Napoleon's anger remained warm, but he had surmounted the difficulty by

dissolving by an imperial decree the marriage of his brother, and by

causing him soon after to marry a princess of Wurtemberg. The disagreement

with the Court of Rome, which was soon to break forth, depended on his

all-powerful will, and caused him no care. In the movement of the troops,

necessitated in October, 1805, by his campaign against Austria, the

emperor had charged General Gouvion St. Cyr to traverse the States of the

Church in order to take up a position in Lombardy. Upon the route lay the

town of Ancona. The French troops received an order to seize the place and

establish a garrison there, an order which was immediately executed.

In spite of the difficulties which had recently arisen between the emperor

and himself, the Pope thought that Napoleon and the French Revolution were

much indebted to him personally. Europe took this view, and frequent

reproaches had been addressed to the Court of Rome by the powers who were

enemies or rivals of France. It was, then, with astonishment, mingled with

indignation, that Pius VII. learnt the news of the occupation of Ancona;

he wrote, on the 13th November, 1805, a personal and secret letter to the

emperor:--"We avow frankly to your Majesty the keen chagrin that we

experience in seeing ourselves treated in a way that we do not think we

have in any degree merited. Our neutrality has been recognized by your

Majesty, as by all other powers. The latter have fully respected it, and

we had especial motives for thinking that the sentiments of amity which

your Majesty professed with regard to us would have preserved us from such

a cruel affront. We will tell you frankly, since our return from Paris we

have experienced only bitterness and trouble, and we do not find in your

Majesty a return of those sentiments which we think ourselves warranted in

justly expecting from you. That which we owe to ourselves is to ask from

your Majesty the evacuation of Ancona, and, if met with a refusal, we

should not see how to reconcile therewith a continuation of a good

understanding with the French minister."

It was from Munich, on the morrow of the battle of Austerlitz and of the

peace of Presburg, that Napoleon at length responded, on the 7th of

January, 1806, to the letter of the Pope, in the midst of the concert of

adulations and transports which were lavished on him by the vanquished as

well as by his courtiers. The protest of Pius VII. recalled to him the

disagreeable remembrance of an independent authority, and one which he had

not been always able to submit to his will; the anger of the despot broke

forth with violence at once spontaneous and measured: "Your Holiness

complains that since your return from Paris you have had nothing but

causes of sorrow. The reason is, that since then all those who were

fearing my power and testifying their friendship have changed their

sentiments, thinking themselves authorized to do so by the power of the

coalition; and that since the return of your Holiness to Rome I have

experienced nothing but refusals to all my designs, even those that were

of the utmost importance to religion; as, for example, when it was a

question of hindering Protestantism from raising its head in France. I

look upon myself as the protector of the Holy See, and by this title I

have occupied Ancona. I look upon myself, like my predecessors of the

second and third dynasty, as the eldest son of the Church, as alone

bearing the sword to protect it and to shelter it from being defiled by

Greeks and Mussulmans. I should ever be the friend of your Holiness, if

you would only consult your heart and the true friends of religion. If

your Holiness wishes to send away my minister, you are free to do so. You

are free to receive in preference the English and the Caliph of

Constantinople. God is the judge who has done most for the religion of all

the princes who reign."

Napoleon had excluded his brother Jerome from the succession to the

Empire, but he affected to dread for France the possibility of a

Protestant sovereign. It was with an increase of coarse violence that he

wrote on the same day to his uncle, Cardinal Fesch: "Since these imbeciles

think there will be no inconvenience in a Protestant occupying the throne

of France, I will send them a Protestant ambassador. I am religious, but I

am not a bigot. Constantine separated the civil from the military, and I

also may appoint a senator to command in my name at Rome. Tell Consalvi--

tell even the Pope himself--that since he wishes to drive my minister from

Rome, I should be well able to re-establish him there. For the Pope, I am

Charlemagne, because, like Charlemagne, I unite the crown of France with

that of the Lombards, and my empire borders on that of the East. I expect

then that his conduct towards me shall be regulated from this point of

view. Otherwise I shall reduce the Pope to the position of Bishop of

Rome."

