before crossing the threshold of a fresh building what one is likely to

see in the way of sculptures within. But almost every subject in the

temple of Seti at Abydus is new and strange. All the gods of the

Egyptian pantheon seem to have been worshiped here and to have had each

his separate shrine. The walls are covered with paintings of these

shrines and their occupants; while before each the king is represented

performing some act of adoration. A huge blue frog, a greyhound, a

double-headed goose, a human-bodied creature with a Nilometer for its

head,[256] and many more than I can now remember, are thus depicted. The

royal offerings, too, though incense and necklaces and pectoral

ornaments abound, are for the most part of a kind that we have not seen

before. In one place the king presents to Isis a column with four

capitals, having on the top capital a globe and two asps surmounted by a

pair of ostrich feathers.

The center sanctuary of the seven appears to be dedicated to Khem, who

seems to be here, as in the great temple of Seti at Karnak, the

presiding divinity. In this principal sanctuary, which is resplendent

with color and in marvelous preservation, we especially observed a

portrait of Rameses II[257] in the act of opening the door of a shrine

by means of a golden key formed like a human hand and arm. The lock

seems to consist of a number of bolts of unequal length, each of which

is pushed back in turn by means of the forefinger of the little hand.

This, doubtless, gives a correct representation of the kind of locks in

use at that time.

It was in a corridor opening out from the great hall in this temple that

Mariette discovered that precious sculpture known as the new tablet of

Abydus. In this tableau, Seti I and Rameses II are seen, the one

offering incense, the other reciting a hymn of praise, to the manes of

seventy-six Pharaohs,[258] beginning with Mena, and ending with Seti

himself. To our great disappointment--though one cannot but acquiesce in

the necessity for precaution--we found the entrance to this corridor

closed and mounded up. A ragged old Arab who haunts the temple in the

character of custode, told us that the tablet could now only be seen by

special permission.

We seemed to have been here about half an hour when the guide came to

warn us of approaching evening. We had yet the site of the great Tumulus

of Teni to see; the tumulus being distant about twenty minutes’ ride.

The guide shook his head; but we insisted on going. The afternoon had

darkened over; and for the first time in many months a gathering canopy

of cloud shut out the glory of sunset. We, however, mounted our donkeys

and rode northward. With better beasts we might perhaps have gained our

end; as it was, seeing that it grew darker every moment, we presently

gave in, and instead of trying to push on farther, contented ourselves

with climbing a high mound which commanded the view toward Teni.

The clouds by this time were fast closing round, and waves of shadows

were creeping over the plain. To our left rose the near

mountain-barrier, dusk and lowering; to our right stretched the misty

corn-flats; at our feet, all hillocks and open graves, lay the desolate

necropolis. Beyond the palms that fringed the edge of the desert--beyond

a dark streak that marked the site of Teni--rose, purple in shadow

against the twilight, a steep and solitary hill. This hill, called by

the natives Kom-es-Sultan, or the Mound of the King, was the tumulus we

so desired to see. Viewed from a distance and by so uncertain a light,

it looked exactly like a volcanic cone of perhaps a couple of hundred

feet in height. It is, however, wholly artificial, and consists of a

mass of graves heaped one above another in historic strata; each layer,

as it were, the record of an era; the whole, a kind of human coral reef

built up from age to age with the ashes of generations.

For some years past, the Egyptian government had been gradually

excavating this extraordinary mound. The lower it was opened the more

ancient were its contents. So steadily retrogressive, indeed, were the

interments, that it seemed as if the spade of the digger might possibly

strike tombs of the first dynasty, and so restore to light relics of men

who lived in the age of Mena. “According to Plutarch,” wrote

Mariette,[259] “wealthy Egyptians came from all parts of Egypt to be

buried at Abydus, in order that their bones might rest near Osiris. Very

probably the tombs of Kom-es-Sultan belong to those personages mentioned

by Plutarch. Nor is this the only interest attaching to the mound of

Kom-es-Sultan. The famous tomb of Osiris cannot be far distant; and

certain indications lead us to think that it is excavated in precisely

that foundation of rock which serves as the nucleus of this mound. Thus

the persons buried in Kom-es-Sultan lay as near as possible to the

divine tomb. The works now in progress at this point have, therefore, a

twofold interest. They may yield tombs yet more and more ancient--tombs

even of the first dynasty; and some day or another they may discover to

us the hitherto unknown and hidden entrance to the tomb of the

god.”[260]

I bitterly regretted at the time that I could not at least ride to the

foot of Kom-es-Sultan; but I think now that I prefer to remember it as I

saw it from afar off, clothed in mystery, in the gloom of that dusky

evening.

There was a heavy silence in the air, and a melancholy as of the burden

of ages. The tumbled hillocks looked like a ghastly sea, and beyond the

verge of the desert it was already night. Presently, from among the

grave-pits, there crept toward us a slowly moving cloud. As it drew

nearer--soft, filmy, shifting, unreal--it proved to be the dust raised

by an immense flock of sheep. On they came, a brown compact mass, their

shepherd showing dimly now and then through openings in the cloud. The

last pale gleam from above caught them for a moment ere they melted,

ghostlike, into the murky plain. Then we went down ourselves, and

threaded the track between the mounds and the valley. Palms and houses

loomed vaguely out of the dusk; and a caravan of camels, stalking by

with swift and noiseless footfall, looked like shadows projected on a

background of mist. As the night deepened the air became stifling. There

were no stars and we could scarcely see a yard before us. Crawling

slowly along the steep causeway, we felt, but could distinguish nothing

of the plain stretching away on either side. Meanwhile the frogs croaked

furiously, and our donkeys stumbled at every step. When at length we

drew near Samata, it was close upon ten o’clock, and Reïs Hassan had

just started with men and torches to meet us.

Next morning early we once again passed Girgeh, with its ruined mosque

and still unfallen column; and about noonday moored at a place called

Ayserat, where we paid a visit to a native gentleman, one Ahmed Abû

Ratab Aga, to whom we carried letters of introduction. Ratab Aga owns

large estates in this province; is great in horseflesh; and lives in

patriarchal fashion surrounded by a numerous clan of kinsfolk and

dependents. His residence as Ayserat consists of a cluster of three or

four large houses, a score or so of pigeon-towers, an extensive garden,

stabling, exercising ground, and a large court-yard; the whole inclosed

by a wall of circuit and entered by a fine arabesque gateway. He

received us in a loggia of lattice-work overlooking the court-yard, and

had three of his finest horses--a gray, a bay, and a chestnut--brought

out for us to admire. They were just such horses as Velasquez loved to

paint--thick in the neck, small in the head, solid in the barrel, with

wavy manes, and long silky tails set high and standing off straight in

true Arab fashion. We doubted, however, that they were altogether _pur

sang_. They looked wonderfully picturesque with their gold embroidered

saddle-cloths, peaked saddles covered with crimson, green, and blue

velvet, long shovel stirrups and tasseled head-gear. The Aga’s brother

and nephews put them through their paces. They knelt to be mounted; lay

down and died at the word of command; dashed from perfect immobility

into a furious gallop; and when at fullest speed, stopped short, flung

themselves back upon their haunches, and stood like horses of stone. We

were told that our host had a hundred such standing in his stables.

Pipes, coffee, and an endless succession of different kinds of sherbets

went round all the time our visit lasted; and in the course of

conversation, we learned that not only the wages of agricultural

laborers, but even part of the taxes to the khedive, are here paid in

corn.

Before leaving, L----, the little lady and the writer were conducted to

the hareem and introduced to the ladies of the establishment. We found

them in a separate building, with a separate court-yard, living after

the usual dreary way of eastern women, with apparently no kind of

occupation and not even a garden to walk in. The Aga’s principal wife (I

believe he had but two), was a beautiful woman, with auburn hair, soft

brown eyes, and a lovely complexion. She received us on the threshold,

led us into a saloon surrounded by a divan and with some pride showed us

her five children. The eldest was a graceful girl of thirteen; the

youngest a little fellow of four. Mother and daughter were dressed alike

in black robes embroidered with silver, pink velvet slippers on bare

feet, silver bracelets and anklets and full pink Turkish trousers. They

wore their hair cut straight across the brow, plaited in long tails

behind and dressed with coins and pendants; while from the back of the

head there hung a veil of thin black gauze, also embroidered with

silver. Another lady, whom we took for the second wife and who was

extremely plain, had still richer and more massive ornaments, but seemed

to hold an inferior position in the hareem. There were perhaps a dozen

women and girls in all, two of whom were black.

One of the little boys had been ill all his short life and looked as if

he could not last many more months. The poor mother implored us to

prescribe for him. It was in vain to tell her that we knew nothing of

the nature of his disease and had no skill to cure it. She still

entreated and would take no refusal; so in pity we sent her some

harmless medicines.

We had little opportunity of observing domestic life in Egypt. L----

visited some of the vice-regal hareems at Cairo and brought away on each

occasion the same impression of dreariness. A little embroidery, a few

musical toys of Geneva manufacture, a daily drive on the Shubra road,

pipes, cigarettes, sweetmeats, jewelry and gossip, fill up the aimless

days of most Egyptian ladies of rank. There are, however, some who take

an active interest in politics; and in Cairo and Alexandria the

opera-boxes of the khedive and the great pashas are nightly occupied by

ladies. But it is not by the daily life of the wives of princes and

nobles, but by the life of the lesser gentry and upper middle-class,

that a domestic system should be judged. These ladies of Ayserat had no

London-built brougham, no Shuba road, no opera. They were absolutely

without mental resources; and they were even without the means of taking

air and exercise. One could see that time hung heavy on their hands, and

that they took but a feeble interest in the things around them. The

hareem stairs were dirty; the rooms were untidy; the general aspect of

the place was slatternly and neglected. As for the inmates, though all

good-nature and gentleness, their faces bore the expression of people

who are habitually bored. At Luxor, L---- and the writer paid a visit to

the wife of an intelligent and gentlemanly Arab, son of the late

governor of that place. This was a middle-class hareem. The couple were

young and not rich. They occupied a small house which commanded no view

and had no garden. Their little court-yard was given up to the poultry;

their tiny terrace above was less than twelve feet square; and they

were surrounded on all sides by houses. Yet in this stifling prison the

young wife lived, apparently contented, from year’s end to year’s end.

