59. The following is a list of the forty-three gentes named by Tall

Chanter:--

1. Tse`dzinki'ni, House of the Black Cliffs (pars.

378-381).

2. Tse`tláni, Bend in a Cañon (par. 382).

3. Dsi'lnaoti'lni, Encircled Mountain (par. 385).

4. Haskánhatso

(Haskanhatsódine`), Much Yucca (par. 386).

5. Nahopáni, Brown Streak; Horizontal on the

Ground (par. 387).

6. Tsinadzi'ni, Black Horizontal Forest (par. 390).

7. Tha`nezá` (Tha`nezá`ni), Among the Scattered (Hills) (par.

392).

8. Dsiltlá`ni, Base of the Mountain (par. 393).

9. Thá`paha (Thá`pahadine`), Among the Waters (par. 394 et

seq.).

10. Tsa`yiski'dni, Sage-brush Hill (par. 399).

11. Tse`zindiaí, Trap Dyke (par. 401).

12. Klógi (Klógidine`), (Name of an old pueblo) (par. 403).

13. Tó`hani, Beside the Water (par. 404).

14. Thá`tsini, Among the Red (Waters or Banks)

(par. 405).

15. Kai (Káidine`), Willows (par. 405).

16. Kinlitsí (Kinlitsídine`), Red House (of Stone) (par. 406).

17. Destsíni, Red Streak (par. 408).

18. Tlastsíni, Red Flat (par. 408).

19. Notá (Notádine`), Ute (par. 409).

20. Nakaí (Nakaídine`), White Stranger (Mexican) (par.

410).

21. To`yetlíni, Junction of the Rivers (par. 411).

22. Háltso (Háltsodine`), Yellow Bodies (par. 412).

23. To`ditsíni, Bitter Water (par. 427).

24. Maitó` (Maitó`dine`), Coyote Spring (par. 428).

25. Hasli'zni (Hasli'zdine`), Mud (par. 429).

26. To`dokónzi, Saline Water (par. 430, note 171).

27. Bitá`ni, Folded Arms (par. 431).

28. Tsinsakádni, Lone Tree (par. 441).

29. Pinbitó` (Pinbitó`dine`), Deer Spring (par. 442).

30. Tse`nahapi'lni, Overhanging Rocks (par. 445).

31. Honagá`ni, Place of Walking (pars. 447, 448).

32. Kinaá`ni, High Standing House (par. 458).

33. To`baznaáz (To`baznaázi), Two Come for Water (par. 449).

34. Nanaste'zin, Black Horizontal Stripe Aliens

(Zuñi) (par. 452).

35. Dildzéhi, (Not translated) (par. 453).

36. Ásihi (Ásihidine`), Salt (par. 454).

37. Maideski'z (Maideski'zni), Coyote Pass (Jemez) (par. 455).

38. Tse`yanató`ni (extinct), Horizontal Water under Cliffs (par.

457).

39. Tó`tsoni, Great Water (par. 459).

40. Bitáni or Dsiltáni, Brow of Mountain.

41. Tse`yikéhe

(Tse`yikéhedine`), Rocks Standing near One Another.

42. Tliziláni, Many Goats (par. 407).

43. To`tsalsitáya (extinct), Water under the Sitting Frog.

60. The following are eight names obtained from other sources, and

not mentioned by Tall Chanter:--

44. Aatsósni, Narrow Gorge.

45. Naa`í (Naa`ídine`), Monocline.

46. Yóo, Beads.

47. Ka`náni, Living Arrows.

48. Tse`tháni, Among the Rocks.

49. Lóka (Lókadine`) Reeds (Phragmites).

50. Tse`deski'zni, Rocky Pass.

51. Hoganláni, Many Huts.

61. More than one translation of a gentile name has often been noted;

but in the above lists only one translation is given,--that which the

author regards with the most favor. Often, too, different narrators

account differently for the origin of the gentile names. Some of the

translations are very liberal, and others, again, very brief; but in

the paragraphs and notes to which the reader is referred he will find

fuller explanations. The Navahoes sometimes, but not invariably, add

(as shown in the above lists) a suffix (diné`, ni, or i), signifying

people; but in the above translations, to simplify the study, the word

"people" is omitted.

