The latch-needle, which has given to the knitting machine great

capacity and diversity of product, was not invented until about 1847,

by Mr. Aiken, of New Hampshire. A period of development then set in

that continues to the present time. The needles by cam mechanism

were made independently operative in a circular carrier; narrowing

and widening devices to produce pouches, such as the heels and toes

of stockings, were added, as was also feeding mechanism for the

introduction of different colored yarn, or a reinforcing thread. Such

machines, of 1868 and 1870, would form a stocking or undergarment

well fitted to the form; but they required the constant attention of

a skilled knitter, until pattern mechanism was introduced to control

the time of introduction of the colored or additional thread, and the

place for formation of the narrowed or widened web. In forming the heel

and toe pockets, a part of the needles are thrown out of action, and

the movements to operate the active needles are changed from round and

round, or circular work, to reciprocating. At each reciprocation one or

more needles, at the end of the series, are rendered inactive, until

one half the required pocket is formed; then they are successively

returned to action, and circular knitting resumed. It may be also an

additional thread is introduced to reinforce the wearing qualities of

the heel and toe, or a differently colored yarn may be thrown in to

give figure, but all such movements are now automatically controlled

by a pattern mechanism. The ribbed leg portion of a stocking is formed

either in the same machine that fashions the foot or in a separate

machine to which the foot is transferred, but in either case the

pattern mechanism again controls.

[Illustration: KNITTING IN THE OLD WAY.]

Within the last twenty years this art has been so greatly improved,

especially in the hosiery line, that the automatic machine of to-day

passes through the entire operation of knitting the article, finishing

it off, and starting afresh without other aid than a supply of yarn.

Moreover, the machine now to be considered practical must be so

constructed that it will continue thus to operate without repairs or

loss of time from month to month; and its daily output will average

more than the old hand machines could accomplish in a week. By hand

knitting one hundred loops could be formed per minute; by Lee’s machine

as many as fifteen hundred were possible in the same time; but to-day,

the automatic machine will average between 300,000 and 400,000 loops,

and at the same time will produce a finer web, shaped to fit the form

of the wearer.

Such comparisons reveal the vitally important progress made in the

knitting industry, through which most of our underwear, stockings,

scarfs, neck-comforts, and woolen gloves are supplied. The labor and

time saving devices developed in this class of machines, and the fact

that unskilled workmen may “tend” from fifteen to twenty of them,

largely accounts for the universal adoption of warm and comfortable

wearing apparel by all classes of society.

The number of patents granted on textile machinery during the

nineteenth century furnishes an index to the progress made. Prior to

1800, less than one hundred patents were granted in the United States,

while since that time, and up until July, 1895, about 15,200 patents

were issued, covering tangible and material improvements over the old

structures. The beneficent effects of these inventions are attested

by the wonderful and continuous reduction in cost to the consumer of

all kinds of textile fabrics. For the manufacturer, these have made

possible increased production in a given time with less manual labor.

When it is remembered that the labor cost is about one half the total

cost of production of textile fabrics, it will be apparent that the

beneficial effects of any labor-saving device are felt as well by the

consumer as the producer.

In 1870 the number of textile establishments in the United States was

3035, giving occupation to 146,897 employees, and consuming annually

359,420,829 pounds of textile fibres, while in 1890 the number of

establishments had increased to 4114, employing 511,897 hands, and

consuming the enormous amount of 1,572,548,933 pounds of fibres;

representing progress and growth in the textile arts not excelled by

any other manufacturing industry.

Food and clothing constitute the primary wants of man. The former

grew ready for his use as a natural product of the soil. The latter

he had to produce by artificial means to afford that protection which

nature failed to provide. Next to agriculture, therefore, man’s early

attention was directed to securing a covering for the body. Looking

back through the vista of years dimmed by the mists of very remoteness,

we find the animal and vegetable kingdoms destined to contribute to his

needs. There were the blue flax-fields; cotton-bolls, scattered like

powdered snow about the land, coquetting in wanton abandon with winds

tempered by an all-wise Power to the shepherd-watched sheep; goats

roaming the vale of Cashmere; silk-worms of Ceres, and the grasses of

spring, overflowing with allurements of assistance for his adornment.