The French troops did not evacuate Ancona, and the French minister

remained at Rome. But soon new subjects of disagreement arose between

Napoleon and the Pope, always a scrupulous observer of the neutrality

which he thought due from him to all the powers. The emperor had already

required that all the ports of his allies should be closed against English

commerce; in proportion as his enemies became more numerous and his

arbitrary power more oppressive, he extended his pretensions even over the

countries neutral by situation and by state obligations. Joseph Bonaparte

had just been proclaimed King of Naples; the house of Bourbon occupied in

Italy only the ridiculous throne of Etruria, already on the point of being

taken from them. Napoleon wished to exact from the Pope an interdiction of

his ports and his territory to the exiles or the refugees who had from

time immemorial been accustomed to seek an asylum in Rome. "Your Holiness

would be able to avoid all these embarrassments by going forward in a

straight road," wrote Napoleon to Pius VII., on February 22, 1806. "All

Italy will be subject to my laws. I will not touch in any way the

independence of the Holy See; I will even repay it for the injuries which

the movements of my armies may occasion to it; but it must be on the

condition that your Holiness will show the same regard for me in temporal

affairs as I show for you in spiritual ones, and that you will cease your

useless consideration for the heretical enemies of the Church, and for the

powers who can do nothing for you. Your Holiness is sovereign of Rome, but

I am its emperor. All my enemies ought to be yours. It is not proper then

that any agent of the King of Sardinia, any Englishman, Russian, or Swede,

should reside at Rome or in your states, neither that any ship belonging

to these powers should enter your ports. Those who speak any other

language to your Holiness deceive you, and will end by drawing down upon

you misfortunes that will be disastrous." He added in his letter to

Cardinal Fesch: "Say plainly that I have my eyes open, that I am not

deceived any more than I choose to be; that I am Charlemagne, the sword of

the Church, the emperor; and that they ought not to know that there is an

empire of Russia. I make the Pope acquainted with my intentions in a few

words. If he does not agree, I shall reduce him to the same position which

he occupied before Charlemagne."

It was against Cardinal Consalvi, formerly the clever and firm negotiator

of the Concordat, that the emperor, assisted by Cardinal Fesch, nursed his

suspicions and his anger; he regarded him as systematically hostile to

France; but the attachment of the Pope for his minister remained

unshakable; it was from Consalvi alone that a voluntary submission might

be hoped for. "If he loves his religion and his country, tell Consalvi,

plainly," wrote the emperor to his uncle, "that there are only two courses

to select from--either to do always what I wish, or to quit the ministry."

The moderation and prudent resolutions of the Roman ministry showed itself

in the response of the Pope to the requirements of Napoleon. Already an

obscure Englishman--Mr. Jackson, for a long time accredited to the King of

Sardinia--had excited the mistrust of Napoleon, who insulted him in

official documents. "An English minister, the disgrace of his country,

found in Rome an asylum. There he organized conspiracies, subsidized

brigands, hatched perfidies, bribed assassins; and Rome protected the

traitor and his agents--becoming a theatre of scandal, a manufactory of

libels, and an asylum of brigandage." The only crime of Jackson had been

to keep his court _au courant_ with the state of affairs in Rome. Quietly,

and with all the respect his character merited, Cardinal Consalvi

prevailed on Mr. Jackson to quit Rome. The cardinals were assembled in

secret Consistory. Cardinal Fesch was not summoned; he was informed that

they were aware of his opinions, and that his station as ambassador

disqualified him for the Council of the holy father.

The Consistory did not deceive itself for a single instant as to the

consequences that the concessions demanded by Napoleon would forcibly draw

in their train. "We all saw," says Cardinal Consalvi in his memoirs, "that

far from admitting the neutrality of the Holy See, Bonaparte expected it

in the capacity of feudatory and vassal to take up the quarrels of France

in no matter what war the latter might subsequently be engaged. The Holy

See might then see itself, any morning or evening, attacked by Austria or

Spain, or by all the Catholic or non-Catholic powers. What! the sole

ambition or greed of France was to have the right of despoiling the holy

father of his title of the common father of the faithful, and of

compelling the representative of a God of Peace and the head of the

religious world, to sow everywhere desolation and ruin, by keeping in a

perpetual state of war the nations owing fealty to the tiara."

So many reasons, human and divine, as evident to common sense as to

conscience, decided the response of the Pope. He was moderate, tender,

prudent; but he replied categorically to the requirements of the emperor.

Pius VII wished to remain neuter, and not to drive from his states the

English or the Russians; he did not admit the claim of the emperor to

exercise over Rome a supreme protectorate. "The Pope does not recognize,

and never has recognized, any power superior to himself. Your Majesty is

infinitely great; you have been elected, crowned, consecrated, recognized

emperor of the French, but not emperor of Rome. There exists no emperor of

Rome."

There was a good deal of boldness in repelling so haughtily the imperial

pretensions; the Pope and Cardinal Consalvi were soon involved in a still

more dangerous course. The accession of the new King of Naples had been

announced to the court of Rome, by Cardinal Fesch, in arrogant terms: "The

throne of Naples being vacant by a penalty incurred by the most scandalous

perfidy of which the annals of nations have ever made mention, and his

Majesty having found himself under the necessity of shielding this

country, and the whole of Italy, from the madness of an insensate court,

has judged it suitable to his dignity to confide the destinies of this

country, which he loves, to a prince of his own house. The undersigned

doubts not but that the Pontifical Government will see in this happy event

a new guarantee of the system of order, justice, and consistency, which he

has always had at heart to establish in all the places which have

submitted to his influence."

To this circuitous demand for the recognition of Joseph Bonaparte, the

Pope replied by urging his ancient feudal rights over the kingdom of

Naples--"agreements," said Cardinal Consalvi, "which have always been

observed, especially in the case of conquests; not only at the

establishment of a new dynasty, but also at the commencement of each new

reign."

