myth belongs, minute and often tedious particulars concerning the
rite, its work, symbolism, and sacrifices are introduced into the
tale. When such a myth is told by one who is not a priest of the rite
(although he may be a priest of some other rite), these esoteric parts
are altogether omitted, or only briefly alluded to. To the latter
class belong the two rite-myths given in this book. They are here
published because they are among the most interesting and ingenious
that have been collected among the Navahoes. The attention of the
reader is directed, in the notes, to a few places where esoteric or
ceremonial matters are thought to be referred to. Tales containing
ceremonial allusions in full are reserved for future publication,
along with a description of the rites to which they pertain, as such
is considered the more appropriate place for their publication.
117. In one version of the Origin Legend (Version A) a portion of
this story is used as a rite-myth. It is embellished with prayers
and songs, and interspersed with allusions to ceremonial work which
the version of Hatáli Nez does not contain; but in other respects it
is inferior to the latter. Thus embellished it contributes a share
to the myth of the ceremony of hozóni hatál, or chant of terrestrial
beauty. Even in the version of Hatáli Nez, the songs seem introduced
from some rite-myth, and scarcely to belong to the original story.
118. Whenever an opportunity has occurred of studying a rite with its
associated myth, it has been found that the myth never explains all
the symbolism of the rite, although it may account for all the more
important acts. A primitive and underlying symbolism, which probably
existed previous to the establishment of the rite, remains unexplained
by the myth, as though its existence were taken as a matter of course,
and required no explanation. Some explanation of this foundation
symbolism may be found in the Origin Legend, or in other early legends
of the tribe; but something remains which even these do not explain.
119. Myths of the Whirling Logs.--In the ceremony of klédzi hatál there
is drawn upon the floor of the medicine-lodge a large dry-painting
which is very imperfectly represented in fig. 29. The original was
wrought in five colors and was about 12 feet in diameter. It depicts a
vision of the prophet Bélahatini, who established the rites of klédzi
hatál. On one occasion, says the tale, he was led, in the San Juan
valley, to a lake on the borders of which grew four stalks of sacred
corn, each of a different color. In the centre of the lake lay two
logs crossing one another at right angles. Near both ends of each log
sat a pair of yéi, or genii, male and female, making eight in all. On
the shore of the lake stood four more yéi, three of whom had staves,
by means of which they kept the crossed logs away from the shore
and whirling in the waters. The rainbow goddess, the anthropomorphic
rainbow of the Navahoes, surrounded the lake. All the circumstances
of this strange scene are duly symbolized in the painting.
120. It was in his efforts to get a further explanation of
this extraordinary picture that the author came upon the story
of Nati'nesthani. It is not the story that explains the picture,
although certain passages in it (pars. 481, 488) might seem to explain
it. The story to which the picture belongs is that of Bélahatini,
which may some day be published in connection with a description
of the ceremony of klédzi hatál, or the night chant. The prophet
Bélahatini, according to the tale, floated down the San Juan River
in a hollow log, until he came to the whirling lake, where he saw the
vision depicted in the dry-painting. But when the shaman had finished
telling the story of Bélahatini he said: "There is another story of
a man who floated down the San Juan River in a hollow log. It is a
story belonging to a different rite, the atsósidze hatál. Would you
like to hear it?" It was thus that the story of Nati'nesthani came
to be told. The narrator of the two tales was a priest of the klédzi
hatál, but not of the atsósidze hatál; hence one tale is crowded with
allusions to acts in the ceremony, while the other, as here published,
has few such allusions.
121. The Great Shell of Kintyél.--The story of the Great Shell of
Kintyél, as here given, is a fragment of a rite-myth,--the myth
of the yóidze hatál, or yói hatál[250] (bead chant), a nine days'
healing ceremony. It conveys a moral often found in Navaho tales,
which is, that we must not despise the poor and humble. They may be
favored by the gods and prove themselves, to-morrow, more potent than
those who yesterday despised and mocked them. It also signalizes the
triumph of a poor Navaho over wealthy Pueblos.