With these essentials has man wrought a mighty miracle. The genius

of Industrial Art, awakened by the fascinating influence of Nature,

invoked the Goddess of Invention, approaching her temple not with loud

acclaim, as marked the herculean strides in other arts and sciences,

but modestly, though tenaciously and most effectually. For not more is

woman emancipated by the sewing machine than both sexes by the doing

away of the spinning-wheel, the household knitter, and hand-worked

loom. Not more do electricity and steam power facilitate the various

occupations of man than do the many textured fabrics add to his needs.

[Illustration: KNITTING IN THE NEW WAY.]

In all the phases of social life is this industry manifest. If the

banquet hall is warmed and lighted by electricity, so, also, is it

adorned with tapestries, silken and artistic, napery surpassingly

smooth, and laces intricately wrought.

How like a fairy tale reads the evolution of textile progress!

Conceptions, infinite in range and variety, alike pleasing to the eye

and gratifying to vanity, have been spun, woven, knit, and embroidered,

until, standing as we do at the dawn of another century, upon the

summit of unparalleled achievements, we ask, “Can the mind conceive,

the heart desire, or the hand execute more.”

THE CENTURY’S RELIGIOUS PROGRESS

BY GEORGE EDWARD REED, S.T.D., LL.D.,

_President Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa._

The closing years of the nineteenth century, both in Europe and the

United States, are characterized by a religious life as phenomenal with

respect to development and influence as those of the eighteenth were

phenomenal for lethargy and decline. “Never,” says a writer in the

North British Review, “has a century risen on England so void of soul

and faith as that which opened with Anne (1702), and reached its misty

noon beneath the second George (1732–1760),—a dewless night succeeded

by a sunless dawn. The Puritans were buried and the Methodists were not

born.” In this opinion, all historians and essayists concur.

Among the clergy were many whose lives were of the Dominie Sampson

order, described in Scott’s “Guy Mannering”—men whose lives were the

scandal and reproach of the church; who openly taught that reason is

the all-sufficient guide; that the Scriptures are to be received only

as they agree with the light of nature; pleading for liberty while

running into the wildest licentiousness. Montesquieu, indeed, did not

hesitate to charge Englishmen generally with being devoid of every

genuine religious sentiment. “If,” he says, “the subject of religion is

mentioned in society, it excites nothing but laughter. Not more than

four or five members of the House of Commons are regular attendants at

church.”

From the colleges and universities, the great doctrines of the

Reformation were well-nigh banished, a refined system of ethics,

having no connection with Christian motives, being substituted for the

principles of a divinely revealed law.

On every side faith seemed to be dying out; indeed, would have died out

but for the tremendous reformation in life and morals induced by the

self-denying and heroic labors of the Wesleys and their coadjutors,

to whom, more than to any beside, England owes her salvation from a

relapse into barbarism,—a service which in later years won for the

Wesleys a memorial in Westminster Abbey.

On the Continent, religious conditions were no better. In France the

masses were yet reeling amid the excesses of the Revolution. Voltaire

and Rousseau were the oracles and prophets of their times,—the popular

idols of the hour. Voltaire, indeed, openly boasted that he alone

would laugh Christianity out of the court of public opinion, declaring

the whole system to be outgrown and powerless. Germany, given over to

theological speculation, crushed beneath the weight of the Napoleonic

wars, and torn by internal dissensions, gave but little hope that upon

her altars the dying fire of the great Reformation would ever again

flame forth as in the older and more heroic days.

In the United States, similar conditions prevailed, especially

during the last decade of the eighteenth century and the first of

the nineteenth. Forms of infidelity the most radical and revolting

prevailed throughout the land. Many of the leading statesmen, in

private at least, did not scruple to confess themselves atheists or

deists. Thomas Paine was the popular idol; his “Age of Reason” almost

as common as the Bible itself. The majority of the men taking part with

him in the founding of the government, with but few exceptions, held

theological sentiments akin to his, although declining to participate

in his violent and brutal assaults upon the Scriptures and the

institutions of Christian society.

[Illustration: BIRMINGHAM MEETING-HOUSE (ANCIENT).]

Speaking of the earlier days of the century, Chancellor Kent, in one

of his published works, declared that in his younger days the men of

his acquaintance in professional life who did not avow infidelity were

comparatively few. Bishop Meade, of Virginia, in his autobiography,

states that “scarcely a young man of culture could be found who

believed in Christianity.”