It was going very far back into history to reclaim doubtful rights.

Napoleon keenly criticised the pretension: "His Majesty needs to make no

researches to become aware of the fact that in times of ignorance the

court of Rome usurped the right of giving away crowns and temporal rights

to the princes of the earth; but if we found that in other ages the court

at Rome dethroned sovereigns, preached crusades, and laid entire kingdoms

under interdict, we should also discover that the Popes have always

considered their temporal power as springing from the French emperors; and

the court of Rome, without doubt, does not claim that Charlemagne received

from it the investiture of his kingdom. If this is to go on," added

Napoleon, brusquely abandoning his historic researches, "I shall cause

Consalvi to quit Rome, and make him responsible for what he is trying to

do, because he is evidently bought by the English. He will see whether or

not I have the power to maintain my imperial crown. Lay stress on that

word _imperial_, and not royal, and upon the fact that the relations of

the Pope with me must be those of his predecessors with the emperors of

the west." [Footnote: Draft of a note sent to Talleyrand by the emperor.]

At the same time, and as the thunder follows the lightning, the court of

Rome learnt that the threat had been followed by performance. Upon the

express order of the Emperor Napoleon, Civita Vecchia had been occupied by

two regiments of the Neapolitan army. The districts of Benevento and

Ponte-Corvo, surrounded by the kingdom of Naples, and belonging to the

Holy See, were erected into principalities in favor of Talleyrand and

Marshal Bernadotte. Cardinal Fesch was recalled. He quitted Rome after a

warm altercation with the Pope. A few days later, and in the vain hope of

ameliorating political relations becoming more and more difficult,

Cardinal Consalvi gave in his resignation. He wrote to Cardinal Caprara,

perpetual papal legate at Paris and completely subject to the imperial

authority: "If any one had told me when I was negotiating the Concordat

that in a short time I should appear to the French Government in the light

of an enemy, I should have thought I was dreaming. But I am too much

attached to the Holy See, to my sovereign, to my benefactor, and to my

country, not to consider myself as compelled to dispel by my retirement

the evils which might result from my presence. His Holiness consents to my

resignation. His object has been to satisfy the emperor, and give him a

proof of his desire to preserve harmony with his government by removing

everything that might compromise it."

The sacrifice of Cardinal Consalvi was useless, and passed unnoticed.

Napoleon required from the Holy See not only submission to his will, but

the acceptance of his principles. The caution of the court of Rome

irritated him more and more. He frightened Cardinal Caprara with a violent

scene: "Write that I demand from his Holiness a declaration without

ambiguity, stating that during the present war, and any other future war,

all the ports of the pontifical states shall be closed to all English

vessels, either of war or commerce. Without this I shall cause all the

rest of the pontifical states to be occupied, I will have the eagles fixed

up over the gates of all its cities and domains, and, as I have done for

Benevento and Ponte Corvo, I shall divide the provinces possessed by the

Pope into so many duchies and principalities, which I shall confer upon

whomsoever I please. If the Pope persists in his refusal, I will establish

a senate at Rome; and when once Rome and the pontifical states shall be in

my hands, they will never be out of them again." Already the revenues of

Civita Vecchia had been seized by Generals Lemarrois and Duhesme. "By what

right do you do this?" demanded an employé of the pontifical treasury.

"You serve a little prince and I serve a great sovereign," replied the

officer; "in that you can see all my right." Such was throughout Europe

the foundation of the right of the Emperor Napoleon. The governor of

Civita Vecchia, Mgr. Negreta, had been seized by force in his residence,

and sent back to Rome without an escort. Personal communication no longer

existed between the Pope and the emperor. The letter of Pius VII., sent by

the hands of Cardinal Caprara, remained unanswered. Alquier alone, who had

succeeded Cardinal Fesch at Rome, still informed Napoleon as to the state

of feeling there. An old Conventional, intelligent and moderate, the

Minister of France, reported to Talleyrand, then Minister of Foreign

Affairs, "People are strangely mistaken as to the character of the

sovereign pontiff, if they have thought his apparent flexibility was

yielding to all that they were striving to impress upon him. In all that

pertains to the authority of the head of the Church, he takes counsel with

himself alone. The Pope has a mild character, but very irritable, and

susceptible of displaying a firmness proof against any trial; already they

are openly saying, 'If the emperor overturns us, his successor will re-

establish us.'"

