CHAPTER XXI

ST. GILES OF THE BLAMELESS LIFE

The burden of the valley of vision: woe to the Honourable Adam B. Hunt!

Where is he all this time? On the porch of his home in Edmundton, smoking

cigars, little heeding the rising of the waters; receiving visits from

the Honourables Brush Bascom, Nat Billings, and Jacob Botcher, and

signing cheques to the order of these gentlemen for necessary expenses.

Be it known that the Honourable Adam was a man of substance in this

world's goods. To quote from Mr. Crewe's speech at Hull: "The

Northeastern Railroads confer--they do not pay, except in passes. Of late

years their books may be searched in vain for evidence of the use of

political funds. The man upon whom they choose to confer your

governorship is always able to pay the pipers." (Purposely put in the

plural.)

Have the pipers warned the Honourable Adam of the rising tide against

him? Have they asked him to gird up his loins and hire halls and smite

the upstart hip and thigh? They have warned him, yes, that the expenses

may be a little greater than ordinary. But it is not for him to talk, or

to bestir himself in any unseemly manner, for the prize which he was to

have was in the nature of a gift. In vain did Mr. Crewe cry out to him

four times a week for his political beliefs, for a statement of what he

would do if he were elected governor. The Honourable Adam's dignified

answer was that he had always been a good Republican, and would die one.

Following a time-honoured custom, he refused to say anything, but it was

rumoured that he believed in the gold standard.

It is August, and there is rejoicing in--Leith. There is no doubt now

that the campaign of the people progresses; no need any more for the true

accounts of the meetings, in large print, although these are still

continued. The reform rallies resemble matinees no longer, and two real

reporters accompany Mr. Crewe on his tours. Nay, the campaign of

education has already borne fruit, which the candidate did not hesitate

to mention in his talks Edmundton has more trains, Kingston has more

trains, and more cars. No need now to stand up for twenty miles on a hot

day; and more cars are building, and more engines; likewise some rates

have been lowered. And editors who declare that the Northeastern gives

the State a pretty good government have, like the guinea pigs, long been

suppressed.

In these days were many councils at Fairview and in the offices of the

Honourable Hilary Vane at Ripton; councils behind closed doors, from

which the councillors emerged with smiling faces that men might not know

the misgivings in their hearts; councils, nevertheless, out of which

leaked rumours of dissension and recrimination conditions hitherto

unheard of. One post ran to meet another, and one messenger ran to meet

another; and it was even reported--though on doubtful authority--after

the rally in his town the Honourable Jacob Botcher had made the remark

that, under certain conditions, he might become a reformer.

None of these upsetting rumours, however, were allowed by Mr. Bascom and

other gentlemen close to the Honourable Adam B. Hunt to reach that

candidate, who continued to smoke in tranquillity on the porch of his

home until the fifteenth day of August. At eight o'clock that morning the

postman brought him a letter marked personal, the handwriting on which he

recognized as belonging to the Honourable Hilary Vane. For some reason,

as he read, the sensations of the Honourable Adam were disquieting; the

contents of the letter, to say the least, were peculiar. "To-morrow, at

noon precisely, I shall be driving along the Broad Brook road by the

abandoned mill--three miles towards Edmundton from Hull. I hope you will

find it convenient to be there."

These were the strange words the Honourable Hilary had written, and the

Honourable Adam knew that it was an order. At that very instant Mr. Hunt

had been reading in the Guardian the account of an overflow meeting in

Newcastle, by his opponent, in which Mr. Crewe had made some particularly

choice remarks about him; and had been cheered to the echo. The

Honourable Adam put the paper down, and walked up the street to talk to

Mr. Burrows, the postmaster whom, with the aid of Congressman Fairplay,

he had had appointed at Edmundton. The two racked their brains for three

hours; and Postmaster Burrows, who was the fortunate possessor of a pass,

offered to go down to Ripton in the interest of his liege lord and see

what was up. The Honourable Adam, however, decided that he could wait for

twenty-four hours.

The morning of the sixteenth dawned clear, as beautiful a summer's day

for a drive as any man could wish. But the spirit of the Honourable Adam

did not respond to the weather, and he had certain vague forebodings as

his horse jogged toward Hull, although these did not take such a definite

shape as to make him feel a premonitory pull of his coat-tails. The

ruined mill beside the rushing stream was a picturesque spot, and the

figure of the Honourable Hilary Vane, seated on the old millstone, in the

green and gold shadows of a beech, gave an interesting touch of life to

the landscape. The Honourable Adam drew up and eyed his friend and

associate of many years before addressing him.