The colleges and universities were so filled with youthful skeptics

that when, in 1795, Timothy Dwight assumed the presidency of Yale,

he found but four or five willing to admit that they were members

of churches. So far did they go in their devotion to the French

infidelity prevalent at the time, that the seniors of the college were

commonly known among themselves by the names of Diderot, D’Alembert,

Robespierre, Rousseau, Danton, and the like. Harvard, Princeton,

William and Mary, the University of Virginia,—all the colleges

indeed,—were as thoroughly hotbeds of skepticism as nurseries of

learning.

The period, too, was one of internecine strife among the feeble

churches themselves. Divisions on doctrinal lines were incessant;

departures from the faith as numerous as they were disastrous. Of

the missionary spirit so gloriously characteristic of the nineteenth

century there was not even a trace. Up to 1793, not a missionary

society was in existence on either side of the ocean. The same was

true of hospitals, asylums, of every form of organized effort for the

reclamation of the masses or the amelioration of human ill.

In Boston, as late as 1811, men of literary or political distinction,

eager to listen to the marvelous revival preaching of the celebrated

Dr. Griffin, attended his services surreptitiously, or in disguise,

fearful lest knowledge of attendance upon religious services of such

vulgar character should detract from the dignity of their social

standing.

If, however, the times were bad, the outlook for Christianity dark,

the period, nevertheless, was not wholly without gleams of light.

The spiritual leaven imparted by Whitefield in his mighty preaching

tours, by Edwards, Dwight, Asbury, Griffin, and others of equally

heroic stamp, gradually began to work,—slowly at first, but with ever

accelerating movement,—until at last the triumphant successes of

the present century began their stately march. By degrees a new life

appeared among the churches, heralding the dawn of a new and brighter

day. Revivals of religion, many of them powerful and sweeping, broke

out in many parts of the country. Massachusetts, Virginia, Kentucky,

Tennessee, the Carolinas, Georgia, were in succession the theatres of

movements which, before they had spent their force, had completely

revolutionized the conditions of unfaith, immorality, and spiritual

apathy so long prevailing. These upheavals of spiritual power,

continuing during the first twenty-five years of the century, laid

broad and deep the foundations of the mighty achievements of the church

which we are now to consider. How extensive, how wonderful, have been

these achievements can perhaps best be understood by a consideration of

the changed conditions marking the close of the century.

In the first place, that the people of the United States are a

religious people may be inferred from the amazing number and variety

of religions abounding and flourishing within our borders. It may be

doubted that in any other Christian country of the earth there can be

found so many varieties of religion, so many church organizations, so

many and diverse peculiarities of doctrine, polity, and usage, as here.

It is a land of churches; churches for whites, churches for blacks;

churches large and churches small; churches orthodox and churches

heterodox; churches Christian and churches pagan; churches Catholic

and churches Protestant; churches liberal and churches conservative,

Calvinistic and Armenian, Unitarian and Trinitarian; representing

nearly every phase of ecclesiastical and theological thought. As

Americans have distanced the world in the extent and variety of their

material inventions, so have they distanced the world in the extent

and variety of their theological and ecclesiastical forms. The state

cannot control the church, and the church is as free as the state. As

a man may freely transfer his citizenship from one State to another,

to each in turn, so may he, if he shall so desire, pass from one

ecclesiastical communion to another, until he shall have exhausted the

list. If, perchance, no one of the one hundred and forty-three distinct

denominations enumerated in the census tables shall suit him, there

remain innumerable separate, independent congregations, no one of

which lays claim to denominational name, creed, or connection, in some

one of which he yet may find an ecclesiastical home. The principle of

division, indeed, has been carried so far in America that it would be a

difficult task to find the religious body so small as, in the judgment

of some, to be incapable of further division.

[Illustration: CATHEDRAL OF ST. JOHN THE DIVINE (PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL)

UNDER PROCESS OF ERECTION IN NEW YORK.]