She literally never went out. As a child, she had no doubt enjoyed some

kind of liberty; but as a marriageable girl, and as a bride, she was as

much a prisoner as a bird in a cage. Born and bred in Luxor, she had

never seen Karnak; yet Karnak is only two miles distant. We asked her if

she would like to go there with us; but she laughed and shook her head.

She was incapable even of curiosity.

It seemed to us that the wives of the fellahîn were in truth the

happiest women in Egypt. They work hard and are bitterly poor; but they

have the free use of their limbs and they at least know the fresh air,

the sunshine and the open fields.

When we left Ayserat, there still lay three hundred and thirty-five

miles between us and Cairo. From this time the navigation of the Nile

became every day more difficult. The dahabeeyah, too, got heated through

and through, so that not even sluicing and swabbing availed to keep down

the temperature. At night when we went to our sleeping-cabins, the

timbers alongside of our berths were as hot to the hand as a screen in

front of a great fire. Our crew, though to the manner born, suffered

even more than ourselves; and L---- at this time had generally a case of

sunstroke on her hands. One by one, we passed the places we had seen on

our way up--Siût, Manfalût, Gebel Abufayda, Roda, Minieh. After all, we

did not see Beni Hassan. The day we reached that part of the river, a

furious sandstorm was raging; such a storm that even the writer was

daunted. Three days later, we took the rail at Bibbeh and went on to

Cairo, leaving the Philæ to follow as fast as wind and weather might

permit.

We were so wedded by this time to dahabeeyah life, that we felt lost at

first in the big rooms at Shepheard’s hotel, and altogether bewildered

in the crowded streets. Yet here was Cairo, more picturesque, more

beautiful than ever. Here were the same merchants squatting on the same

carpets and smoking the same pipes, in the Tunis bazaar; here was the

same old cake seller still ensconced in the same doorway in the Muski;

here were the same jewelers selling bracelets in the Khan-Khalîli; the

same money-changers sitting behind their little tables at the corners

of the streets; the same veiled ladies riding on donkeys and driving in

carriages; the same hurrying funerals and noisy weddings; the same odd

cries and motley costumes and unaccustomed trades. Nothing was changed.

We soon dropped back into the old life of sight-seeing and

shopping--buying rugs and silks and silver ornaments and old

embroideries and Turkish slippers and all sorts of antique and pretty

trifles; going from Mohammedan mosques to rare old Coptic churches;

dropping in for an hour or two most afternoons at the Boulak museum; and

generally ending the day’s work with a drive on the Shubra road, or a

stroll round the Esbekiyeh gardens.

The Môlid-en-Nebi, or festival of the birth of the prophet, was being

held at this time in a tract of waste ground on the road to old Cairo.

Here, in some twenty or thirty large open tents ranged in a circle,

there were readings of the Koran and meetings of dervishes going on by

day and night, without intermission, for nearly a fortnight. After dark,

when the tents were all ablaze with lighted chandeliers, and the

dervishes were howling and leaping, and fire-works were being let off

from an illuminated platform in the middle of the area, the scene was

extraordinary. All Cairo used to be there, on foot or in carriages,

between eight o’clock and midnight every evening; the veiled ladies of

the khedive’s hareem in their miniature broughams being foremost among

the spectators.

The Môlid-en-Nebi ends with the performance of the Dóseh, when the sheik

of the Saädîyeh dervishes rides over a road of prostrate fanatics. L----

and the writer witnessed this sight from the tent of the Governor of

Cairo. Drunk with opium, fasting and praying, rolling their heads and

foaming at the mouth, some hundreds of wretched creatures lay down in

the road packed as close as paving-stones, and were walked and ridden

over before our eyes. The standard-bearers came first; then a priest

reading the Koran aloud; then the sheik on his white Arab, supported on

either side by barefooted priests. The beautiful horse trod with evident

reluctance and as lightly and swiftly as possible on the human causeway

under his hoofs. The Mohammedans aver that no one is injured or even

bruised[261] on this holy occasion; but I saw some men carried away in

convulsions, who looked as if they would never walk again.[262]

It is difficult to say but a few inadequate words of a place about which

an instructive volume might be written; yet to pass the Boulak Museum in

silence is impossible. This famous collection is due, in the first

instance, to the liberality of the late khedive and the labors of

Mariette. With the exception of Mehemet Ali, who excavated the Temple of

Denderah, no previous viceroy of Egypt had ever interested himself in

the archæology of the country. Those who cared for such rubbish as

encumbered the soil or lay hidden beneath the sands of the desert, were

free to take it; and no favor was more frequently asked or more readily

granted than permission to dig for “anteekahs.” Hence the Egyptian

wealth of our museums. Hence the numerous private collections dispersed

throughout Europe. Ismail Pasha, however, put an end to that wholesale

pillage; and for the first time since ever “mummy was sold for balsam,”

or for bric-à-brac, it became illegal to transport antiquities. Thus,

for the first time, Egypt began to possess a national collection.

Youngest of great museums, the Boulak collection is the wealthiest in

the world in portrait-statues of private individuals, in funerary

tablets, in amulets and in personal relics of the ancient inhabitants of

the Nile valley. It is necessarily less rich in such colossal statues as

fill the great galleries of the British Museum, the Turin Museum and the

Louvre. These, being above ground and comparatively few in number, were

for the most part seized upon long since and transported to Europe. The

Boulak statues are the product of the tombs. The famous wooden “sheik,”

about which so much has been written,[263] the magnificent diorite

statue of Khafra (Chephren), the builder of the second pyramid, the two

marvelous sitting statues of Prince Ra-hotep and Princess Nefer-t, are

all portraits; and, like their tombs, were executed during the lifetime

of the persons represented. Crossing the threshold of the great

vestibule,[264] one is surrounded by a host of these extraordinary

figures, erect, colored, clothed, all but in motion. It is like entering

the crowded ante-room of a royal palace in the time of the ancient

empire.

The greater number of the Boulak portrait statues are sculptured in what

is called the hieratic attitude; that is, with the left arm down and

pressed close to the body, the left hand holding a roll of papyrus, the

right leg advanced and the right hand raised, as grasping the

walking-staff. It occurred to me that there might be a deeper

significance than at first sight appears in this conventional attitude,

and that it perhaps suggests the moment of resurrection, when the

deceased, holding fast by his copy of the book of the dead, walks forth

from his tomb into the light of life eternal.

Of all the statues here--one may say, indeed, of all known Egyptian

statues--those of Prince Ra-hotep and Princess Nefer-t are the most

wonderful. They are probably the oldest portrait-statues in the

world.[265] They come from a tomb of the third dynasty, and are

contemporary with Snefru, a king who reigned before the time of Khufu

and Khafra. That is to say, these people who sit before us side by side,

colored to the life, fresh and glowing as the day when they gave the

artist his last sitting, lived at a time when the great pyramids of

Ghîzeh were not yet built, and at a date which is variously calculated

as from about six thousand three hundred to four thousand years before

the present day. The princess wears her hair precisely as it is still

worn in Nubia, and her necklace of cabochon drops is of a pattern much

favored by the modern Ghawâzi. The eyes of both statues are inserted.

The eyeball, which is set in an eyelid of bronze, is made of opaque

white quartz, with an iris of rock-crystal inclosing a pupil of some

kind of brilliant metal. This treatment--of which there are one or two

other instances extant--gives to the eyes a look of intelligence that is

almost appalling. There is a play of light within the orb, and

apparently a living moisture upon the surface, which has never been

approached by the most skillfully made glass eyes of modern

manufacture.[266]

[Illustration]

Of the jewels of Queen Aah-hotep, of the superb series of engraved

scarabæi, of the rings, amulets, and toilette ornaments, of the vases in

bronze, silver, alabaster, and porcelain, of the libation-tables, the

woven stuffs, the terra-cottas, the artists’ models, the lamps, the

silver boats, the weapons, the papyri, the thousand-and-one curious

personal relics and articles of domestic use which are brought together

within these walls, I have no space to tell. Except the collection of

Pompeiian relics in Naples, there is nothing elsewhere to compare with

the collection at Boulak; and the villas of Pompeii have yielded no such

gems and jewels as the tombs of ancient Egypt. It is not too much to say

that if these dead and mummied people could come back to earth, the

priest would here find all the gods of his Pantheon; the king his

scepter; the queen her crown-jewels; the scribe his palette; the soldier

his arms; the workman his tools; the barber his razor; the husbandman

his hoe; the housewife her broom; the child his toys; the beauty her

combs and kohl bottles and mirrors. The furniture of the house is here,

as well as the furniture of the tomb. Here, too, is the broken sistrum

buried with the dead in token of the grief of the living.

Waiting the construction of a more suitable edifice, the present

building gives temporary shelter to the collection. In the meanwhile, if

there was nothing else to tempt the traveler to Cairo, the Boulak museum

would alone be worth the journey from Europe.

The first excursion one makes on returning to Cairo, the last one makes

before leaving, is to Ghîzeh. It is impossible to get tired of the

pyramids. Here L---- and the writer spent their last day with the happy

couple.