62. There are reasons, which the author has set forth in a previous

essay[318] and will not now repeat, for believing that most of the

Navaho gentes were originally local exogamous groups, and not true

gentes according to Morgan's definition.[325] There is little doubt

that, in the majority of cases if not in all, the names of Navaho

gentes, which are not the names of tribes, are simply designations

of localities, even where the Legend states to the contrary; as,

for instance, when it tells us that certain gentes of the Western

immigrants were named from words that women uttered when they first

tasted of the magic fountains (pars. 427, 429, 430).

63. On the other hand, there are passages in the Legend which indicate

that a few of the Navaho gentes were once totemic, although no evidence

of clan totems is known to exist among the Navahoes at the present

time, and it is not improbable that a few of the gentile names may

be of totemic origin, although they are now accounted for in other

ways in the Origin Legend. The passage (par. 419) which tells us

that Estsánatlehi gave certain pets to the wanderers from the West,

and that these pets accompanied the people on their journey, refers

in all probability to the former use of totemic clan symbols, and

possibly to a custom of keeping live totemic animals in captivity,--a

custom prevalent among the ancient Mexicans and the modern Pueblos,

though not among the modern Navahoes. Other indications of a former

totemism may be found in the story of the Deer Spring People (par. 442,

note 195; see, also, note 173).

64. In reading the fourth chapter of the Origin Legend--"Growth of

the Navaho Nation"--one is impressed with the different degrees of

willingness, on both sides, with which new gentes are adopted into

the nation. In some instances two parties, meeting for the first time,

embrace one another and become friends at once (par. 382). The clans

from the Pacific coast--the Western immigrants, as they are here

called--learn of the existence of kindred tribes far to the east,

take a long and dangerous journey to join them, and, when their march

is done, they are received by the Navahoes at once as brethren. On

the other hand, the legend tells us of bands that camp long in the

neighborhood of the Navahoes before they become incorporated with the

latter (par. 394); of other clans descended from captives (pars. 406,

454, 455); and of others that seek refuge among the Navahoes only

to escape starvation or persecution at home (pars. 403, 452). On

the basis of their mode of adoption, the clans may be divided into

the ready and the reluctant. The cause of this is probably one of

language. Bands which we know to have been allied in language to

the Navahoes--such as those derived from the Apaches--will be found

among the ready; while bands which we know to have spoken languages

very different to the Navaho--such as those derived from the Utes,

from Zuñi, and Jemez--will be found among the reluctant. It is not

unreasonable to conclude that the same rule applies to clans of whose

original language we know nothing.

65. Phratries.--The gentes of the Navahoes are divided into a number

of groups, each of which may be called a phratry. Authorities in the

tribe differ as to the number of the phratries, and as to the gentes

that compose them. Some make but eight phratries. Captain Bourke[294]

has obtained a list of eleven, with three independent gentes. Some of

the Navahoes say there are twelve phratries, and suggest that they have

some relation to the twelve tribes who dwelt in the first world. But

the Navaho phratry seems not to be a homogeneous organization. A case

is mentioned in the Legend where a gens has changed its phratral

affinities (par. 451). Inquiry, too, has revealed that there are

sub-groups. There may be closer bonds of alliance among some gentes

in a group than there are among others in the same group. Authorities,

then, may differ without invalidating each other's testimony.

66. These groups are indicated in the Legend when it says that one

gens has become closely related or affiliated with another (pars. 385,

399, 403 et al.), or when it says that two gentes cannot intermarry

(pars. 393, 401, 406). If the Navahoes have a term equivalent to

"phratry," it has not been discovered. They have no special names

for the different phratries; they often, but not always, speak of a

phratry by the name of the most important gens in it.

67. If the Legend is to be taken as evidence, phratries have developed

among the Navahoes both by segmentation of gentes and by the addition

of new gentes from without; not by either method exclusively. But

legendary evidence is not needed to show that gentes which bear to-day

the names of alien tribes have been additions to the phratry.