On the morrow of the battle of Jena, when the ruin of the Prussian

monarchy had added new lustre to the splendor of Napoleon's victories, the

emperor wished to make one last effort in order to establish an absolute

dominion over that little corner of Italy which still preserved an

independent sovereignty. For more than a year he had not accepted any

direct communication with the court of Rome: he commanded the attendance

of Mgr. Arezzo, Bishop _in partibus_ of Seleucia, formerly papal nuncio in

Russia, and who then happened to be at Dresden. The prelate was admitted

to the emperor at Berlin, in the cabinet of the great Frederick: he has

preserved a textual account of his conversation with Napoleon. "What did

you have to do with Russia?" "Your Majesty is aware that there are in

Russia 4,000,000 of Catholics. It is for that reason that the Pope

maintains a representative there." "The Pope ought not to have a minister

at St. Petersburg; the Greeks have always been the enemies of Rome, and I

do not know by what spirit of madness Rome can be possessed to desire the

good of its enemies rather than of its friends. You are about to quit

Dresden, and repair to Rome. You are my enemy. In the first place, you are

not a Sicilian for nothing. I do not mean by that that you have spoken

abusively of me, but you have desired that I should come to nothing, that

my armies should be beaten, and that my enemies should triumph. You are

not the only one to wish me evil; at Rome people think no better than

elsewhere. The Pope is a holy man, whom they make believe whatever they

please. They represent my demands to him under a false aspect, as Cardinal

Consalvi has done, and then the good Pope is roused up to say that he will

be killed rather than yield. Who thinks of killing him, _bon Dieu_? If he

will not take the course I wish, I will certainly deprive him of his

temporal power at Rome, but I shall always respect him as the head of the

Church. There is no necessity that the Pope should be sovereign of Rome.

The most holy Popes were not so. I shall secure him a good appanage of

three millions, upon which he can properly keep up his position; and I

shall place at Rome a king or a senator, and I shall divide his states

into so many duchies. In reality, the main point of the matter is, that I

wish the Pope to accede to the confederation; I expect him to be the

friend of my friends, and the enemy of my enemies. In fifteen days you

will be at Rome, and will peremptorily signify this to him." "Your Majesty

will permit me to repeat to him that which has been already said to him so

many times: that the Pope, being the common father of the faithful, cannot

separate himself from some to attach himself to others; and his ministry

being a ministry of peace, he cannot make war against anybody, nor declare

himself the enemy of any one whatever without failing in his duties and

compromising his sacred character." "But I do not claim at all that he

should make war against anybody. I wish him to shut his ports against the

English, and that he should not receive them into his states, and that not

being able to defend his ports and fortresses he should permit me to

defend them. Rest assured that at Rome they have lost their heads. They

have no longer there the great men of the time of Leo X. Ganganelli would

not have conducted himself in this style. I wish to be in safety in my own

house. The whole of Italy belongs to me by right of conquest. Let the Pope

do what I wish, and he will be recompensed for the past and for the

future. I only forewarn you that all must be completed before the 1st of

January: if the Pope will consent, he will lose nothing; if he will

refuse, then I shall take away his states. Excommunications are no longer

in fashion, and my soldiers will not refuse to march wherever I send them.

Call to mind Charles V., who kept the Pope prisoner, and who made him

recite prayers for him at Madrid. I shall take the same course if I am

brought to bay."

Mgr. Arezzo having asked for some prolongation of the delay: "Ah well! I

give you till February," replied the emperor; "but let everything be

finished before February." "And where will it be necessary to send the

ambassador of the Pope? to Berlin, to Warsaw, to St. Petersburg? Your

Majesty moves so quickly!" Napoleon began to laugh. "No, to Paris," said

he.

It was in fact at Paris, in the month of October, 1807, when the victory

of Friedland had delivered Russia, like Prussia, to the influence of

Napoleon, that the envoy of the Pope succeeded in obtaining an audience--

not of the emperor, but of Champagny, his new Minister of Foreign Affairs.

New difficulties had aggravated the bitterness of the relations between

France and Rome. Pius VII., however, had perceived that the requirements

of the emperor, so absolute in their harshness, would not yield to his

moderate and passive resistance. He had authorized his French

representative, the Cardinal de Bayanne, to make an important concession.

"The last demands of his Imperial Majesty," wrote Cardinal Casoni,

Minister of State, on the 14th of October, "are limited as regards the

English to the closure of the ports. The holy father has every reason to

think that his adherence ought to be limited to this closure; but if

anything else is required of him he will consent to it, provided that it

does not compel him to engage in actual war, and that it does not injure

the independence of the pontifical sovereignty. It will he desirable then

that your Eminence and the cardinal legate, to whom this despatch is

common, should be on your guard, to concert the explanation and import of

these words in order to satisfy his Imperial Majesty as the holy father

desires, but at the same time not to impose upon his Holiness an

obligation opposed to his duties and his honor."

This was a good deal to grant, and it curtailed considerably the formal

declarations of neutrality so often repeated by the court of Rome.