We left Cairo early, and met all the market-folk coming in from the

country--donkeys and carts laden with green stuff, and veiled women with

towers of baskets on their heads. The khedive’s new palace was swarming

already with masons, and files of camels were bringing limestone blocks

for the builders. Next comes the open corn-plain, part yellow, part

green--the long straight road bordered with acacias--beyond all, the

desert-platform, and the pyramids, half in light, half in greenish-gray

shadow, against the horizon. I never could understand why it is that the

second pyramid, though it is smaller and farther off, looks from this

point of view bigger than the first. Farther on, the brown fellahîn,

knee-deep in purple blossom, are cutting the clover. The camels carry it

away. The goats and buffaloes feed in the clearings. Then comes the

half-way tomb nestled in greenery, where men and horses stay to drink;

and soon we are skirting a great backwater which reflects the pyramids

like a mirror. Villages, shâdûfs, herds and flocks, tracts of palms,

corn-flats, and spaces of rich, dark fallow, now succeed each other; and

then once more comes the sandy slope, and the cavernous ridge of ancient

yellow rock, and the great pyramid with its shadow-side toward us,

darkening the light of day.

Neither L---- nor the writer went inside the great pyramid. The idle man

did so this day, and L----’s maid on another occasion; and both

reported of the place as so stifling within, so foul underfoot, and so

fatiguing, that, somehow, we each time put it off, and ended by missing

it. The ascent is extremely easy. Rugged and huge as are the blocks,

there is scarcely one upon which it is not possible to find a half-way

rest for the toe of one’s boot, so as to divide the distance. With the

help of three Arabs, nothing can well be less fatiguing. As for the men,

they are helpful and courteous, and as clever as possible; and coax one

on from block to block in all the languages of Europe.

“Pazienza, signora! Allez doucement--all serene! We half-way now--dem

halben-weg, fräulein. Ne vous pressez pas, mademoiselle. Chi va sano, va

lontano. Six step more, and ecco la cima!”

“You should add the other half of the proverb, amici,” said I. “Chi va

forte, va alla morte.”

My Arabs had never heard this before, and were delighted with it. They

repeated it again and again, and committed it to memory with great

satisfaction. I asked them why they did not cut steps in the blocks, so

as to make the ascent easier for ladies. The answer was ready and

honest.

“No, no, mademoiselle! Arab very stupid to do that. If Arab makes steps,

howadji goes up alone. No more want Arab man to help him up, and Arab

man earn no more dollars!”

They offered to sing “Yankee Doodle” when we reached the top; then,

finding we were English, shouted “God save the queen!” and told us that

the Prince of Wales had given £40 to the pyramid Arabs when he came here

with the princess two years before; which, however, we took the liberty

to doubt.

The space on the top of the great pyramid is said to be thirty feet

square. It is not, as I had expected, a level platform. Some blocks of

the next tier remain, and two or three of the tier next above that; so

making pleasant seats and shady corners. What struck us most on reaching

the top was the startling nearness, to all appearance, of the second

pyramid. It seemed to rise up beside us like a mountain; yet so close,

that I fancied I could almost touch it by putting out my hand. Every

detail of the surface, every crack and party-colored stain in the

shining stucco that yet clings about the apex, was distinctly visible.

The view from this place is immense. The country is so flat, the

atmosphere so clear, the standpoint so isolated, that one really sees

more and sees farther than from many a mountain summit of ten or twelve

thousand feet. The ground lies, as it were, immediately under one; and

the great Necropolis is seen as in a ground-plan. The effect must, I

imagine, be exactly like the effect of a landscape seen from a balloon.

Without ascending the pyramid, it is certainly not possible to form a

clear notion of the way in which this great burial-field is laid out. We

see from this point how each royal pyramid is surrounded by its

quadrangle of lesser tombs, some in the form of small pyramids, others

partly rock-cut, partly built of massive slabs, like the roofing-stones

of the temples. We see how Khufu and Khafra and Menkara lay, each under

his mountain of stone, with his family and his nobles around him. We see

the great causeways which moved Herodotus to such wonder, and along

which the giant stones were brought. Recognizing how clearly the place

is a great cemetery, one marvels at the ingenious theories which turn

the pyramids into astronomical observatories, and abstruse standards of

measurement. They are the grandest graves[267] in all the world--and

they are nothing more.

The little way to the southward, from the midst of a sandy hollow, rises

the head of the sphinx. Older than the pyramids, older than history, the

monster lies couchant like a watch-dog, looking ever to the east, as if

for some dawn that has not yet risen.[268] A depression in the sand

close by marks the site of that strange monument miscalled the Temple of

the Sphinx.[269] Farther away to the west on the highest slope of this

part of the desert platform, stands the Pyramid of Menkara (Mycerinus).

It has lost but five feet of its original height, and from this distance

it looks quite perfect.

Such--set in a waste of desert--are the main objects, and the nearest

objects, on which our eyes first rest. As a whole, the view is more long

than wide, being bounded to the westward by the Libyan range, and to the

eastward by the Mokattam hills. At the foot of those yellow hills,

divided from us by the cultivated plain across which we have just

driven, lies Cairo, all glittering domes half seen through a sunlit

haze. Overlooking the fairy city stands the mosque of the citadel, its

mast-like minarets piercing the clearer atmosphere. Far to the

northward, traversing reach after reach of shadowy palm-groves, the eye

loses itself in the dim and fertile distances of the delta. To the west

and south all is desert. It begins here at our feet--a rolling

wilderness of valleys and slopes and rivers and seas of sand, broken

here and there by abrupt ridges of rock and mounds of ruined masonry and

open graves. A silver line skirts the edge of this dead world, and

vanishes southward in the sun-mist that shimmers on the farthest

horizon. To the left of that silver line we see the quarried cliffs of

Turra, marble-white; opposite Turra, the plumy palms of Memphis. On the

desert platform above, clear, though faint, the pyramids of Abusîr and

Sakkârah, and Dahshûr. Every stage of the Pyramid of Ouenephes, banded

in light and shade, is plain to see. So is the dome-like summit of the

great pyramid of Dahshûr. Even the brick ruin beside it which we took

for a black rock as we went up the river, and which looks like a black

rock still, is perfectly visible. Farthest of them all, showing pale and

sharp amid the palpitating blaze of noon, stands, like an unfinished

tower of Babel, the pyramid of Meydûm. It is in this direction that our

eyes turn oftenest--to the measureless desert in its mystery of light

and silence; to the Nile where it gleams out again and again, till it

melts at last into that faint, far distance beyond which lie Thebes and

Philæ and Abou Simbel.

APPENDIX I.

A. M’CALLUM, ESQ., TO THE EDITOR OF “THE TIMES.”[270]

SIR:--It may interest your readers to learn that at the south side of

the great Temple of Abou Simbel, I found the entrance to a painted

chamber rock-cut, and measuring twenty-one feet two and one-half inches

by fourteen feet eight inches, and twelve feet high to the spring of the

arch, elaborately sculptured and painted in the best style of the best

period of Égyptian art, bearing the portraits of Rameses the Great and

his cartouches, and in a state of the highest preservation. This chamber

is preceded by the ruins of a vaulted atrium, in sundried brickwork, and

adjoins the remains of what would appear to be a massive wall or pylon,

which contains a staircase terminating in an arched doorway leading to

the vaulted atrium before mentioned.

The doorway of the painted chamber, the staircase and the arch, were all

buried in sand and débris. The chamber appears to have been covered and

lost sight of since a very early period, being wholly free from

mutilation, and from the scribbling of travelers, ancient and modern.

The staircase was not opened until the 18th, and the bones of a woman

and child, with two small cinerary urns, were there discovered by a

gentleman of our party, buried in the sand. This was doubtless a

subsequent interment. Whether this painted chamber is the inner

sanctuary of a small temple, or part of a tomb, or only a speos, like

the well-known grottos at Ibrim, is a question for future excavators to

determine. I have the honor to be, sir, yours, etc.,

ANDREW MCCALLUM.

KOROSKO, NUBIA, Feb. 16, 1874.

APPENDIX II.

THE EGYPTIAN PANTHEON.

“The deities of ancient Egypt consist of celestial, terrestrial and

infernal gods, and of many inferior personages, either representatives

of the greater gods or else attendants upon them. Most of the gods were

connected with the sun, and represented that luminary in its passage

through the upper hemisphere or Heaven and the lower hemisphere or

Hades. To the deities of the solar cycle belonged the great gods of

Thebes and Heliopolis. In the local worship of Egypt the deities were

arranged in local triads; thus, at Memphis, Ptah, his wife Merienptah,

and their son Nefer Atum, formed a triad, to which was sometimes added

the goddess Bast or Bubastis. At Abydus the local triad was Osiris, Isis

and Horus, with Nephthys; at Thebes, Amen-Ra or Ammon, Mut and Chons,

with Neith; at Elephantine, Kneph, Anuka, Seti and Hak. In most

instances the names of the gods are Egyptian; thus, Ptah meant ‘the

opener;’ Amen, ‘the concealed;’ Ra, ‘the sun’ or ‘day;’ Athor, ‘the

house of Horus;’ but some few, especially of later times, were

introduced from Semitic sources, as Bal or Baal, Astaruta or Astarte,

Khen or Kium, Respu or Reseph. Besides the principal gods, several or

parhedral gods, sometimes personifications of the faculties, senses, and

other objects, are introduced into the religious system, and genii,

spirits, or personified souls of deities formed part of the same. At a

period subsequent to their first introduction the gods were divided into

three orders. The first or highest comprised eight deities, who were

different in the Memphian and Theban systems. They were supposed to have

reigned over Egypt before the time of mortals. The eight gods of the

first order at Memphis were: 1, Ptah; 2, Shu; 3, Tefnu; 4, Seb; 5, Nut;

6, Osiris; 7, Isis and Horus; 8, Athor. Those of Thebes were: 1,

Amen-Ra; 2, Mentu; 3, Atum; 4, Shu and Tefnu; 5, Seb; 6, Osiris; 7, Set

and Nephthys; 8, Horus and Athor. The gods of the second order were

twelve in number, but the name of one only, an Egyptian Hercules, has

been preserved. The third order is stated to have comprised Osiris, who,

it will be seen, belonged to the first order.”--“Guide to the First and

Second Egyptian Rooms; Brit. Musæ.” S. Birch, 1874.