68. Forbidden Degrees of Kindred.--A Navaho belongs to the gens of his

mother and takes the name of that gens. Cases have been noted where

a Navaho has been known by his gentile name and not by any other. No

man may marry one of his own gens; neither may he marry one of his

own phratry, though some exceptions seem to be made in the latter

case where the limits of the phratry are not well defined. Where this

descent in the female line exists among other tribes, it is held by

some ethnographers that the man does not regard his father or his

father's people as his relations, and may contract a marriage with

a woman of his father's gens. Such is certainly not the case among

the Navahoes. The gens and the phratry of the father are as much

forbidden kindred as those of the mother.

RELIGION.

69. Sources of Information.--That the Navahoes have a religion--an

elaborate pagan cult--has already been intimated. There is little

to be gained by asking a Navaho direct questions about this. Learned

controversialists and theologians, capable of analyzing and discussing

their faith, have not arisen among them, or, if they have, they cannot

easily communicate their philosophy to us. But the civilized scholar

has abundant material from which to study their religion, and he

must do the analyzing himself. In the great dry-paintings shown on

the floors of the medicine-lodges, during their long ceremonies,

may be seen pictures of many of the gods, with their hieratic

belongings. In the ceremonies, or so-called dances, men are masked

to represent gods. In the myths the acts and deeds of the divine

ones are described, and we learn their thoughts and feelings,--kind,

like Indians, to their kindred; usually cruel, yet often merciful and

magnanimous, to their foes. In the countless songs of the rites may

be found the poetic side of the divine characters, and in the long

prayers we may learn their potency, and discover how man hopes to

commune with them and gain their favor.

70. No Supreme God.--The religion of this people reflects their social

condition. Their government is democratic. There is no highest chief of

the tribe, and all their chiefs are men of temporary and ill-defined

authority, whose power depends largely on their personal influence,

their oratory, and their reputation for wisdom. It is difficult for

such a people to conceive of a Supreme God. Their gods, like their men,

stand much on a level of equality.

71. Sun God.--In the version of the Origin Legend here given,

the Sun God would seem to have some precedence over the others,

but in the beginning he was only one of the people; he never figures

conspicuously as a Creator, and is far from omnipotent. Other gods,

less potent or less respected, lived before the time of man, and were

powerful before the sun was made.

72. Creation.--The Legend begins with an already created world; there

is no original creation and no Creator of all. If the Navahoes have

a story of the beginning of all things, the author has not learned

it. To a god called Békotsidi[78] is given the credit of having made

all animals whose creation is not otherwise accounted for in the

myths, especially domestic animals. Some of the Indians who have

heard vaguely of our Creator are of the opinion that Békotsidi is

the God of the Americans.

73. Estsánatlehi.--But it is generally acknowledged by the Navahoes

that their most revered deity is Estsánatlehi,[95] the Woman

Who Changes (or rejuvenates herself). Much is said of her in the

legends, but something more is to be obtained by conversation with the

shamans. The name Estsánatlehi is derived by syncopation from estsán,

woman, and natéhi, to change or transform. She is so called because,

it is supposed, she never remains in one condition, but that she grows

to be an old woman, and in the course of time becomes a young girl

again, and so passes through an endless course of lives, changing

but never dying. It is probable that she is an apotheosis of Nature,

or of the changing year.

74. The deity of fruitful Nature is properly a female and a beneficent

goddess. She is properly, too, as the legends tell us, the wife of the

Sun, to whom Nature owes her fertility. Her home is said to be in the

west, probably for the reason that in the Navaho country, which lies

mostly on the Pacific slope, the rain comes usually from the west,

and from that direction, too, come the thawing breezes in the spring.

75. Yolkaí Estsán.--A divinity called Yolkaí Estsán,[96] or White

Shell Woman, created (or found, as some versions say) at the same time

as Estsánatlehi, is called the younger sister of the latter. The two

goddesses are associated in the myths, but White Shell Woman always

acts the subordinate part, and to-day is honored with a less degree

of worship than her sister. Estsánatlehi, made of an earthly jewel,

turquoise, is related to the land. Yolkaí Estsán, made of white shell

from the ocean, is related to the waters.