Napoleon required still more, and his secret thoughts were not in accord

with his public declarations. The obstacles to the free choice of an

ambassador; the requirements with regard to the full powers which were to

be conferred on Cardinal de Bayanne; the forcible hindrance to the journey

of the latter, arbitrarily detained at Milan; the systematic neglect of

his requests for an audience--clearly proved the decision taken to obtain

all or nothing--to subjugate or break the pontifical power. The last

offers of the Pope fully satisfied the demands of the emperor, as

expressed by Cardinal Fesch, Talleyrand, and Napoleon himself again and

again. Champagny declared that these concessions were no longer

sufficient. The Pope was to engage himself to make common cause with the

Emperor Napoleon, and to unite his land and sea forces with those of

France in all wars against England. The ports closed against the English;

the care of the ports of Ostia, Ancona, and Civita Vecchia confided to

France; 2000 men of the French troops maintained at Ancona at the cost of

the Holy See; and concessions without reserve on the subject of the number

of French cardinals, as of the consecration of Italian bishops--such were

the conditions of the convention presented to the Cardinal de Bayanne by

Champagny. A few other articles, treating of the spiritual power, and

which had been abandoned at the request of Cardinal Fesch, remained as a

menace suspended over the head of the negotiator, in case his submission

should not be sufficiently prompt and complete. General Lemarrois had

already taken possession of the duchy of Urbino, of the province of

Macerata, of Fermo, and Spoleto. The Cardinal de Bayanne was still

negotiating, but the order for his recall had been sent from Rome (9th of

November, 1807). "God and the world will do us justice against the

proceedings of the emperor, let them be what they may," wrote Pius VII.

The exactions of Champagny had heaped up a measure which was already

overflowing. In full Consistory, and without any hesitation on the part of

either Pope or cardinals, the proposals were unanimously rejected. "This

is the fruit of our journey to Paris, of our patience, of the forbearance

which has led us to make so many sacrifices, to suffer so many

humiliations. If such pretensions are persisted in, you must immediately

demand your passport, and come away." Such were the instructions sent on

the 2nd of December to the Cardinal de Bayanne by the holy father. The

orders sent by the emperor to his agents did not wait long for a response.

Already for some time past very considerable forces had been grouped to

the north and south of the pontifical states, under the orders of General

Miollis. Six thousand Frenchmen were destined for this expedition. A

Neapolitan column of 3000 men was to occupy Terracina. All the movements

of the troops had been carefully calculated and foreseen; the care of

watching over their execution was confided to Prince Eugène and the King

of Naples. The emperor wrote to Champagny on the 22nd of January, 1808:

"On the 25th of January the French army will be at Perugia; on the 3rd of

February it will be at Rome. The express, setting out on the 25th, will

arrive at Rome on the 1st of February, and will thus carry your orders to

Signer Alquier two days before the troops arrive. You ought to make known

to Signer Alquier that General Miollis, who commands my troops, and who

appears to be directing his course towards Naples, will stay at Rome and

take possession of the castle of St. Angelo. When Signer Alquier shall

become aware that the troops are at the gate of Rome, he shall present to

the Cardinal Secretary of State the subjoined note: 'The arrival of

General Miollis has for its aim the protection of the rearguard of the

army of Naples. On his way, he presents himself at Rome to give force to

the measures which the emperor has resolved on taking to purge this city

of the scoundrels to whom it has given asylum, and consequently to all the

enemies of France.' You will put in cipher in your despatch the following

paragraph: 'The intention of the emperor is to accustom by this note, and

by these proceedings, the people of Rome and the French troops to live

together, in order that if the court of Rome should continue to show

itself as insensate as it now is, it might insensibly cease to exist as a

temporal power without any notice being taken of it.' Nevertheless, whilst

desiring to avoid disturbance, and to leave things _in statu quo_, I am

prepared to take strong measures the first time the Pope indulges in any

bull or manifesto; for a decree shall be immediately published, revoking

the gift of Charlemagne, and reuniting the states of the Church to the

kingdom of Italy, furnishing proofs of the evils that religion has

suffered through the sovereignty of Rome, and making apparent the contrast

between Jesus Christ dying on the cross and His successor making himself a

king!"

It was not without a certain uneasiness that the emperor was preparing

thus to use violence against an unarmed sovereign, and historical decrees

were not the only arms on which he expected to rely. "The slightest

insurrection that may break out," wrote he to Prince Eugène (February 7th,

1808), "must be repressed with grape-shot, if necessary, and severe

examples must be made."

No insurrection broke out; the Pope and his followers had resolved upon

giving to the world a startling demonstration of the material

powerlessness of the Holy See in presence of brute force. Whilst General

Miollis was entering Rome, on February 2nd, 1808, at eight o'clock in the

morning, disarming the pontifical troops in order to seize upon the Castle

of St. Angelo, the Pope was officiating in the chapel of the Quirinal,

surrounded by the Sacred College. The palace was invested by the troops,

and cannon were pointed at the walls; the cardinals went forth without

tumult or protest. The French officers were not a little surprised to see

them get into their carriages and retire without letting any trace of

annoyance be visible on their countenances. [Footnote: Memoirs of Cardinal

Pacca.]

Only a protest by the holy father, conceived in the most moderate terms,

was affixed to the walls of Rome: "Not having been able to comply with all

the demands which have been made to him on the part of the French

Government, because the voice of his conscience and his sacred duties

forbade it, his Holiness Pius VII. has believed it his duty to submit to

the disastrous consequences with which he has been threatened as the

result of his refusal, and even the military occupation of his capital.