The gods most commonly represented upon the monuments are Phtah, Knum,

Ra, Amen-Ra, Khem, Osiris, Nefer Atum or Tum, Thoth, Seb, Set, Khons,

Horus, Maut, Neith, Isis, Nut, Hathor and Bast. They are distinguished

by the following attributes:

_Phtah_ or _Ptah_--In form a mummy, holding the emblem called by some

the Nilometer, by others the emblem of stability. Called “the Father of

the Beginning, the Creator of the Egg of the Sun and Moon.” Chief deity

of Memphis.

_Kneph_, _Knum_ or _Knouphis_--Ram-headed. Called the maker of gods and

men; the soul of the gods. Chief deity of Elephantine and the cataracts.

_Ra_--Hawk-headed, and crowned with the sun-disk encircled by an asp.

The divine disposer and organizer of the world. Adored throughout Egypt.

_Amen-Ra_--Of human form, crowned with a flat-topped cap and two long

straight plumes; clothed in the schenti; his flesh sometimes painted

blue. There are various forms of this god (see foot note p. 310), but he

is most generally described as King of the Gods. Chief deity of Thebes.

_Khem_--Of human form, mummified; wears head-dress of Amen-Ra; his

right hand uplifted, holding the flail. The god of productiveness and

generation. Chief deity of Khemmis, or Ekhmeen. Is identified in later

times with Amen, and called Amen-Khem.

_Osiris_--Of human form, mummified, crowned with a miter, and holding

the flail and crook. Called the Good Being; the Lord above all; the One

Lord. Was the god of the lower world; judge of the dead; and

representative of the sun below the horizon. Adored throughout Egypt.

Local deity of Abydus.

_Nefer Atum_--Human-headed, and crowned with the pschent. This god

represented the setting sun, or the sun descending to light the lower

world. Local deity of Heliopolis.

_Thoth_--In form a man, ibis-headed, generally depicted with the pen and

palette of a scribe. Was the god of the moon, and of letters. Local

deity of Sesoon, or Hermopolis.

_Seb_--The “Father of the Gods,” and deity of terrestrial vegetation. In

form a man with a goose upon his head.

_Set_--Represented by a symbolic animal, with a muzzle and ears like a

jackal, the body of an ass, and an upright tail, like the tail of a

lion. Was originally a warlike god, and became in later times the symbol

of evil and the enemy of Osiris.

_Khons_--Hawk-headed, crowned with the sun disk and horns. Is

represented sometimes as a youth with the side-lock, standing on a

crocodile.

_Horus_--Horus appears variously as Horus, Horus Aroëris, and Horus

Harpakhrat (Harpocrates), or Horus the child. Is represented under the

first two forms as a man, hawk headed, wearing the double crown of

Egypt; in the latter as a child with the side-lock. Local deity of Edfu

(Apollinopolis Magna).

_Maut_--A woman draped and crowned with the pschent; generally with a

cap below the pschent representing a vulture. Adored at Thebes.

_Neith_--A woman draped, holding sometimes a bow and arrows, crowned

with the crown of Lower Egypt. She presided over war and the loom.

Worshiped at Thebes.

_Isis_--A woman crowned with the sun-disk surmounted by a throne, and

sometimes inclosed between horns. Adored at Abydus and Philæ. Her soul

resided in Sothis, or the Dog-star.

_Nut_--A woman curved so as to touch the ground with her fingers. She

represents the vault of Heaven, and is the mother of the gods.

_Hathor_--Cow-headed, and crowned with the disk and plumes. Deity of

Amenti, or the Egyptian Hades. Worshiped at Denderah.

_Bast_ and _Sekhet_--Bast and Sekhet appear to be two forms of the same

goddess. As Sekhet she is represented as a woman, lion-headed, with the

disk and uræus; as Bast, she is cat-headed, and holds a sistrum. Adored

at Bubastis.

APPENDIX III.

THE RELIGIOUS BELIEF OF THE EGYPTIANS.

Did the Egyptians believe in one eternal god whose attributes were

merely symbolized by their numerous deities; or must the whole structure

of their faith be resolved into a solar myth, with its various and

inevitable ramifications? This is the great problem of Egyptology, and

it is a problem that has not yet been solved. Egyptologists differ so

widely on the subject that it is impossible to reconcile their opinions.

As not even the description of a temple is complete without some

reference to this important question, and as the question itself

underlies every notion we may form of ancient Egypt, and ancient

Egyptians, I have thought it well to group here a few representative

extracts from the works of one or two of the greatest authorities upon

the subject.

“The religion of the Egyptians consisted of an extended polytheism

represented by a series of local groups. The idea of a single deity

self-existing or produced was involved in the conception of some of the

principal gods, who are said to have given birth to or produced gods,

men, all beings and things. Other deities were considered to be

self-produced. The sun was the older object of worship, and in his

various forms, as the rising, midday and setting sun, was adored under

different names, and was often united, especially at Thebes, to the

types of other deities, as Amen and Mentu. The oldest of all the local

deities, Ptah, who was worshiped at Memphis, was a demiurgos or creator

of Heaven, earth, gods and men, and not identified with the sun. Besides

the worship of the solar gods, that of Osiris extensively prevailed, and

with it the antagonism of Set, the Egyptian devil, the metempsychosis or

transmigration of the soul, the future judgment, the purgatory or Hades,

the _Karneter_, the _Aahlu_ or Elysium, and final union of the soul to

the body after the lapse of several centuries. Besides the deities of

Heaven, the light, and the lower world, others personified the elements

or presided over the operations of nature, the seasons and

events.”--“Guide to the First and Second Egyption Rooms: Brit. Mus.” S.

Birch, 1874.

“This religion, obscured as it is by complex mythology, has lent itself

to many interpretations of a contradictory nature, none of which have

been unanimously adopted. But that which is beyond doubt, and which

shines forth from the texts for the whole world’s acceptance, is the

belief in one God. The polytheism of the monuments is but an outward

show. The innumerable gods of the Pantheon are but manifestations of the

one being in his various capacities. That taste for allegory which

created the hieroglyphic writing, found vent likewise in the expression

of the religious idea; that idea being, as it were, stifled in the later

periods by a too-abundant symbolism.”--P. Pierret, “Dictionaire d’Arch.

Égyptienne,” 1875. Translated from an article on “_Réligion_.”

“This god of the Egyptians was unique, perfect, endued with knowledge

and intelligence, and so far incomprehensible that one can scarcely say

in what respects he is incomprehensible. He is the one who exists by

essence; the one sole life of all substance; the one single generator in

heaven and earth who is not himself engendered; the father of fathers;

the mother of mothers; always the same, immutable in immutable

perfection; existing equally in the past, the present and the future. He

fills the universe in such wise that no earthly image can give the

feeblest notion of his immensity. He is felt everywhere; he is tangible

nowhere.”--G. Maspero. Translated from “Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de

l’Orient.” Paris, 1876, chap, i, p. 26.

“Unfortunately, the more we study the religion of ancient Egypt the more

our doubts accumulate with regard to the character which must finally be

attributed to it. The excavations carried on of late at Denderah and

Edfu have opened up to us an extraordinary fertile source of material.

These temples are covered with texts, and present precisely the

appearance of two books which authoritatively treat not only of the gods

to which these two temples are dedicated, but of the religion under its

more general aspects. But neither in these temples, nor in those which

have been long known to us, appears the one god of Jamblichus. If Ammon

is ‘The First of the First’ at Thebes, if Phtah is at Memphis ‘The

Father of all Beings, without Beginning or End,’ so also is every other

Egyptian god separately endowed with these attributes of the Divine

Being. In other words, we everywhere find gods who are uncreate and

immortal; but nowhere that unique, invisible deity, without name and

without form, who was supposed to hover above the highest summit of the

Egyptian pantheon. The Temple of Denderah, now explored to the end of

its most hidden inscriptions, of a certainty furnishes no trace of this

deity. The one result which above all others seems to be educed from the

study of this temple, is that (according to the Egyptians) the universe

was god himself, and that Pantheism formed the foundation of their

religion.”--A. Mariette Bey. Translated from “Itinéraire de la Haute

Égypte.” Alexandria, 1872, p. 54.

“The sun is the most ancient object of Egyptian worship found upon the

monuments. His birth each day when he springs from the bosom of the

nocturnal Heaven is the natural emblem of the eternal generation of the

divinity. Hence the celestial space became identified with the divine

mother. It was particularly the nocturnal Heaven which was represented

by this personage. The rays of the sun, as they awakened all nature,

seemed to give life to animated beings. Hence that which doubtless was

originally a symbol became the foundation of the religion. It is the sun

himself whom we find habitually invoked as the supreme being. The

addition of his Egyptian name, Ra, to the names of certain local

divinities, would seem to show that this identification constituted a

second epoch in the history of the religions of the Valley of the

Nile.”--Viscount E. de Rougé. Translated from “Notice Sommaire des

Monuments Égyptiens du Louvre.” Paris, 1873, p. 120.