It is to be observed, however, that the differences of the one hundred

and forty-three denominations into which our religious population is

divided are, in many instances, so slight that, should consolidation

be attempted, the one hundred and forty-three could easily be reduced

to a comparatively small number, and this with but little change

in doctrine, polity, or usage. Consolidation into organic union,

however, is hardly likely to occur in the near future, even were

such consolidation desirable. In the first place such a result would

be contrary to the genius of Protestantism, based, as it is, on the

absolute right of private judgment with respect to matters of faith

and morals, and, in the second place, it would be contrary to human

experience. “Religious controversies,” as Gladstone says, “do not, like

bodily wounds, heal by the genial forces of nature. If they do not

proceed to gangrene and mortification, at least they tend to harden

into fixed facts, to incorporate themselves into laws, character, and

tradition, nay, even into language; so that at last they take rank

among the data and presuppositions of common life, and are thought as

inexorable as the rocks of an iron-bound coast.” In religion, when men

separate, the severance is like the severance of the two early friends

of whom the poet speaks:—

“They parted, ne’er to meet again,

But neither ever found another

To free the hollow heart from paining.

They stood aloof, the scars remaining,

Like cliffs which have been rent asunder,

A dreary sea now rolls between.”

[Illustration: FATHER DAMIEN, MISSIONARY TO HAWAIIAN LEPER COLONY.]

If, however, the diversities are great—increasing rather than

diminishing—the “unity of the spirit in the bonds of peace” with

respect to all essentials of doctrine is as remarkable as the diversity

in the outward form. Never, indeed, since the dawn of Christianity,

were the members of the diversified bodies of the general church of

Christ in such thorough accord, in such closeness of attachment,

with such generous recognition of all that is good in each of the

several bodies, as now. Even the Roman Catholic Church, intolerant

in all lands where its sway is practically undisputed, in the United

States, at least, has caught something of the broader toleration of

Protestants, giving to its millions of communicants a better and truer

gospel than in those countries where it does not come into contact with

Protestantism, while freely coöperating with other churches in various

works of philanthropy and reform.

In the next place, that we are a religious, a Christian people may be

argued from the steady and enormous increase during the century of the

material and spiritual forces of the church of Christ, an increase

phenomenal even amid the wonders of a phenomenal century. Whether we

look at the increase of edifices or the multiplication of communicants,

the results in either case are sufficient for both congratulation and

amazement. Were it possible to obtain from the earlier records exact

statistics of the actual number of edifices and communicants existing

at the opening of the century, comparison would be comparatively easy.

Such, however, is not the case, the records having been imperfectly

kept and indifferently preserved. The census of 1890, indeed, was the

first to furnish exhaustive and really reliable results.

Taking that census as a basis, and adding to its figures those to be

obtained from the year books of the various bodies up to and including

1894, the religious strength of the United States may be summarized

as follows: Churches, 189,488; religious organizations, 158,695;

ordained ministers, 114,823; members or communicants, 15,217,948;

value of church property, $670,000,000; seating capacity of churches,

43,000,000, while in the 23,000 places where organizations which own

no edifices hold their services, accommodations could be found for

2,250,000 more. In the majority of the Protestant churches, at least

two services are held on each Sabbath; in the Catholic, six or seven.

Granting these premises, it is but reasonable to say that if, on any

given day, the entire population of the country should desire to attend

at least one religious service, accommodations could readily be found

for the entire number,—ample proof that the spiritual interests of the

millions are by no means neglected so far as privileges of worship are

concerned. It is a showing all the more remarkable when we consider

that all this vast provision is furnished on the basis of voluntary

offerings, the state contributing not a dollar for religious purposes.

It is probable that in these churches and edifices, on Sabbaths and

on weekdays, not less than 15,000,000 services are held each year, to

say nothing of sessions of Sunday-schools, meetings of Young People’s

Associations, and gatherings of kindred character. In them, too, not

less than ten millions of sermons and addresses on religious themes are

annually delivered.