Resigned in the humility of his heart to the unsearchable judgments of

heaven, he commits his cause into the hands of God; but at the same time,

unwilling to fail in his essential obligations to guarantee the rights of

his sovereignty, he has given orders to protest, as he protests daily,

against every usurpation of his dominions, his will being that the rights

of the Holy See should be and remain always intact."

The times of supreme violence had not yet come, and the emperor himself

had not perhaps foreseen to what extremities he would be led, by the

aggression he had just committed, and the underhand struggle he had been

maintaining for three years against the conscientious will of an unarmed

old man. However, the habitual roughness of his arbitrary proceedings did

not fail to manifest themselves from the beginning. Champagny had been

ordered to declare to the Cardinal de Bayanne that the French soldiers

established at Rome would remain there until the Pope should have entered

into the Italian Confederation, and should have consented to make common

cause with the powers composing it, in every case and against all enemies.

"This condition is the _sine qua non_ of his Majesty's proposal. If the

Pope does not accept it, his Majesty will not know how to recognize his

temporal sovereignty. He has decided to transfer the power of Rome into

secular hands."

At the same time, and as a necessary commentary on these imperious

injunctions, the foreign cardinals in the pontifical states received

orders from Napoleon to quit Rome. The Neapolitan cardinals, to the number

of seven, had up to that time refused to take an oath to King Joseph. At

the first news of the measure which threatened them, the Pope ordered them

to remain near himself, "for the service of the Holy See;" they were

seized in their houses, and conducted to the frontiers of the kingdom of

Naples by gendarmes. On March 10th the same order was addressed by the

emperor to the vice-King of Italy for fourteen new members of the Sacred

College. "Let Litta return to Milan; let the Genoese return to Genoa, the

Italians to the kingdom of Italy, the Piedmontese to Piedmont, the

Neapolitans to Naples. This measure is to be executed by fair means or

foul. Since it is the cardinals who have lost the states of the Church by

their evil counsels, let them return every one to his own place." Cardinal

Casoni, till recently Secretary of State to the Pope, and Cardinal Doria

Pamphili, now officiating--the one born at Sarzana, the other a Genoese--

were prevented by this interdiction from living in the Roman States.

Alquier, the minister of France, was quietly recalled to Paris; a simple

secretary of legation remained at Rome to represent the diplomatic

service. General Miollis well seconded the intentions of the emperor with

regard to the Holy See. Against the advice of his counsellors, the Pope

sent to Cardinal Caprara an order to quit Paris. "Violence has been

resorted to," wrote Pius VII. to his easygoing legate, "even to laying

hands on four of our cardinals and conducting them to Naples in the midst

of an armed force; an excess which only requires the violation of our own

personal freedom for the scandal to be complete. We cannot, by the

residence of our representative with the French Government, give occasion

for thinking any longer that we are not deeply wounded by the persecution

we have been made to suffer, and the oppression manifested towards the

Holy See. Our intention is, then, if our capital is not without delay

evacuated by the French troops, that you should demand your passports, and

that you should set out with the Cardinal de Bayanne, our legate

extraordinary, in order to come and share with us and your brothers the

lot which is reserved for us."

I wished to tell in some detail the relations of Napoleon with the court

of Rome, because they clearly point out the first steps decidedly taken

along a path that grew more and more daring. Conquest had for a long time

borne its bitter fruits. Conquered sovereigns had submitted to the yoke

and to the haughty requirements of the conqueror; such was the absolute

right of victory, and those who suffered from it recognized a power which

in all time had belonged to the conqueror. The emperor henceforth went

much further than this; he did not confine himself to fighting,

conquering, and dispossessing those he had vanquished, and dividing their

spoils. He began at Rome to impose his arbitrary caprices upon a prince

who had never taken up arms against him. At the same time, and by a

manoeuvre concocted in the most masterly manner, and yet most inexcusable,

he was about to dethrone a king, his ally, humbly submissive to his power

and his exactions. The throne of Spain was the only one still occupied by

a prince of the house of Bourbon. Napoleon had resolved upon seating a

Bonaparte upon it. Already the troops destined for this enterprise were

quitting Paris, marching, without knowing it, towards long disasters.

Yielding to the irresistible impulses of absolute power without limits and

without a curb, Napoleon was led into having recourse to every description

of violence, and making use of every kind of perfidy. He wished to be

everywhere and always obeyed. For six years past no one had resisted his

will without being crushed; he was at last about to meet with a check--at

Rome, in the conscience of the Pope; in Spain, in the passions of an

aroused people.