"How are you, Hilary?"

"Hitch your horse," said Mr. Vane.

The Honourable Adam was some time in picking out a convenient tree. Then

he lighted a cigar, and approached Mr. Vane, and at length let himself

down, cautiously, on the millstone. Sitting on his porch had not improved

Mr. Hunt's figure.

"This is kind of mysterious, ain't it, Hilary?" he remarked, with a tug

at his goatee.

"I don't know but what it is," admitted Mr. Vane, who did not look as

though the coming episode were to give him unqualified joy.

"Fine weather," remarked the Honourable Adam, with a brave attempt at

geniality.

"The paper predicts rain to-morrow," said the Honourable Hilary.

"You don't smoke, do you?" asked the Honourable Adam.

"No," said the Honourable Hilary.

A silence, except for the music of the brook over the broken dam.

"Pretty place," said the Honourable Adam; "I kissed my wife here once

--before I was married."

This remark, although of interest, the Honourable Hilary evidently

thought did not require an answer:

"Adam," said Mr. Vane, presently, "how much money have you spent so far?"

"Well," said Mr. Hunt, "it has been sort of costly, but Brush and the

boys tell me the times are uncommon, and I guess they are. If that crazy

cuss Crewe hadn't broken loose, it would have been different. Not that

I'm uneasy about him, but all this talk of his and newspaper advertising

had to be counteracted some. Why, he has a couple of columns a week right

here in the Edmundton Courier. The papers are bleedin' him to death,

certain."

"How much have you spent?" asked the Honourable Hilary.

The Honourable Adam screwed up his face and pulled his goatee

thoughtfully.

"What are you trying to get at, Hilary," he inquired, sending for me to

meet you out here in the woods in this curious way? If you wanted to see

me, why didn't you get me to go down to Ripton, or come up and sit on my

porch? You've been there before."

"Times," said the Honourable Hilary, repeating, perhaps unconsciously,

Mr. Hunt's words, "are uncommon. This man Crewe's making more headway

than you think. The people don't know him, and he's struck a popular

note. It's the fashion to be down on railroads these days."

"I've taken that into account," replied Mr. Hunt.

"It's unlucky, and it comes high. I don't think he's got a show for the

nomination, but my dander's up, and I'll beat him if I have to mortgage

my house."

The Honourable Hilary grunted, and ruminated.

"How much did you say you'd spent, Adam?"

"If you think I'm not free enough, I'll loosen up a little more," said

the Honourable Adam.

"How free have you been?" said the Honourable Hilary.

For some reason the question, put in this form, was productive of

results.

"I can't say to a dollar, but I've got all the amounts down in a book. I

guess somewhere in the neighbourhood of nine thousand would cover it."

Mr. Vane grunted again.

"Would you take a cheque, Adam?" he inquired.

"What for?" cried the Honourable Adam.

"For the amount you've spent," said the Honourable Hilary, sententiously.

The Honourable Adam began to breathe with apparent difficulty, and his

face grew purple. But Mr. Vane did not appear to notice these alarming

symptoms. Then the candidate turned about, as on a pivot, seized Mr. Vane

by the knee, and looked into his face.

"Did you come up here with orders for me to get out?" he demanded, with

some pardonable violence. "By thunder, I didn't think that of my old

friend, Hilary Vane. You ought to have known me better, and Flint ought

to have known me better. There ain't a mite of use of our staying here

another second, and you can go right back and tell Flint what I said.

Flint knows I've been waiting to be governor for eight years, and each

year it's been just a year ahead. You ask him what he said to me when he

sent for me to go to New York. I thought he was a man of his word, and he

promised me that I should be governor this year."

The Honourable Hilary gave no indication of being moved by this righteous

outburst.

"You can be governor next year, when this reform nonsense has blown

over," he said. "You can't be this year, even if you stay in the race."

"Why not?" the Honourable Adam asked pugnaciously.

"Your record won't stand it--not just now," said Mr. Vane, slowly.

"My record is just as good as yours, or any man's," said the Honourable

Adam.

"I never run for office," answered Mr. Vane.

"Haven't I spent the days of my active life in the service of that road

--and is this my reward? Haven't I done what Flint wanted always?"

"That's just the trouble," said the Honourable Hilary; too many folks

know it. If we're going to win this time, we've got to have a man who's

never had any Northeastern connections."