That the religion, whether based on a solar myth or upon a genuine

belief in a spiritual god, became grossly material in its later

developments, is apparent to every student of the monuments. M. Maspero

has the following remarks on the degeneration of the old faith:

“In the course of ages, the sense of the religion became obscured. In

the texts of Greek and Roman date, that lofty conception of the divinity

which had been cherished by the early theologians of Egypt still peeps

out here and there. Fragmentary phrases and epithets yet prove that the

fundamental principles of the religion are not quite forgotten. For the

most part, however, we find that we no longer have to do with the

infinite and intangible god of ancient days; but rather with a god of

flesh and blood who lives upon earth, and has so abased himself as to be

no more than a human king. It is no longer this god of whom no man knew

either the form or the substance--it is Kneph at Esneh; Hathor at

Denderah; Horus, king of the divine dynasty at Edfu. This king has a

court, ministers, an army, a fleet. His eldest son, Horhat, Prince of

Cush and heir presumptive to the throne, commands the troops. His first

minister, Thoth, the inventor of letters, has geography and rhetoric at

his fingers’ ends; is historiographer-royal; and is entrusted with the

duty of recording the victories of the king and of celebrating them in

high-sounding phraseology. When this god makes war upon his neighbor

Typhon he makes no use of the divine weapons of which we should take it

for granted that he could dispose at will. He calls out his archers and

his chariots; descends the Nile in his galley, as might the last new

Pharaoh; directs marches and counter-marches; fights planned battles;

carries cities by storm, and brings all Egypt in submission to his feet.

We see here that the Egyptians of Ptolemaic times had substituted for

the one god of their ancestors a line of god-kings, and had embroidered

these modern legends with a host of fantastic details.”--G. Maspero.

Translated from “Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient.” Paris,

1876, chap, i, pp. 50-51.

APPENDIX IV.

EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY.

“The chronology of Egypt has been a disputed point for centuries. The

Egyptians had no cycle, and only dated in the regnal years of their

monarchs. The principal Greek sources have been the canon of Ptolemy,

drawn up in the second century A.D., and the lists of the dynasties

extracted from the historical work of Manetho, an Egyptian priest, who

lived in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, B.C. 285-247. The

discrepancies between these lists and the monuments have given rise to

many schemes and rectifications of the chronology. The principal

chronological points of information obtained from the monument are the

conquest of Egypt by Cambyses, B.C. 527, the commencement of the reign

of Psammetichus I, B.C. 665, the reign of Tirhaka, about B.C. 693, and

that of Bocchoris, about B.C. 720, the synchronism of the reign of

Shishak I with the capture of Jerusalem, about B.C. 970. The principal

monuments throwing light on other parts of the chronology are the

recorded heliacal risings of Sothis, or the Dog-star, in the reigns of

Thothmes III and Rameses II, III, VI, IX, the date of four hundred years

from the time of Rameses II to the shepherd kings, the dated sepulchral

tablets of the bull Apis at the serapeum, the lists of kings at

Sakkarah, Thebes and Abydus, the chronological canon of the Turin

papyrus, and other incidental notices. But of the anterior dynasties no

certain chronological dates are afforded by the monuments, those

hitherto proposed not having stood the test of historical or

philological criticism.”--S. Birch, LL.D.: “Guide to the First and

Second Egyptian Rooms at the Brit. Museum.” 1874, p. 10.

As some indication of the wide divergence of opinion upon this subject,

it is enough to point out that the German Egyptologists alone differ as

to the date of Menes or Mena (the first authentic king of the ancient

empire), to the following extent:

B. C.

BOECKH places Mena in 5702

UNGER places Mena in 5613

BRUGSCH places Mena in 4455

LAUTH places Mena in 4157

LEPSIUS places Mena in 3892

BUNSEN places Mena in 3623

Mariette, though recognizing the need for extreme caution in the

acceptance or rejection of any of these calculations, inclined on the

whole to abide by the lists of Manetho; according to which the

thirty-four recorded dynasties would stand as follows:

ANCIENT EMPIRE. | NEW EMPIRE.

|

DYNASTIES. CAPITALS. B. C. | DYNASTIES. CAPITALS. B. C.

I. } This { 5004 | XVIII. } { 1703

II. } { 4751 | XIX. } Thebes { 1462

III. } { 4449 | XX. } { 1288

IV. } Memphis { 4235 | XXI. Tanis 1100

V. } { 3951 | XXII. Bubastis 980

VI. Elephantine 3703 | XXIII. Tanis 810

VII.v } | XXIV. Saïs 721

VIII.v } Memphis 3500 | XXV. (Ethiopians) 715

IX. } { 3358 | XXVI. Saïs 665

X. } Heracleopolis { 3240 | XXVII. (Persians) 527

| XXVIII. Saïs 405

MIDDLE EMPIRE. | XXIX. Mendes 399

XI.} { 3064 | XXX. Sebennytis 378

XII.} Thebes { 3064 | XXXI. (Persians) 340

XIII.} { 2851 |

XIV. Xoïs 2398 | LOWER EMPIRE.

XV.} | XXXII. Macedonians 332

XVI.} Shepherd Kings 2214 | XXXII. (Greeks) 305

XVII.} | XXXIV. (Romans) 30

To this chronology may be opposed the brief table of dates compiled by

M. Chabas. This table represents what may be called the medium school of

Egyptian chronology, and is offered by M. Chabas, “not as an attempt to

reconcile systems,” but as an aid to the classification of certain

broadly indicated epochs.

B. C.

Mena and the commencement of the ancient empire 4000

Construction of the great pyramids 3300

Sixth dynasty 2800

Twelfth dynasty { 2400

{ 2000

Shepherd invasion ?

Expulsion of Shepherds and commencement of the

new empire 1800

Thothmes III 1700

Seti I and Rameses II { 1500

{ 1400

Sheshonk (Shishak), the conqueror of Jerusalem 1000

Saïtic dynasties { 700

{ 600

Cambyses and the Persians 500

Second Persian conquest 400

{ 300

Ptolemies { 200

{ 100

APPENDIX V.

CONTEMPORARY CHRONOLOGY OF EGYPT, MESOPOTAMIA, AND BABYLON.

A very important addition to our chronological information with regard

to the synchronous history of Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia and

Babylonia has been brought to light during this present year (1888) by

the great discovery of cuneiform tablets at Tel-el-Amarna in Upper

Egypt. These tablets consist for the most part of letters and dispatches

sent to Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV by the kings of Babylonia and the

princes and governors of Palestine, Syria and Mesopotamia; some being

addressed to Amenhotep IV (Khu-en-Aten) by Burna-Buryas, King of

Babylonia, who lived about B.C. 1430. This gives us the date of the life

and reign of Amenhotep IV, and consequently the approximate date of the

foundation of the city known to us as Tel-el-Amarna, and of the

establishment of the new religion of the Disk-worship; and it is the

earliest synchronism yet established between the history of ancient

Egypt and that of her contemporaries.

From these tablets we also learn that the consort of Amenhotep IV was a

Syrian princess and daughter of Duschratta, King of Naharina (called in

the tablets “the land of Mitanni”) on the Upper Euphrates. For a full

and learned description of some of the most interesting of these newly

discovered documents, see Dr. Erman’s paper, entitled _Der Thontafelfund

von Tell Amarna_, read before the Berlin Academy on 3d May, 1888.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] For the benefit of any who desire more exact information, I may add

that a table of average temperatures, carefully registered day by day

and week by week, is to be found at the end of Mr. H. Villiers Stuart’s

“Nile Gleanings.” [Note to second edition.]

[2] These dates, it is to be remembered, refer to the year 1877, when

the first edition of this book was published. [Note to second edition.]

[3] Since the first edition of this book was issued, the publication of

Mr. W. M. Flinders Petrie’s standard work, entitled “The Pyramids and

Temples of Gizeh,” has for the first time placed a thoroughly accurate

and scientific description of the great pyramid at the disposal of

students. Calculating from the rock-cut sockets at the four corners,

and from the true level of the pavement, Mr. Petrie finds that the

square of the original base of the structure, in inches, is of these

dimensions:

-------------------------------------------------------

| Length. | Difference | Azimuth. | Difference

| | from Mean. | | from Mean.

-------|----------|------------|----------|------------

N. | 9069.4 | + .6 | - 3’ 20” | + 23”

E. | 9067.7 | - 1.1 | - 3’ 57” | - 14”

S. | 9069.5 | + .7 | - 3’ 41” | + 2”

W. | 9068.6 | - .2 | - 3’ 54” | - 11”

-------|----------|------------|----------|------------

Mean. | 9068.8 | .65 | - 3’ 43” | 12”

-------------------------------------------------------

For the height, Mr. Petrie, after duly weighing all data, such as the

thickness of the three casing-stones yet _in situ_, and the presumed

thickness of those which formerly faced the upper courses of the

masonry, gives from his observations of the mean angle of the pyramid,

a height from base to apex of 5776.0 ± 7.0 inches. See “The Pyramids

and Temples of Gizeh,” chap. vi. pp. 37-43. [Note to the second

edition.]

[4] Now, seventy-seven years ago; the first edition of this book having

been published thirteen years ago. [Note to second edition.]

[5] One only is said to have escaped--a certain Emin Bey, who leaped

his horse over a gap in the wall, alighted safely in the piazza below,

and galloped away into the desert. The place of this famous leap

continued to be shown for many years, but there are no gaps in the

wall now, the citadel being the only place in Cairo which is kept in

thorough repair.

[6] “It is related that the Sultan Ez-Zahir Beybars, King of Egypt,

was the first who sent a mahmal with the caravan of pilgrims to

Mecca, in the year of the flight 670 (A.D. 1272) or 675; but

this custom, it is generally said, had its origin a few years before

his accession to the throne. Shegered-Durr, a beautiul Turkish female

slave who became the favorite wife of the Sultan Es-Sáleh Negm-ed-Deen,

and on the death of his son (with whom terminated the dynasty of the

house of the Eiyoob) caused herself to be acknowledged as Queen of

Egypt, performed the pilgrimage in a magnificent ‘hódag,’ or covered

litter, borne by a camel; and for several successive years her empty

‘hódag’ was sent with the caravan, merely for the sake of state. Hence,

succeeding princes of Egypt sent with each year’s caravan of pilgrims

a kind of ‘hódag’ (which received the name of mahmal) as an emblem of

royalty.”--“The Modern Egyptians,” by E. W. Lane, chap. xxiv, London,

1860.