The situation of Spain had for a long time been sad and wretched. Governed

by a favorite, whose crimes he ignored, King Charles IV. had abandoned

power into the hands of the Prince de la Paix. At his side, and in a

condition of suspicion which resembled captivity, the heir to the throne,

Ferdinand, Prince of Asturias, had become the idol of the people, as a

consequence of the scorn and aversion inspired by the favorite. The young

prince, weak and cunning, submissive in his turn to his old tutor, the

Canon Escoiquiz, was carrying on underhand intrigues with a few great

lords who were devoted to him. He had attached to himself Beauharnais, the

ambassador of France, an upright and sincere man, with no great political

penetration. The little council of the prince had thought themselves

capable of concluding an alliance between Ferdinand and the all-powerful

sovereign of France. On the 11th of October, 1807, the Prince of Asturias

sent by Beauharnais a letter addressed to the "hero who threw into the

shade all those who had preceded him;" Ferdinand solicited the hand of a

princess of the imperial house.

It was the moment of the negotiation of the treaty of Fontainebleau and

the anticipated partition of Portugal. On the same day on which the

signatures were exchanged (October 27th, 1807) the Prince of Asturias, for

a long time suspected of criminal intrigues, was arrested at Madrid, as

well as his accomplices. On the 29th, King Charles IV. wrote to the

emperor, in order to make him acquainted with the sad discovery which had

just wounded all his paternal sentiments. "I pray your Majesty," added the

unfortunate monarch, "to aid me with your knowledge and advice."

The troops that were to enter Spain were ready, and the first movement of

Napoleon was to march them forward immediately. The trouble existing in

the royal house afforded a ready excuse for an intervention entreated at

once by both father and son. The King of Spain himself invoked assistance.

The army of the Gironde was immediately reinforced and provisioned. A

second corps was already preparing, but the Prince de la Paix discovered

in the correspondence of Ferdinand the proof of his relations with

Beauharnais. He did not wish to compromise his principality of Algarve by

exciting the anger of Napoleon: the Prince of Asturias was exempted from

the law, and his pardon solemnly proclaimed in an official decree by

Charles IV. Only his accomplices were prosecuted, but the tribunals

acquitted them. Meanwhile the army of the Gironde, under General Dupont,

had entered Spain. The corps for watching the sea coasts, commanded by

Marshal Moncey, followed in the same direction. Other detachments seized

upon the fortresses of the frontiers. "On arriving at Pampeluna, General

Duhesme will take possession of the town," wrote the emperor to General

Clarke, Minister of War (January 28th, 1808), "and without making any show

he will occupy the citadel and the fortifications, treating the

commandants and the inhabitants with the greatest courtesy, making no

movement, and saying that he is expecting further orders."

The orders were not long in arriving; 100,000 men of the grand army were

effecting a backward movement, approaching France, and consequently Spain.

At the same time, Joachim Murat, the living hero of hazardous and doubtful

enterprises, had just been appointed general-in-chief of the armies in

Spain. His instructions were all military. "Do not disturb in any manner

the division of Duhesme," wrote the emperor to his lieutenant, on the 16th

of March, 1808; "leave that where it is. It guards Barcelona and holds

that province, and fulfils its purpose sufficiently. When the 3000 men of

the reinforcement who are about to rejoin this division, and who will be

at Barcelona towards the 5th or 6th of April, shall have arrived, it will

be another thing. Then he will have an army capable of carrying him

anywhere. At the moment when you receive this letter, the head of General

Verdier's corps will touch the borders of Spain, and General Merle ought

to find himself at Burgos. Continue to speak smooth words. Reassure the

king, the Prince de la Paix, the Prince of Asturias, and the queen. The

great thing is to arrive at Madrid, and there let your troops rest, and

replenish their stores of provisions. Say that I am soon coming in order

to reconcile and arrange matters; above all, do not commit any

hostilities, if it can possibly be helped. I hope that everything may be

arranged, and it would be dangerous to scare these folks too much."

Murat had conceived intoxicating hopes which did not tend to the

tranquillity of the Spanish court. He had asked for political

instructions, which were refused to him. "What I do not tell you is what

you ought not to know," wrote Napoleon to his lieutenant. Uneasiness and

fear reigned in the household of the king, under the outside show of

welcome lavished on the French soldiers. Already the Prince de la Paix was

preparing for the flight of the royal family. That which the house of

Braganza had done by setting out for Brazil, the house of Bourbon could do

by taking refuge in Peru. The departure of the court for Seville was

announced; it was the first step in a longer journey, of which the project

had not yet been revealed to Charles IV. The royal family were besides

profoundly divided. The Prince of Asturias swore that he would not quit

Aranjuez; his uncle Don Antonio supported him in resistance. A few of the

ministers were seemingly throwing off the yoke of the Prince de la Paix.

The Marquis of Caballero, the Minister of Justice, refused to sign the

orders necessary for the departure. "I command it," said the Prince de la

Paix imperiously. "I only receive orders from the king," said the Spanish

nobleman in a tone to which the favorite was not accustomed.