The number of enrolled communicants, or members, however, by no means

expresses the real strength of the religious life of the nation. To

get at that, we must multiply each Protestant communicant by the 2.5

adherents allowed in all statistical calculations. Proceeding on this

basis, omitting for the time all Catholics, Jews, Theosophists, members

of Societies for Ethical Culture, Spiritualists, Latter-Day Saints, and

kindred bodies, and multiplying the 15,200,000 Protestant members by

2.5, we have over 50,000,000 as the total Protestant population of the

country. Adding to these 50,000,000 the Catholic population, estimated

by Catholic authorities as being 15 per cent. larger than the number

of Catholic communicants, we have 57,062,000 as the total Christian

population, leaving only about 7,000,000 who are neither communicants

nor adherents. Of the 7,000,000 opposed, for various reasons, to the

churches, comparatively few are to be reckoned as either infidels or

atheists; while, on the other hand, it is true that of the 57,000,000

reckoned as either communicants or adherents, millions are Christians

only in name, either never attending the services of the churches, or

at the best only at rare intervals. Gratifying as is this splendid

exhibit of religious devotion on the part of the American people, the

fact that there are millions in our land whose allegiance to Christian

doctrine is but nominal, with millions more upon whose lives religion

exercises no appreciable influence whatever, is a sufficient proof of

the enormous task yet confronting the churches of Christ, if we are

to stand before the nations as the great distinctive Christian nation

of the world. The stupendous gain, however, in ninety-four years, of

over 14,853,076 in Protestant churches alone is a record of religious

progress unparalleled in the history of the world.

[Illustration: SALISBURY CATHEDRAL, ENGLAND. (WEST FRONT.)]

Advancing to the question of distribution of the religious forces

enumerated, we find that while these forces are distributed throughout

every State and under one hundred and forty-three denominational

names, they are, nevertheless, massed largely in a few denominations

and in a comparatively few States. Competent authorities estimate

that the five largest denominations comprise fully 60 per cent. of

the entire number of communicants; the ten largest, 75 per cent. With

respect to communicants, the Catholic Church is first, with 7,510,000;

the Methodist (all bodies) second, with 5,405,076; the Baptist third,

with 3,717,373; the Presbyterian fourth, with 1,278,332; the Lutheran

fifth, with 1,233,072.

[Illustration: YOUNG MEN’S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION BUILDING,

PHILADELPHIA.]

With respect to population, reckoning the Catholic population at

7,510,000—which figures include children under ten years of age—and

adding to the communicant strength of the four other bodies mentioned

the 2.5 adherents allowed for each communicant, we have the following:

Methodist population, 18,918,466; Baptist, 12,990,805; Presbyterian,

5,525,162; Lutheran, 4,358,752; total Protestant population,

50,000,000; Catholic, 7,510,000.

With respect to value of church property, the Methodists are

first with $132,000,000; the Catholics second, $118,000,000; the

Presbyterians third, with $95,000,000; the Episcopalians fourth, with

$82,835,000; the Baptists fifth, with $82,390,000. The total value of

church property, reckoning all denominations, reaches the enormous sum

of $670,000,000.

To further particularize with respect to the lesser groups into which

the religious forces are divided is impossible within the limits

allowed for this chapter. To do it would require a volume instead of a

chapter. The following summary, however, may suffice to show the gain

of a century of religious effort:—

+-------+------------+----------------+--------------+

| Year. | Ministers. | Organizations. | Communicants |

| | | | or Members. |

+-------+------------+----------------+--------------+

| 1800 | 2,651 | 3,030 | 364,872 |

| 1850 | 25,555 | 43,072 | 3,529,988 |

| 1870 | 47,609 | 70,148 | 6,673,396 |

| 1880 | 69,870 | 97,090 | 10,065,963 |

| 1890 | 98,185 | 151,172 | 13,823,518 |

| 1894 | 114,823 | 158,695 | 15,217,948 |

+-------+------------+----------------+--------------+

When one remembers that one hundred years ago it was a common boast of

infidels that “Christianity would not survive two generations in this

country,” the above exhibit shows a religious progress unequaled in the

history of the kingdom of God in any land or any age.

Turning to the field of missionary effort, we find that the spread of

the Christian religion by missionary efforts, particularly during the

last one hundred years, forms one of the brightest chapters in the

records of human progress. Within this period, the triumphs of the

first three centuries have been far more than repeated.

Triumphs and Wonders of the 19th Century: The True Mirror of a Phenomenal Era A volume of original, entertaining and instructive historic and descriptive writings, showing the many and marvellous achievements which distinguish an hundred years of material, intellectual, social and moral progress · 第 15 / 76 段