"Who have you picked?" demanded the Honourable Adam, with alarming

calmness.

"We haven't picked anybody yet," said Mr. Vane, "but the man who goes in

will give you a cheque for what you've spent, and you can be governor

next time."

"Well, if this isn't the d-dest, coldest-blooded proposition ever made, I

want to know!" cried the Honourable Adam. "Will Flint put up a bond of

one hundred thousand dollars that I'll be nominated and elected next

year? This is the clearest case of going back on an old friend I ever

saw. If this is the way you fellows get scared because a sham reformer

gets up and hollers against the road, then I want to serve notice on you

that I'm not made of that kind of stuff. When I go into a fight, I go in

to stay, and you can't pull me out by the coat-tails in favour of a saint

who's never done a lick of work for the road. You tell Flint that."

"All right, Adam," said Hilary.

Some note in Hilary's voice, as he made this brief answer, suddenly

sobered the Honourable Adam, and sent a cold chill down his spine. He had

had many dealings with Mr. Vane, and he had always been as putty in the

chief counsel's hands. This simple acquiescence did more to convince the

Honourable Adam that his chances of nomination were in real danger than a

long and forceful summary of the situation could have accomplished. But

like many weak men, the Honourable Adam had a stubborn streak, and a

fatuous idea that opposition and indignation were signs of strength.

"I've made sacrifices for the road before, and effaced myself. But by

thunder, this is too much!"

Corporations, like republics, are proverbially ungrateful. The Honourable

Hilary might have voiced this sentiment, but refrained.

"Mr. Flint's a good friend of yours, Adam. He wanted me to say that he'd

always taken care of you, and always would, so far as in his power. If

you can't be landed this time, it's common sense for you to get out, and

wait--isn't it? We'll see that you get a cheque to cover what you've put

out."

The humour in this financial sacrifice of Mr. Flint's (which the unknown

new candidate was to make with a cheque) struck neither the Honourable

Adam nor the Honourable Hilary. The transaction, if effected, would

resemble that of the shrine to the Virgin built by a grateful Marquis of

Mantua--which a Jew paid for.

The Honourable Adam got to his feet.

"You can tell Flint," he said, "that if he will sign a bond of one

hundred thousand dollars to elect me next time, I'll get out. That's my

last word."

"All right, Adam," replied Mr. Vane, rising also.

Mr. Hunt stared at the Honourable Hilary thoughtfully; and although the

gubernatorial candidate was not an observant man, he was suddenly struck

by the fact that the chief counsel was growing old.

"I won't hold this against you, Hilary," he said.

"Politics," said the Honourable Hilary, "are business matters."

"I'll show Flint that it would have been good business to stick to me,"

said the Honourable Adam. "When he gets panicky, and spends all his money

on new equipment and service, it's time for me to drop him. You can tell

him so from me."

"Hadn't you better write him?" said the Honourable Hilary.

The rumour of the entry of Mr. Giles Henderson of Kingston into the

gubernatorial contest preceded, by ten days or so, the actual event. It

is difficult for the historian to unravel the precise circumstances which

led to this candidacy. Conservative citizens throughout the State, it was

understood, had become greatly concerned over the trend political affairs

were taking; the radical doctrines of one candidate--propounded for very

obvious reasons--they turned from in disgust; on the other hand, it was

evident that an underlying feeling existed in certain sections that any

candidate who was said to have had more or less connection with the

Northeastern Railroads was undesirable at the present time. This was not

to be taken as a reflection on the Northeastern, which had been the chief

source of the State's prosperity, but merely as an acknowledgment that a

public opinion undoubtedly existed, and ought to be taken into

consideration by the men who controlled the Republican party.

This was the gist of leading articles which appeared simultaneously in

several newspapers, apparently before the happy thought of bringing

forward Mr. Giles Henderson had occurred to anybody. He was mentioned

first, and most properly, by the editor of the "Kingston Pilot;" and the

article, with comments upon it, ran like wildfire through the press of

the State,--appearing even in those sheets which maintained editorially

that they were for the Honourable Adam B. Hunt first and last and, all

the time. Whereupon Mr. Giles Henderson began to receive visits from the

solid men--not politicians of the various cities and counties. For

instance, Mr. Silas Tredway of Ripton, made such a pilgrimage and, as a

citizen who had voted in 1860 for Abraham Lincoln (showing Mr. Tredway

himself to have been a radical once), appealed to Mr. Henderson to save

the State.