[7] The hereditary prince, it need scarcely be said, is the present

khedive, Tewfik Pasha. [Note to second edition.]

[8] Arabic--_Kemengeh_.

[9] The goolah, or kulleh, is a porous water-jar of sun-dried Nile

mud. These jars are made of all sizes and in a variety of remarkably

graceful forms, and cost from about one farthing to two-pence apiece.

[10] Some of these tiles are to be seen in the Egyptian department of

the British Museum. They are not blue, but of a bluish green. For a

view of the sepulchral chamber, see Maspero’s “Archéologie Egyptienne,”

fig. 230, p. 256. [Note to second edition.]

[11] Nectanebo I and Nectanebo II were the last native Pharaohs of

ancient Egypt, and flourished between B.C. 378 and B.C. 340. An earlier

temple must have preceded the Serapeum built by Nectanebo I.

[12] For an excellent and exact account of the Serapeum and the

monuments there discovered, see M. Arthur Rhoné’s “L’Egypte en Petites

Journées.” [Note to second edition.]

[13] These objects, known as “The Miramar Collection,” and catalogued

by Professor Reinisch, are now removed to Vienna. [Note to second

edition.]

[14] A more exhaustive study of the funerary texts has of late

revolutionized our interpretation of these and similar sepulchral

tableaux. The scenes they represent are not, as was supposed when

this book was first written, mere episodes in the daily life of the

deceased; but are links in the elaborate story of his burial and his

ghostly existence after death. The corn is sown, reaped, and gathered

in order that it may be ground and made into funerary cakes; the

oxen, goats, gazelles, geese and other live stock are destined for

sacrificial offerings; the pots, and furniture, and household goods are

for burying with the mummy in his tomb; and it is his “Ka,” or ghostly

double, that takes part in these various scenes, and not the living

man. [Note to second edition.]

[15] These statues were not mere portrait-statues; but were designed

as bodily habitations for the incorporeal ghost, or “Ka,” which it was

supposed needed a body, food and drink, and must perish everlastingly

if not duly supplied with these necessaries. Hence the whole system of

burying food-offerings, furniture, stuffs, etc., in ancient Egyptian

sepulchers. [Note to second edition.]

[16] The actual tomb of Prince Kha-em-nas has been found at Memphis

by M. Maspero within the last three or four years. [Note to second

edition.]

[17] The date is Mariette’s.

[18] There was no worship of Apis in the days of King Ouenephes, nor,

indeed, until the reign of Kaiechos, more than one hundred and twenty

years after his time. But at some subsequent period of the ancient

empire his pyramid was appropriated by the priests of Memphis for the

mummies of the sacred bulls. This, of course, was done before any of

the known Apis catacombs were excavated. There are doubtless many more

of these catacombs yet undiscovered, nothing prior to the eighteenth

dynasty having yet been found.

[19] This colossus is now raised upon a brick pedestal. [Note to second

edition.]

[20] _Tell_: Arabic for mound. Many of the mounds preserve the ancient

names of the cities they entomb; as Tell Basta (Bubastis); Kóm Ombo

(Ombos); etc., etc. _Tell_ and _Kóm_ are synonymous terms.

[21] _Sorghum vulgare._

[22] The shâdûf has been so well described by the Rev. F. B. Zincke

that I cannot do better than quote him verbatim: “Mechanically, the

shadoof is an application of the lever. In no machine which the wit of

man, aided by the accumulation of science, has since invented, is the

result produced so great in proportion to the degree of power employed.

The level of the shadoof is a long stout pole poised on a prop. The

pole is at right angles to the river. A large lump of clay from the

spot is appended to the inland end. To the river end is suspended a

goat-skin bucket. This is the whole apparatus. The man who is working

it stands on the edge of the river. Before him is a hole full of water

fed from the passing stream. When working the machine he takes hold of

the cord by which the empty bucket is suspended, and, bending down,

by the mere weight of his shoulders dips it in the water. His effort

to rise gives the bucket full of water an upward cant, which, with

the aid of the equipoising lump of clay at the other end of the pole,

lifts it to a trough into which, as it tilts on one side, it empties

its contents. What he has done has raised the water six or seven feet

above the level of the river. But if the river has subsided twelve or

fourteen feet, it will require another shadoof to be worked in the

trough into which the water of the first has been brought. If the river

has sunk still more, a third will be required before it can be lifted

to the top of the bank, so as to enable it to flow off to the fields

that require irrigation.”--“Egypt of the Pharaohs and the Khedive,” p.

445 _et seq._

[23] _Beled_--village.

[24] Miss Whately, whose evidence on this subject is peculiarly

valuable, states that the majority of native children die off at, or

under, two years of age (“Among the Huts,” p. 29); while M. About,

who enjoyed unusual opportunities of inquiring into facts connected

with the population and resources of the country, says that the nation

loses three children out of every five. “L’ignorance publique, l’oubli

des premiers éléments d’hygiène, la mauvaise alimentation, l’absence

presque totale des soins médicaux, tarissent la nation dans sa source.

Un peuple qui perd régulièrement trois enfants sur cinq ne saurait

croître sans miracle.”--“Le Fellah,” p. 165.

[25] Arabic--_shoghool_: a rope by which the mainsail is regulated.

[26] The known inscriptions in the tomb of Haptefa have recently been

recopied, and another long inscription, not previously transcribed,

has been copied and translated, by Mr. F. Llewellyn Griffith, acting

for the Egypt exploration fund. Mr. Griffith has for the first time

fixed the date of this famous tomb, which was made during the reign of

Usertesen I, of the twelfth dynasty. [Note to second edition.]

[27] See “Recueil des Monuments Egyptiens,” Brugsch. Part I. Planche

xi. Published 1862.

[28] Some famous tombs of very early date, enriched with the same kind

of inlaid decoration, are to be seen at Meydûm, near the base of Meydûm

pyramid.

[29] “Voyage en Egypte et en Nubie,” by J. J. Ampère. The cartouche

may perhaps be that of _Rakameri_, mentioned by Brugsch; “Histoire

d’Egypte,” chap. vi., first edition.

[30] The Greeks translated the sacred names of Egyptian places; the

Copts adopted the civil names.

[31] According to the account given in her letters by Lady Duff Gordon,

this dervish, who had acquired a reputation for unusual sanctity by

repeating the name of Allah three thousand times every night for

three years, believed that he had by these means rendered himself

invulnerable; and so, proclaiming himself the appointed slayer of

Antichrist, he stirred up a revolt among the villages bordering Gebel

Sheik Hereedee, instigated an attack on an English dahabeeyah, and

brought down upon himself and all that country-side the swift and

summary vengeance of the government. Steamers with troops commanded by

Fadl Pasha were dispatched up the river; rebels were shot; villages

sacked; crops and cattle confiscated. The women and children of the

place were then distributed among the neighboring hamlets; and Gow,

which was as large a village as Luxor, ceased to exist. The dervish’s

fate remained uncertain. He was shot, according to some; and by others

it was said that he had escaped into the desert under the protection of

a tribe of Bedouins.

[32] Sir G. Wilkinson states the total length of the temple to be

ninety three paces, or two hundred and twenty feet; and the width of

the portico fifty paces. Murray gives no measurements; neither does

Mariette Bey in his delightful little “Itineraire;” neither does

Furgusson, nor Champollion, nor any other writer to whose works I have

had access.

[33] The names of Augustus, Caligula, Tiberius, Domitian, Claudius, and

Nero are found in the royal ovals; the oldest being those of Ptolemy

XI, the founder of the present edifice, which was, however, rebuilt

upon the site of a succession of older buildings, of which the most

ancient dated back as far as the reign of Khufu, the builder of the

great pyramid. This fact, and the still more interesting fact that the

oldest structure of all was believed to belong to the inconceivably

remote period of the _Horshesu_, or “followers of Horus” (_i. e._ the

petty chiefs, or princes, who ruled in Egypt before the foundation

of the first monarchy), is recorded in the following remarkable

inscription discovered by Mariette in one of the crypts constructed

in the thickness of the walls of the present temple. The first text

relates to certain festivals to be celebrated in honor of Hathor, and

states that all the ordained ceremonies had been performed by King

Thothmes III (eighteenth dynasty) “in memory of his mother, Hathor of

Denderah. And they found the great fundamental rules of Denderah in

ancient writing, written on goat-skin in the time of the followers of

Horus. This was found in the inside of a brick wall during the reign

of King Pepi (sixth dynasty).” In the same crypt, another and a more

brief inscription runs thus: “Great fundamental rule of Denderah.

Restorations done by Thothmes III, according to what was found in

ancient writing of the time of King Khufu.” Hereupon Mariette remarks:

“The temple of Denderah is not, then, one of the most modern in Egypt,

except in so far as it was constructed by one of the later Lagidæ.

Its origin is literally lost in the night of time.” See “Dendérah,

Description Générale,” chap. i. pp. 55, 56.

[34] See Mariette’s “Denderah,” which contains the whole of these

multitudinous inscriptions in one hundred and sixty-six plates; also

a selection of some of the most interesting in Brugsch and Dümichen’s

“Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens” and “Geographische Inschriften,” 1862,

1863, 1865 and 1866.