122. Translation of Legends.--In rendering the Navaho tales into
English, the author has not confined himself to a close literal
translation. Such translation would often be difficult to understand,
and, more often still, be uninteresting reading. He has believed it to
be his duty to make a readable translation, giving the spirit of the
original rather than the exact words. The tales were told in fluent
Navaho, easy of comprehension, and of such literary perfection as to
hold the hearer's attention. They should be translated into English
of a similar character, even if words have to be added to make the
sense clear. Such privileges are taken by the translators of the Bible
and of the classic authors. Still the writer has taken pains never to
exceed the metaphor or descriptive force of the original, and never
to add a single thought of his own. If he has erred in rendering the
spirit of the savage authors, it has been by diminishing rather than
by exaggerating. He has erred on the side of safety. He has endeavored
to "tune the sitar" rather low than high.15a Again, the original was
often embellished with pantomime and vocal modulation which expressed
more than the mere words, and which the writer is unable to represent,
and it contained extemporized onomatopes which no letters can express.
123. Texts.--The men who narrated to the author the tales contained
in this book were not men of unlimited leisure, as many suppose the
Indians to be; they were popular shamans, or medicine-men, who had
numerous engagements to conduct ceremonies during the summer months,
and it was only during the winter months that they permitted themselves
to tell the tales. It was usually with difficulty that arrangements
were made with one of these shamans to devote a period of two or
three weeks to the service of the author. Then, too, they had farms
and stock which demanded their care. Neither was the author a man of
unbounded leisure. Rarely could he devote more than two or three hours
out of twenty-four to the work of ethnography. It has happened more
than once that he has been obliged to break an engagement made with a
shaman, at a cost of considerable trouble and money, in order to go
on detached service away from his proper station. For these reasons
it was not practicable to record the original Indian texts of all the
stories. The author had to choose between copious texts and copious
tales. He chose the latter. But some texts have been recorded. In
order that the reader may judge how closely the liberal translation
here offered follows the original, the Navaho text of the opening
passages--ten paragraphs--of the Origin Legend, with interlinear
translations, are given in the notes. The texts of songs, prayers,
and interesting passages may also be found in the notes.
ALPHABET USED.
124. Ever since the present alphabet of the Bureau of Ethnology was
established (in 1880), it has been the author's custom to use it in
spelling Indian words. But heretofore he has written mostly for the
scientific world, for ethnologists and philologists who either were
familiar with the alphabet, or were willing to constantly refer to it
in reading. As the present work is designed to reach a wider circle
of readers, the propriety of using the alphabet of the Bureau becomes
doubtful. Many of the author's friends have begged him not to use it
in this collection of tales, believing that its unusual characters
would embarrass the average reader and detract from the interest of
the work. Another system has, therefore, been devised, according to
which consonants printed in Roman letters have the ordinary English
sounds, while those printed in Italics have sounds analogous to the
English but not identical with them. The vowels, when unmarked, have
the continental sounds. When these sounds are modified, diacritical
marks are added in accordance with the latest edition of Webster's
Dictionary. The sound of English a in what is indicated by a. The
only diphthong is ai, which has the sound of English i in pine. One
mark not employed in Webster's orthoepy is used in this book, viz.,
the inverted comma after a vowel to show that it is aspirated.
125. According to this arrangement, the casual reader will find the
Indian words easily legible. If he takes the trouble to consult this
and the preceding paragraph he may pronounce the words almost exactly
as a Navaho would; if not he may, at least, pronounce them in a way
that few Navahoes would fail to comprehend. At all events, to the
majority of readers, a perfect pronunciation of the Indian words is
immaterial. Many white men, living within the borders of the Navaho
land, converse with these Indians in a jargon or debased language which
might be spelled in English characters with their ordinary English
values. For example, let us take the word for hut or house. This is
properly pronounced hogán; but the whites in New Mexico generally
call it hogán, and the Navahoes never fail to understand the word
as thus pronounced. In this form it is an adopted English word in
the Southwest. The following are the values of the consonants when
printed in Italics:--
d has the sound of English th in this.
g has a sound unknown in English, gh imperfectly represents it. It
is the g of the Dakota, or the Arabic ghain.
h has the sound of German ch in machen.
l is an aspirated l unknown in English, hl imperfectly represents
it. It is formed with the side rather than with the tip of the tongue.
s has the sound of English sh in shot.
t has the sound of English th in thing.
z has the sound of English z in azure.
c, j, q, r, and x are not used. The sound of English ch in church is
represented by ts; that of English j in jug, by dz.