76. War Gods.--Next in importance to Estsánatlehi, the sacred

brethren, Nayénezgani (or Nagénezgani) and To`badzistsíni,[127]

seem to stand. The writer designates these as the War Gods, but

the Navahoes do not call them thus. According to the version of the

Origin Legend here given, one of these was the child of Estsánatlehi

and the Sun; the other the child of Yolkaí Estsán and the Water, and

this is the version most consistent in all respects. Other versions

make both the brothers children of Estsánatlehi. Some say they were

born twins. Accepting any of these versions, they would properly

be called brothers, according to the Indian system of relationship,

and such they are called in the legends. Their chief mission was to

destroy the alien gods; but they still help the warriors in battle,

and aid the sick who suffer from witchcraft. The longest chapter in the

Origin Legend is devoted to recounting their genesis and history. In

reading the chapter, it will be apparent to the comparative mythologist

that these characters have their counterparts, which need not now be

mentioned, in the myths of many races in both hemispheres. From their

mythic associations it would appear that Nayénezgani is a god of light,

with its associated heat, while To`badzistsíni is a god of darkness,

with its associated moisture; yet, apparently in contradiction to

this, the representative of the former is painted black and wears a

black mask in the ceremonies (plate IV.), while the representative

of the latter is painted red and wears a red mask (plate VII.).

77. Nayénezgani, whose name signifies Slayer of the Alien Gods,[127] is

spoken of as the elder brother in the legends and always plays the more

important part. To`badzistsíni, or Child of the Water,[127] is called

the younger brother and always appears as a subordinate character. In

the ceremonies, the masquerader who personates Nayénezgani always walks

in front, while he who personates To`badzistsíni comes behind. The two

gods are always associated in prayer and sacrifice, but here, again,

Nayénezgani takes precedence. In all the sacred songs where they are

mentioned, the superiority of Nayénezgani is indicated. Antithesis,

as has been said, is a favorite figure with the Navaho poets, and they

often employ it when speaking of these gods. The "Song of the Approach"

of the War Gods in the ceremony of klédzi hatál will serve, as well

as many other compositions, to show how they treat this subject. It

may be freely translated thus:--

He advances! He advances!

Now Slayer of the Alien Gods advances,

Above, among the mountain peaks, he advances,

In danger he advances.

He advances! He advances!

Now Child of the Water advances

Below, among the foothills, he advances,

In danger he advances.

Thus both the gods come to the aid of the supplicant; but while the

elder strides proudly on the summits of the mountains, the younger

walks humbly among the foothills.

78. Yéi.--There are a number of divinities in the Navaho pantheon

known as yéi (in compound words often pronounced ye or ge), which

is translated "god" or "genius." What distinction exists between the

yéi and other gods is not easy to determine definitely. The Zuñians

have a class of gods called by the same name, or, more correctly,

"yéyi," as Mr. Cushing pronounces it. Certain chiefs or important

personages among these gods are called by names which begin with the

syllables hastsé--as Hastséyalti[73] (Talking God), Hastséhogan[74]

(House God). It is believed that this, if spelled etymologically,

would appear as hastyé, but it is not so pronounced, Hast is a

prefix denoting age, especially venerable age. We have it in the word

hastín, which means a worthy or respected old man. Hastyé would mean a

venerable yéi or god. The yéi seem to be deities of minor importance

to those previously mentioned and to be more numerous. Thus, while

there is but one Estsánatlehi, but one Nayénezgani, and but one

To`badzistsíni there are several Hastséhogan and several Hastséyalti,

who are chiefs of the yéi. The yéi are supposed to abide in certain

localities, and in prayers in their honor the home is mentioned of

the yéi to whom appeal is specially made. A place called Tsé`natsi, or

Red Horizontal Rock, somewhere north of the San Juan River, Tse`gíhi,

another place north of the San Juan, and the White House (fig. 22),

in the Chelly Canyon, are important homes of the yéi.[265] Each of

the sacred mountains has its group of yéi. In the myths of klédzi

hatál, more than a score of places are named where yéi dwell. There

are some reasons for believing that the cult of the yéi is derived

from the Cliff-dwellers, or from the Pueblos; but there are arguments,

too, against this theory. The subject will not be further considered

here. The yéi are supposed to be married and have families. The males

are called yébaka; the females, yébaad.[200] Hastsézini,[212] the

god of fire, and Hastséoltoi,[206] the divine huntress, or goddess

of the chase, belong, as their names indicate, to the yéi; while

Gánaskidi,[207] the harvest god, and Tó`nenili[98] Water Sprinkler,

are associated with them in the legends.