[35] Hathor (or more correctly Hat-hor, _i. e._ the abode of Horus),

is not merely the Aphrodite of ancient Egypt; she is the pupil of

the eye of the sun; she is goddess of that beneficent planet whose

rising heralds the waters of the inundation; she represents the

eternal youth of nature, and is the direct personification of the

beautiful. She is also goddess of truth. “I offer the truth to thee,

O Goddess of Denderah!” says the king, in one of the inscriptions of

the sanctuary of the sistrum; “for truth is thy work, and thou thyself

art truth.” Lastly, her emblem is the sistrum, and the sound of the

sistrum, according to Plutarch, was supposed to terrify and expel

Typhon (the evil principle); just as in mediæval times the ringing of

church-bells was supposed to scare Beelzebub and his crew. From this

point of view, the sistrum becomes typical of the triumph of good over

evil. Mariette, in his analysis of the decorations and inscriptions

of this temple, points out how the builders were influenced by the

prevailing philosophy of the age, and how they veiled the Platonism of

Alexandria beneath the symbolism of the ancient religion. The Hat-hor

of Denderah was in fact worshiped in a sense unknown to the Egyptians

of pre-Ptolemaic times.

[36] Arabic, “_kharûf_,” pronounced “_haroof_”--English, _sheep_.

[37] This famous building is supposed by some to be identical both

with the Memnonium of Strabo and the tomb of Osymandias as described

by Diodorus Siculus. Champollion, however, following the sense of the

hieroglyphed legends, in which it is styled “The House of Rameses”

(II), has given to it the more appropriate name of the Ramesseum.

[38] Translated into French by the late Vicomte de Rougé under the

title of “Le Poëme de Pentaour,” 1856; into English by Mr. Goodwin,

1858; and again by Professor Lushington in 1874. See “Records of the

Past,” vol. ii.

[39] According to the great inscription of Abydos translated by

Professor Maspero, Rameses II would seem to have been in some sense

king from his birth, as if the throne of Egypt came to him through his

mother, and as if his father, Seti I, had reigned for him during his

infancy as king-regent. Some inscriptions, indeed, show him to have

received homage even _before_ his birth.

[40] The ruins of the great Temple of Luxor have undergone a complete

transformation since the above description was written; Professor

Maspero, during the two last years of his official rule as successor

to the late Mariette Pasha, having done for this magnificent relic of

Pharaonic times what his predecessor did for the more recent temple of

Edfoo. The difficulties of carrying out this great undertaking were

so great as to appear at the first sight almost insurmountable. The

fellâheen refused at first to sell their houses; Mustapha Aga asked

the exorbitant price of £3,000 for his consular residence, built as

it was between the columns of Horemheb, facing the river; and for

no pecuniary consideration whatever was it possible to purchase the

right of pulling down the mosque in the first great court-yard of the

temple. After twelve months of negotiation, the fellâheen were at last

bought out on the fair terms, each proprietor receiving a stated price

for his dwelling and a piece of land elsewhere upon which to build

another. Some thirty families were thus got rid of, about eight or

ten only refusing to leave at any price. The work of demolition was

begun in 1885. In 1886, the few families yet lingering in the ruins

followed the example of the rest; and in the course of that season the

temple was cleared from end to end, only the little native mosque being

left standing within the precincts, and Mustapha Aga’s house on the

side next the landing-place. Professor Maspero’s resignation followed

in 1887, since when the work has been carried on by his successor,

M. Grébaut, with the result that in place of a crowded, sordid,

unintelligible labyrinth of mud huts, yards, stables, alleys and

dung-heaps, a noble temple, second only to that of Karnak for grandeur

of design and beauty of proportion, now marshals its avenues of

columns and uplifts its sculptured architraves along the crest of the

ridge which here rises high above the eastern bank of the Nile. Some

of those columns, now that they are cleared down to the level of the

original pavement, measure fifty-seven feet in the shaft; and in the

court-yard built by Rameses II, which measures one hundred and ninety

feet by one hundred and seventy, a series of beautiful colossal statues

of that Pharaoh in highly polished red granite have been discovered,

some yet standing in situ, having been built into the walls of the mud

structures and imbedded (for who shall say how many centuries?) in a

sepulcher of ignoble clay. Last of all, Mustapha Aga, the kindly and

popular old British consul, whose hospitality will long be remembered

by English travelers, died about twelve months since, and the house in

which he entertained so many English visitors, and upon which he set so

high a value, is even now in course of demolition.

[41] The size of these stones not being given in any of our books,

I paced the length of one of the shadows, and (allowing for so much

more at each end as would be needed to reach to the centers of the

two capitals on which it rested) found the block above must measure

at least twenty five feet in length. The measurements of the great

hall are, in plain figures, one hundred and seventy feet in length

by three hundred and twenty-nine in breadth. It contains one hundred

and thirty-four columns, of which the central twelve stand sixty-two

feet high in the shaft (or about seventy with the plinth and abacus),

and measure thirty-four feet six inches in circumference. The smaller

columns stand forty-two feet five inches in the shaft, and measure

twenty-eight feet in circumference. All are buried to a depth of

between six and seven feet in the alluvial deposits of between three

and four thousand annual inundations.

[42] It has been calculated that every stone of these huge Pharaonic

temples cost at least one human life.

[43] _i. e._ _Per Amen_, or _Pa-Amen_; one of the ancient names of

Thebes, which was the city especially dedicated to Amen. Also _Apt_,

or _Abot_, or _Apetou_, by some ascribed to an Indo-Germanic root

signifying abode. Another name for Thebes, and probably the one most in

use, was _Uas_.

[44] Knum was one of the primordial gods of the Egyptian cosmogony;

the divine potter; he who fashioned man from the clay and breathed

into him the breath of life. He is sometimes represented in the act

of fashioning the first man, or that mysterious egg from which not

only man but the universe proceeded, by means of the ordinary potter’s

wheel. Sometimes also he is depicted in his boat, moving upon the face

of the waters at the dawn of creation. About the time of the twentieth

dynasty, Knum became identified with Ra. He also was identified with

Amen, and was worshiped in the great oasis in the Greek period as

Amen-Knum. He is likewise known as “The Soul of the Gods,” and in this

character, as well as in his solar character, he is represented with

the head of a ram, or in the form of a ram. Another of his titles

is “The Maker of Gods and Men.” Knum was also one of the gods of

the cataract, and chief of the Triad worshipped at Elephantine. An

inscription at Philæ styles him “Maker of all that is, Creator of all

beings, First existent, the Father of fathers, the Mother of mothers.”

[45] _Bes._ “La culte de Bes parait être une importation Asiatique.

Quelquefois le dieu est armé d’une épée qu’il brandit au-dessus de sa

tête; dans ce rôle, il semble le dieu des combats. Plus souvent c’est

le dieu ce la danse, de la musique, des plaisirs.”--_Mariette Bey._

[46] “At the cataracts of the great rivers Orinoco, Nile and Congo,

the syenitic rocks are coated by a black substance, appearing as

if they had been polished with plumbago. The layer is of extreme

thinness; and on analysis by Berzelius it was found to consist of

the oxides of manganese and iron.... The origin, however, of these

coatings of metallic oxides, which seem as if cemented to the rocks,

is not understood; and no reason, I believe, can be assigned for their

thickness remaining the same.”--“Journal of Researches,” by Charles

Darwin, chap. i, p. 12, ed. 1845.

[47] _Keffiyeh_: A square head-shawl, made of silk or wollen. European

travelers wear them as puggarees.

[48] _Mudîr_: Chief magistrate.

[49] _Kadi_: Judge.

[50] The results of Dr. Birch’s labors were given to the public in his

“Guide to the First and Second Egyptian Rooms,” published by order of

the trustees of the British Museum in May, 1874. Of the contents of

case ninety-nine in the “second room,” he says: “The use of potsherds

for documents received a great extension at the time of the Roman

empire, when receipts for the taxes were given on these fragments by

the collectors of revenue at Elephantine or Syene, on the frontier of

Egypt. These receipts commenced in the reign of Vespasian, A.D. 77,

and are found as late asM. Aurelius and L. Verus, A.D. 165. It appears

from them that the capitation and trades tax, which was sixteen drams

in A.D. 77, rose to twenty in A.D. 165, having steadily increased. The

dues were paid in installments called _merismoi_, at three periods of

the year. The taxes were farmed out to publicans (_misthotai_), who

appear from their names to have been Greeks. At Elephantine the taxes

were received by tax-gatherers (_prakteres_), who seem to have been

appointed as early as the Ptolemies. Their clerks were Egyptians, and

they had a chest and treasure (_phylax_).” See p. 109, _as above_; also

Birch’s “History of Ancient Pottery,” chap. 1, p. 45.

These barren memoranda are not the only literary curiosities found at

Elephantine. Among the Egyptian manuscripts of the Louvre may be seen

some fragments of the eighteenth book of the “Iliad,” discovered in a

tomb upon the island. How they came to be buried there no one knows. A

lover of poetry would like to think, however, that some Greek or Roman

officer, dying at his post upon this distant station, desired, perhaps,

to have his Homer laid with him in his grave.

NOTE TO SECOND EDITION.--Other fragments of “Iliad” have been found

from time to time in various parts of Egypt; some (now in the Louvre)

being scrawled, like the above-mentioned tax-receipts, on mere

potsherds. The finest specimen ever found in Egypt or elsewhere, and

the earliest, has, however, been discovered this year, 1888, by Mr.

Flinders Petrie in the grave of a woman at Hawara, in the Fayûm.

[51] These are the measurements given in Murray’s hand-book. The new

English translation of Mariette’s “Itinéraire de la Haute Egypte”

gives the obelisk of Hatshepsu one hundred and eight feet ten inches

in height. See “The Monuments of Upper Egypt,” translated by Alphonse

Marietta, London, 1877.

[52] For an account of the discovery of this enormous statue and the

measurements of its various parts, see “Tanis,” Part I, by W. M.