SPELLING OF NAVAHO.
126. In the many papers about the Navahoes which the author has
previously written he has spelled the name of the tribe according to
the Spanish system "Navajo," with the plural also in Spanish form,
"Navajos." In the present work he spells it, according to English
orthography, "Navaho," with an English plural, "Navahoes," and he thus
intends to spell it in the future. This he does because the Spanish
spelling is misleading to the majority of English readers. It may
properly be asked why he should adopt an English orthography for
Navaho, a name of Spanish origin, while he retains the misleading
Spanish orthography of San Juan. It is not sufficient, in reply,
to say that the territory of the Navaho has been in the possession
of the United States since 1848, and that we have thus acquired
the right to spell this name in our own way; for a thousand other
names of Spanish origin have marked our map as long, which we never
ventured to change, either in spelling or pronunciation. Perhaps the
best defence to be made of our course is that the name Navaho exists
nowhere but within our borders. If we change the spelling here, we
do not conflict with the spelling elsewhere. But there are scores of
San Juans in Spanish America. We could not change the spelling of our
San Juan without confusion. It were better that we should follow the
example of Lord Byron and pronounce it Jew'an; but this the people of
the Southwest will probably never do. They will speak of the stream
as the "San Won" or the "San Whon" for all time. Furthermore, the
English spelling of Navaho is not a new thing with the writer. Many
have already adopted it.
NOTES.
126. In preparing the notes the author has usually limited himself
to such matters as he believes he only can explain, or such as, at
least, he can explain better than any one else. In a few cases he has
given information on subjects not generally known and not easily to
be investigated. The temptation to wander into the seductive paths
of comparative mythology, and to speculate on the more recondite
significance of the myths, had to be resisted if the work were to be
kept within the limits of one volume. Resemblances between the tales
of the Navahoes and those of other peoples, civilized and savage,
ancient and modern, are numerous and marked; but space devoted to
them would be lost to more important subjects. Again, many of the
readers of this book may be prepared, better than the author, to note
these resemblances.
SHAMANS.[16]
127. So much has been said against the medicine-men of the Indians
by various writers, who accuse them of being reactionaries,
mischief-makers, and arrant deceivers, that the writer feels
constrained to give some testimony in their favor,--in favor, at
least, of those he has met among the Navahoes; he will not speak now
for other tribes.
128. There are, among the Navahoes, charlatans and cheats who treat
disease; men who pretend to suck disease out of the patient and then
draw from their own mouths pebbles, pieces of charcoal, or bodies
of insects, claiming that these are the disease which they have
extracted. But the priests of the great rites are not to be classed
with such. All of these with whom the writer is acquainted are above
such trickery. They perform their ceremonies in the firm conviction
that they are invoking divine aid, and their calling lends dignity
to their character. They interfere little with the political affairs
of the tribe.
129. Smiling Chanter.--It is a source of great regret that a better
likeness cannot be presented of Hatáli Natlói than that shown in
fig. 31. It is reproduced from a painting which was copied from a
dim kodak photograph. His name may be translated Smiling Chanter,
or Smiling Doctor; an angry or unpleasant expression is never seen on
his face. He is also called Hatáli Pahozóni, which may be translated
Happy or Good-natured Chanter. He is a priest of the klédzi hatál,
or night chant. He would be considered a man of high character in any
community. He is dignified, courteous, kind, honest, truthful, and
self-respecting. But his dignity is not of the pompous kind. He has
a keen sense of humor, makes an excellent joke, and is a good mimic;
but, for all his fun, he is neither vulgar nor unkind. He never begged
from the author, and never made a bargain with him in advance for
his services, or named a price for them when he was done. He always
took the greatest pains to explain everything, and, after the writer
had been duly initiated into the mysteries of his order, he withheld
nothing. To him we are indebted for the story of Nati'nesthani.