79. Digíni.--Digi'n means sacred, divine, mysterious, or holy. It is

not quite synonymous with the Dakota wakán or the Hidatsa hopá. It

is not applied to the treatment of disease; it is not applied in a

general way to religious ceremonial; it has not been heard applied

to the anáye, or other things of evil: for this reason it is often

translated "holy." Digíni, derived from digi'n, means holy people,

gods, divinities. It is a name applied to the highest and lowest

divinities, including the yéi (see notes 92 and 93).

80. Alien Gods.--Such are the gods that are friendly to the human race;

but man has his enemies, too, among the mysterious powers. Chief among

the latter are the anáye,[7] the alien gods or inimical genii. These,

being analogous to the giants and ogres of European folk-lore, are

sometimes called giants in this work. They are usually represented

as creatures of great size. Many of them are described in the Origin

Legend. The worst have been slain, as the story relates; but others,

being not unmixed evils, still remain to torment man. The legend,

in accounting for their continued existence, shows the philosophic

endeavor of our race to reconcile itself to the unwelcome inevitable.

81. Water God.--The position of Tiéholtsodi,[8] the water monster,

is one of transferred allegiance. He was once the enemy of our race,

but now has become friendly to it in certain ways, though it is

probable that he is still thought to be responsible for cases of

drowning. Other gods, who were once inimical to man but are now his

friends, are mentioned in the legends (par. 354). But we are not

without evidence that the Navaho fears to offend his most beneficent

gods lest the latter may directly punish him, or at least withhold

their succor in his hour of need.

82. Devils.--Besides the alien gods, there are evil spirits haunting

the earth which men dread; these are the tsi'ndi, whose name cannot be

better translated than by calling them devils. The Navahoes frequently

speak of the tsi'ndi (Englished, chindee), and they often use the

term as an angry exclamation, just as the profane among ourselves

say, "Oh the Devil!" or "You devil!" (see pars. 257, 260), yet they

dislike to discuss its character or appearance. They believe there

is a devil associated with every corpse, and that it has something of

the appearance of a partly decayed corpse. The spirit of the dead man

goes to the lower world, which was the former home of the race, yet a

demon remains with the dead body. Other Indians believe in a similar

corpse spirit, yet the author has never known any who have such dread

as the Navahoes of human mortuary remains. (See par. 188 and note 91.)

83. Zoölatry.--The legend tells us that there is a First Man and a

First Woman (see pars. 160-165), who came into being in the fourth

world as the result of a special act of creation: but they have

not died like Adam and Eve; they still live in some form; they are

potent; they are immortal; they are divine. But it is not man only

that has his divine ancestral prototype: every animal on the face of

the earth has its also, and many, if not all, of these are objects

of worship. A share of reverence, too, in some cases, as in that

of the bear, is bestowed on their mortal descendants. In the rite

of the mountain chant[314] many of the sacrifices are sacred to the

animals of the mountains. In short, zoölatry is an important element

in Navaho worship.

84. Local Gods.--Some of the gods mentioned are also local divinities;

thus the War Gods are local divinities at To`ye'tli (par. 374), and

the yéi are local divinities at Tsé`natsi. But, in addition to these,

there are other gods of places so numerous that a complete list of

them will probably never be obtained. In the Origin Legend it is shown

that each of the sacred mountains of the Navaho land (seven in number

according to Tall Chanter) has its divine pair of indwelling guardians,

and these seem to receive more honor than any others which are gods of

places only; but the genii of other mountains and of different rocks

and canyons have their prayers and sacrifices in some of the rites.

85. Fanciful legends of places are common in all lands and among all

races, but no people are more ingenious in composing such tales than

our American Indians. The Navaho has unusual sources of inspiration in

this direction, and he fails not to profit by them. His land abounds

in wonderful geologic formations, in rocks strangely sculptured by

rain and by Nature's sand-blast, in vast volcanic peaks and fields of

lava; and it abounds also, as might be expected, in myths accounting

for these features, and in the genii which belong to the myths. A

few of these myths are incorporated in the tales told in this work,

but they are very few compared with the total of such legendary lore.

Navaho Legends · 第 2 / 29 段