Flinders Petrie, chap, ii, pp. 22 _et seq._, published by the Egypt

Exploration Fund, 1885. [Note to second edition.]

[53] The increase of steamer traffic has considerably altered the

conditions of Nile traveling since this was written, and fewer

dahabeeyahs are consequently employed. By those who can afford it, and

who really desire to get the utmost pleasure, instruction, and interest

from the trip, the dahabeeyah will, however, always be preferred. [Note

to second edition.]

[54] “The most important discovery which we have made here, and which

I shall only mention briefly, is a series of short rock inscriptions,

which mark the highest rises of the Nile during a series of years under

the government of Amenemhat III and of his immediate successors....

They proved that the river, above four thousand years ago, rose more

than twenty-four feet higher than now, and thereby must have produced

totally different conditions in the inundation and in the whole surface

of the ground, both above and below this spot.”--_Lepsius’ Letters from

Egypt, etc._ Letter xxvi.

“The highest rise of the Nile in each year at Semneh was registered by

a mark indicating the year of the king’s reign, cut in the granite,

either on one of the blocks forming the foundation of the fortress

or on the cliff, and particularly on the east or right bank, as best

adapted for the purpose. Of these markings eighteen still remain,

thirteen of them having been made in the reign of Mœris (Amenemhat

III) and five in the time of his next two successors.... We have

here presented to us the remarkable facts that the highest of the

records now legible, viz: that of the thirtieth year of the reign

of Amenemhat, according to exact measurements which I made, is 8.17

meters (twenty-six feet eight inches) higher than the highest level to

which the Nile rises in years of the greatest floods; and, further,

that the lowest mark, which is on the east bank, and indicated the

fifteenth year of the same king, is still 4.14 meters (thirteen

feet six and a half inches); and the single mark on the west bank,

indicating the ninth year, is 2.77 meters (nine feet) above the highest

level.”--_Lepsius’ Letter to Professor Ehrenburg._ See Appendix to the

above.

[55] For copies and translations of a large number of the graffiti

of Assûan, see Lepsius’ “Denkmäler;” also, for the most recent and

the fullest collection of the rock-cut inscriptions of Assûan and its

neighborhood, including the hitherto uncopied inscriptions of the

Saba Rigaleh Valley, of Elephantine, of the rocks above Silsileh,

etc., etc., see Mr. W. M. Flinders Petrie’s latest volume, entitled “A

Season’s Work in Egypt, 1877,” published by Field & Tuer, 1888. [Note

to second edition.]

[56] Mariette, at the end of his “Aperçu de l’histoire d’Egypte,” give

the following succinct account of the Rosetta stone and the discovery

of Champollion:

“Découverte, il y a 65 ans environ, par des soldats français qui

creusaient un retranchement près d’une redoute située à Rosette, la

pierre qui porte ce nom a joué le plus grand rôle dans l’archéologie

Égyptienne. Sur la face principale sont gravées _trois_ inscriptions.

Les deux premières sont en langue Égyptienne et écrites dans les deux

écritures qui avaient cours à cette époque. L’une est en écriture

hiéroglyphique réservée aux prêtres: elle ne compte plus que 14 lignes

tronquées par la brisure de la pierre. L’autre est en une écriture

cursive appliquée principalement aux usges du peuple et comprise par

lui: celle-ci offre 32 lignes de texte. Enfin, la troisième inscription

de la stèle est en langue grecque et comprend 54 lignes. C’est dans

cette dernière partie que réside l’intérêt du monument trouvé à

Rosette. Il résulte, en effet, de l’interprétation du texte grec de

la stèle que ce texte n’est qu’une version de l’original transcrit

plus haut dans les deux écritures Égyptiennes. La Pierre de Rosette

nous donne donc, dans une langue parfaitement connue (le grec) la

traduction d’un texte conçu dans une autre langue encore ignorée au

moment où la stèle a été découverte. Qui ne voit l’utilité de cette

mention? Remonter du connu à l’inconnu n’est pas une opération en

dehors des moyens d’une critique prudente, et déjà l’on devine que

si la Pierre de Rosette a acquis dans la science la célébrité dont

elle jouit aujourd’hui, c’est qu’elle a fourni la vraie clef de cette

mystérieuse écriture dont l’Egypté a si longtemps gardé le secret. Il

ne faudrait pas croire cependant que le déchiffrement des hiéroglyphes

au moyen de la Pierre de Rosette ait été obtenu du premier coup et

sans tâtonnements. Bien au contraire, les savants s’y essayèrent sans

succès pendant 20 ans. Entin, Champollion parut. Jusqu’à lui, on avait

cru que chacune des lettres qui composent l’écriture hiéroglyphique

etait un _symbole_: c’est à dire, que dans une seule de ces lettres

était exprimée une _idée_ complète. Le mérite de Champollion été de

prouver qu’au contraire l’écriture Égyptienne contient des signes

qui expriment véritablement des _sons_. En d’autres termes qu’elle

est _Alphabétique_. II remarqua, par exemple, que partout où dans le

texte grec de Rosette se trouve le nom propre _Ptolémée_, on recontre

à l’endroit correspondant du texte Égyptien un certain nombre de

signes enfermés dans un encadrement elliptique. Il en conclut: 1, que

les noms des rois étaient dans le systeme hiéroglyphique signalés

à l’attention par une sorte d’écusson qu’il appela _cartouche_: 2,

que les signes contenus dans cet écusson devaient être lettre pour

lettre le nom de Ptolémée. Déjà donc en supposant les voyelles omises,

Champollion était en possession de cinq lettres--P, T, L, M, S. D’un

autre côté, Champollion savait, d’après une seconde inscription

grecque gravée sur une obélisque de Philæ, que sur cet obélisque un

cartouche hiéroglyphique qu’on y voit devait être celui de Cléopâtre.

Si sa première lecture était juste, le P, le L, et le T, de Ptolémée

devaient se retrouver dans le second nom propre; mais en même temps

ce second nom propre fournissait un K et un R nouveaux. Enfin,

appliqué à d’autres cartouches, l’alpbabet encore très imparfait

révélé a Champollion par les noms de Cléopâtre et de Ptolémée le

mit en possession d’à peu près toutes les autres consonnes. Comme

_pronunciation_ des signes, Champollion n’avait donc pas à hésiter,

et dès le jour où cette constatation eut lieu, il put certifier qu’il

était en possession de l’alpbabet Égyptien. Mais restait la langue;

car prononcer des mots n’est rien si l’on ne sait pas ce que ces mots

veulent dire. Ici le génie de Champollion se donna libre cours. Il

s’aperçut en effet que son alphabet tiré des noms propres et appliqué

aux mots de la langue donnait tout simplement du _Copte_. Or, le

Copte à son tour est une langue qui, sans être aussi explorée que le

grec, n’en était pas moins depuis longtemps accessible. Cette fois

le voileétait donc complétement levé. La langue Égyptienne n’est que

du Copte écrit en hiéroglyphes; ou, pour parler plus exactement, le

Copte n’est que la langue des anciens Pharaons, écrite, comme nous

l’avons dit plus haut, en lettres grecques. Le reste se Devine.

D’indices en indices, Champollion procéda véritablement du connu à

l’inconnu, et bientôt l’illustre fondateur de l’Égyptologie put poser

les fondements de cette belle science qui a pour objet l’interprétation

des hiéroglyphes. Tel est la Pierre de Rosette.”--“Aperçu de l’Histoire

d’Egypte:” Mariette Bey, p. 189 _et seq._: 1872.

In order to have done with this subject, it may be as well to mention

that another trilingual tablet was found by Mariette while conducting

his excavations at Sân (Tanis) in 1865. It dates from the ninth year of

Ptolemy Euergetes, and the text ordains the deification of Berenice, a

daughter of the king, then just dead (B.C. 254). This stone, preserved

in the museum at Boulak, is known as the stone of Sân, or the decree

of Canopus. Had the Rosetta stone never been discovered, we may fairly

conclude that the Canopic degree would have furnished some later

Champollion with the necessary key to hieroglyphic literature, and that

the great discovery would only have been deferred till the present time.

NOTE TO SECOND EDITION.--A third copy of the decree of Canopus, the

text engraved in hieroglyphs only, was found at Tell Nebireh in 1885,

and conveyed to the Boulak Museum. The discoverer of this tablet,

however, missed a much greater discovery, reserved, as it happened,

for Mr. W. M. F. Petrie, who came to the spot a month or two later,

and found that the mounds of Tell Nebireh entombed the remains of the

famous and long-lost Greek city of Naukratis. See “Naukratis,” Part I.

by W. M. F. Petrie, published by the Egypt Exploration Fund, 1886.

[57] The famous capitals are not the only specimens of admirable

coloring in Philæ. Among the battered bas-reliefs of the great

colonnade at the south end of the island there yet remain some isolated

patches of uninjured and very lovely ornament. See, more particularly,

the mosaic pattern upon the throne of a divinity just over the second

doorway in the western wall; and the designs upon a series of other

thrones a little farther along toward the north, all most delicately

drawn in uniform compartments, picked out in the three primary colors,

and laid on in flat tints of wonderful purity and delicacy. Among these

a lotus between two buds, an exquisite little sphinx on a pale-red

ground, and a series of sacred hawks, white upon red, alternating with

white upon blue, all most exquisitely conventionalized, may be cited

as examples of absolutely perfect treatment and design in polychrome

decoration. A more instructive and delightful task than the copying

of these precious fragments can hardly be commended to students and

sketchers on the Nile.

[58] It has since been pointed out by a writer in _The Saturday Review_

that this credence-table was fashioned with part of a shrine destined

for one of the captive hawks sacred to Horus. [Note to second edition.]

A thousand miles up the Nile · 第 22 / 23 章