130. Tall Chanter.--Figure 32 represents an aged priest named Hatáli
Nez, or Tall Chanter. He was the first who could be persuaded to
explain to the author the ceremonies or relate the rite-myths; but when
he set the example, others were found to follow. He also is a priest
of the night chant. Of late years he has become unpopular as a shaman,
owing to an increasing irritability of temper; but he exhibits no envy
of his more popular rivals. He perhaps has a better knowledge of the
legends than any other man in the tribe. Before he would confide any
of his secrets to the author he said: "The chanters among the Navahoes
are all brothers. If you would learn our secrets you must be one of
us. You must forever be a brother to me. Do you promise this?" He has
ever since addressed the author as Sitsi'li, "My younger brother,"
and has in turn been called Sinái, "My elder brother."
131. Ethics.--Among themselves, these men have a code of ethics which
is, in general, more honestly upheld than the code of our own medical
profession. They exhibit no jealousy of one another. They boast
not of the excellence of the particular rite they practise. They
assist and counsel one another. If a medicine-man, in performing
a rite, finds that his supply of some sacred article is exhausted,
he sends to the nearest medicine-man for it. If the latter has it,
he is obliged to give, and is not allowed to receive payment in return.
132. Torlino.--They are as willing as any other Indians to learn the
white man's philosophy. Old Torlino, a priest of hozóni hatál, sent a
son to school at Carlisle, and when the young man returned he no doubt
imparted to his father much that he had learned there. The writer sent
for the old man to get from him the myth of hozóni hatál. Torlino
began: "I know the white men say the world is round, and that it
floats in the air. My tale says the world is flat, and that there
are five worlds, one above another. You will not believe my tale,
then, and perhaps you do not want to hear it." Being assured that
the tale was earnestly desired, despite of all white men's theories,
he proceeded. "I shall tell you the truth, then. I shall tell you
all that I heard from the old men who taught me, as well as I can now
remember. Why should I lie to you?" And then he made the interesting
asseveration which is here literally translated: "I am ashamed before
the earth; I am ashamed before the heavens; I am ashamed before the
dawn; I am ashamed before the evening twilight; I am ashamed before
the blue sky; I am ashamed before the darkness; I am ashamed before
the sun; I am ashamed before that standing within me which speaks with
me (my conscience!).[274] Some of these things are always looking at
me. I am never out of sight. Therefore I must tell the truth. That
is why I always tell the truth. I hold my word tight to my breast."
133. Medical Practice.--Often have the shamans come to the author for
treatment for themselves and their friends, and they never made any
secret of this, but asked for medicine in the presence of the laity of
their own tribe. They do not pretend to deal in panaceas. On the other
hand, in cases where the author has failed to give prompt relief to a
sick Indian, they have come in all sincerity and politeness and said,
"I know a remedy for that difficulty. Will you let me try it?" They do
not confine themselves to the practice of their shamanistic rites. They
use various plants in the treatment of disease, and these, in simple,
acute cases, they administer without prayer, sacrifice, or incantation.
A LAST WORD (TO POETS AND OTHERS).
134. It is possible that poets, novelists, travellers, and compilers
will search this humble volume and cull from it facts and fancies,
which, clothed in fairer diction, may add interest to their pages. The
author does not ask that such writers shall acknowledge the source of
their inspiration. This is more than he has a right to expect. Our
greatest poets have borrowed from sources as obscure and never
named their creditors. The author has often, ere now, experienced the
pleasure of seeing his thoughts and discoveries blazoned in print over
other names. But he ventures to make a few requests of the literary
borrower. He begs that the latter will not garble or distort what is
here written,--that he will not put alien thoughts into the minds of
these pagan heroes; that he will not arm them with the weapons nor
clothe them in the habiliments of an alien race; that he will not
make them act incongruous parts.
135. Stephen Powers, in his "Tribes of California"[326] (page 38),
gives, in simple and direct language, the story of how fire came to the
Karok nation. A few years after he wrote, some one worked his story
into a "poem," which appeared, most artistically illustrated, in one
of our leading magazines. In this poem the Coyote, in a quandary,
is represented as "stroking his goatee." Coyotes have no goatees;
Indians have no goatees. The act of stroking the goatee, in thought or
perplexity, is the special mannerism of a nervous American. No allusion
could be more out of place in an Indian legend. Should the poet
referred to ever select any of the tales in this book to be tortured
into a poem, I beg that he will not, even for the sake of making a
faulty rhyme, put a beard on the chin of the Navaho Coyote God.