At first Mr. Henderson would give no ear to these appeals, but shook his

head pessimistically. He was not a politician--so much the better, we

don't want a politician; he was a plain business man exactly what is

needed; a conservative, level-headed business man wholly lacking in those

sensational qualities which are a stench in the nostrils of good

citizens. Mr. Giles Henderson admitted that the time had come when a man

of these qualities was needed--but he was not the man. Mr. Tredway was

the man--so he told Mr. Tredway; Mr. Gates of Brampton was the man--so he

assured Mr. Gates. Mr. Henderson had no desire to meddle in politics; his

life was a happy and a full one. But was it not Mr. Henderson's duty?

Cincinnatus left the plough, and Mr. Henderson should leave the ledger at

the call of his countrymen.

Mr. Giles Henderson was mild-mannered and blue-eyed, with a scanty beard

that was turning white; he was a deacon of the church, a member of the

school board, president of the Kingston National Bank; the main business

of his life had been in coal (which incidentally had had to be

transported over the Northeastern Railroads); and coal rates, for some

reason, were cheaper from Kingston than from many points out of the State

the distances of which were nearer. Mr. Henderson had been able to sell

his coal at a lower price than any other large dealer in the eastern part

of the State. Mr. Henderson was the holder of a large amount of stock in

the Northeastern, inherited from his father. Facts of no special

significance, and not printed in the weekly newspapers. Mr. Henderson

lived in a gloomy Gothic house on High Street, ate three very plain meals

a day, and drank iced water. He had been a good husband and a good

father, and had always voted the Republican ticket. He believed in the

gold standard, a high tariff, and eternal damnation. At last his

resistance was overcome, and he consented to allow his name to be used.

It was used, with a vengeance. Spontaneous praise of Mr. Giles Henderson

bubbled up all over the State, and editors who were for the Honourable

Adam B. Hunt suddenly developed a second choice. No man within the

borders of the commonwealth had so many good qualities as the new

candidate, and it must have been slightly annoying to one of that

gentleman's shrinking nature to read daily, on coming down to breakfast,

a list of virtues attributed to him as long as a rate schedule. How he

must have longed for the record of one wicked deed to make him human!

Who will pick a flaw in the character of the Honourable Giles Henderson?

Let that man now stand forth.

The news of the probable advent of Mr. Giles Henderson on the field, as

well as the tidings of his actual consent to be a candidate, were not

slow in reaching Leith. And--Mr. Crewe's Bureau of Information being in

perfect working order--the dastardly attempt on the Honourable Adam B.

Hunt's coat-tails was known there. More wonders to relate: the Honourable

Adam B. Hunt had become a reformer; he had made a statement at last, in

which he declared with vigour that no machine or ring was behind him; he

stood on his own merits, invited the minutest inspection of his record,

declared that he was an advocate of good government, and if elected would

be the servant of no man and of no corporation.

Thrice-blessed State, in which there were now three reform candidates for

governor!

All of these happenings went to indicate confusion in the enemy's camp,

and corresponding elation in Mr. Crewe's. Woe to the reputation for

political sagacity of the gentleman who had used the words "negligible"

and "monumental farce"! The tide was turning, and the candidate from

Leith redoubled his efforts. Had he been confounded by the advent of the

Honourable Giles? Not at all. Mr. Crewe was not given to satire; his

methods, as we know, were direct. Hence the real author of the following

passage in his speech before an overflow meeting in the State capital

remains unknown:

"My friends," Mr. Crewe had said, "I have been waiting for the time when

St. Giles of the Blameless Life would be pushed forward, apparently as

the only hope of our so-called 'solid citizens.' (Prolonged laughter, and

audible repetitions of Mr. Henderson's nickname, which was to stick.) I

will tell you by whose desire St. Giles became a candidate, and whose

bidding he will do if he becomes governor as blindly and obediently as

the Honourable Adam B. Hunt ever did. (Shouts of "Flint!" and, "The

Northeastern!") I see you know. Who sent the solid citizens to see Mr.

Henderson? ("Flint!") This is a clever trick--exactly what I should have

done if I'd been running their campaign--only they didn't do it early

enough. They picked Mr. Giles Henderson for two reasons: because he lives

in Kingston, which is anti-railroad and supported the Gaylord bill, and,

because he never in his life committed any positive action, good or

bad--and he never will. And they made another mistake--the Honourable

Adam B. Hunt wouldn't back out." (Laughter and cheers.)

Mr. Crewe's Career — Volume 3 · 第 2 / 11 章