WASHINGTON MATTHEWS.
1262 New Hampshire Avenue, Washington, D.C.
May 1st, 1896.
LEGENDS.
THE NAVAHO ORIGIN LEGEND.
I. THE STORY OF THE EMERGENCE.
136. At To`bilhaski'di (in the middle of the first world), white
arose in the east, and they[17] regarded it as day there, they say;
blue rose in the south, and still it was day to them, and they moved
around; yellow rose in the west and showed that evening had come;
then dark arose in the north, and they lay down and slept.[18]
137. At To`bilhaski'di water flowed out (from a central source) in
different directions; one stream flowed to the east, another to the
south, and another to the west. There were dwelling-places on the
border of the stream that flowed to the east, on that which flowed
to the south, and on that which flowed to the west also.
138. To the east there was a place called Tan (Corn), to the south a
place called Nahodoóla, and to the west a place called Lókatsosakád
(Standing Reed). Again, to the east there was a place called Essalái
(One Pot), to the south a place called To`hádzitil (They Come Often
for Water), and to the west a place called Dsillitsíbehogán (House
Made of the Red Mountain). Then, again, to the east there was a place
called Léyahogán (Under-ground House), to the south a place called
Tsiltsi'ntha (Among Aromatic Sumac), and to the west a place called
Tse`lisíbehogán (House Made of Red Rock).
139. Holatsí Dilyi'le (dark ants) lived there. Holatsí Litsí (red
ants) lived there. Tanilaí (dragon flies) lived there. Tsaltsá (yellow
beetles) lived there. Wointli'zi (hard beetles) lived there. Tse`yoáli
(stone-carrier beetles) lived there. Kinli'zin (black beetles) lived
there. Maitsán (coyote-dung beetles) lived there. Tsápani (bats) lived
there. Totsó` (white-faced beetles) lived there. Wonistsídi (locusts)
lived there. Wonistsídikai (white locusts) lived there. These twelve
people started in life there.[19]
140. To the east extended an ocean, to the south an ocean, to the
west an ocean, and to the north an ocean. In the ocean to the east
lay Tiéholtsodi; he was chief of the people there. In the ocean to
the south lived Thaltláhale (Blue Heron), who was chief of the people
there. In the ocean to the west lay Tsal (Frog), who was chief of
the people there. In the ocean to the north was Idni`dsilkaí (White
Mountain Thunder), and he was chief of the people there.[20]
141. The people quarrelled among themselves, and this is the way it
happened. They committed adultery, one people with another. Many
of the women were guilty. They tried to stop it, but they could
not. Tiéholtsodi, the chief in the east, said: "What shall we do with
them? They like not the land they dwell in." In the south Blue Heron
spoke to them, and in the west Frog said: "No longer shall you dwell
here, I say. I am chief here." To the north White Mountain Lightning
said: "Go elsewhere at once. Depart from here!"
142. When again they sinned and again they quarrelled, Tiéholtsodi,
in the east, would not speak to them; Blue Heron, in the south,
would not speak to them; Frog, in the west, would say nothing; and
White Mountain Thunder, in the north, would not speak to them.
143. Again, at the end of four nights, the same thing happened. Those
who dwelt at the south again committed crime, and again they had
contentions. One woman and one man sought to enter in the east
(to complain to the chief), but they were driven out. In the south
they sought to go in where Blue Heron lay, but again they were driven
out. In the west, where Frog was the chief, again they tried to enter;
but again they were driven out. To the north again they were driven
out. (The chief) said: "None of you (shall enter here). Go elsewhere
and keep on going." That night at Nahodoóla they held a council, but
they arrived at no decision. At dawn Tiéholtsodi began to talk. "You
pay no attention to my words. Everywhere you disobey me; you must go
to some other place. Not upon this earth shall you remain." Thus he
spoke to them.