Meanwhile the population of Madrid, and the peasants in the environs of

Aranjuez, were stirred up by the reports of the departure which circulated

in the country; the preparations carried on by the confidants of the

Prince de la Paix, excited much anger and uneasiness. An agitated and

inquisitive crowd ceaselessly surrounded the palace, carefully watching

all the movements of the inmates: a proclamation of the King, promising

not to withdraw, did not suffice to allay suspicion. On the night of March

17th, a veiled lady came forth from the house of the Prince de la Paix to

a carriage which was waiting for her. The multitude thought they had

discovered a prelude to the departure; all hands were extended to stay the

fugitive. In the struggle a shot was fired; the crowd immediately rushed

forward, forcing the gates, and overturning the guards who protected the

palace of the favorite. In an instant his dwelling was pillaged, his art

treasures destroyed, his tapestries torn up and scattered to the winds. We

have been witnesses of the sorrowful results of popular fury. The Princess

de la Paix alone, trembling for her life in the palace where her just

pride had so often suffered, was spared by the vengeance of the multitude;

they brought her in triumph to the house of the king. "Behold innocence!"

cried the people. The Prince de la Paix had disappeared.

They were seeking for him thirty-six hours, and the anxiety of the king

and queen was becoming insupportable; both loudly demanded their favorite.

With a view of turning away the anger of the people from his head, Charles

IV. issued an edict depriving Emanuel Godoy, Prince de la Paix, of all his

offices and dignities, and authorizing him to choose for himself the place

of his retreat. The favorite had more correctly estimated the hatred

excited against himself; he had sought no other retreat than a loft in his

palace. There, rolled up in a mat, with a few pieces of gold in his hands,

he waited for the moment to take his flight. On March 19th, at ten o'clock

in the morning; as he attempted to escape secretly, he was perceived by a

soldier of that guard to which he had formerly belonged; immediately

arrested, he was dragged to a guard-house. When he at length reached this

sad refuge he was bruised and bleeding, from the blows showered upon him

by all those who could reach him through the crowding ranks of the

multitude and the barriers formed by the soldiers. At the barracks where

the Prince de la Paix lay on the straw, the Prince of Asturias came to

seek him out in the name of his parents, and to promise him his life. "Art

thou already king, that thou canst thus dispense pardon?" asked Godoy,

with a bitter perception of the change which had been effected in the

position of the prince as in his own. "No," replied Ferdinand, "but I soon

shall be."

The royal uneasiness did not permit them long to leave the favorite in a

guard-house, a prey to the insults and ill-usage of the populace; the king

and queen remained obstinately faithful to their friend. A coach was got

ready to take him away to a place of safety; as soon as it appeared, the

people threw themselves upon the carriage and broke it up. When the noise

reached the palace the old king burst into tears: "My people no longer

love me!" cried he; "I will no longer reign over them. I shall abdicate in

favor of my son." The queen's mind was occupied with no other thought than

the safety of Godoy; she thought it assured by this renunciation of the

throne, and willingly set her hands to it. The act of abdication was

immediately made public, and saluted, at Madrid as at Aranjuez, by the

transports of the multitude. Henceforth King Ferdinand VII. was alone

surrounded by the courtiers; his aged father remained abandoned in the

palace of Aranjuez. Murat was already approaching Madrid, and all eyes

were turned towards him as towards the forerunner of the supreme arbiter.

Ferdinand VII. hastened to send emissaries to him. The Queen of Etruria,

who had only just reached her parents, wrote to him conjuring him to come

to Aranjuez, to judge for himself of the situation. On March 25th, 1808,

the French army made its entry into the capital.

The popular insurrection which had overthrown the Prince de la Paix and

provoked the abdication of Charles IV., had thwarted the plans of Napoleon

so far as his lieutenant was able to divine them. The flight of the royal

family would have left the throne of Spain vacant, and Murat had cherished

the hope of posing as a liberator of the Spanish nation, delivered from

the yoke so long imposed on it by a miserable favorite. In the presence of

a new and popular royalty, born of a patriotic sentiment, Murat

comprehended for the first time the necessity of reserve and prudence. The

distrust of the new monarch as regards fallen royalty, the anger and ill-

will of the parents as regards the son who had dethroned them, were to

bring both parties before the powerful protector who had been wise enough

beforehand to effect a military occupation of their country. It was

important to remain free, and to prepare for war with King Ferdinand VII.

The popular passion naturally offered a point of support against Charles

IV., his wife, and his favorite. Montyon, aide-de-camp to Murat, repaired

to Aranjuez, counselling the old king to draw up a protest against the

violence of which he had been the victim. Until then, the queen in the

letters which she had addressed to Napoleon and to Murat, had only asked

for a place in which to lay her head: "Let the grand duke prevail upon the

emperor to give to the king my husband, to myself, and to the Prince de la

Paix, sufficient for all three to subsist upon in a place good for our

health, free from oppression or intrigues." At the instigation of Murat,

and not without some hesitation, Charles IV. declared that he had only

abdicated in order to avoid greater evils, and to prevent the effusion of

the blood of his subjects, "which rendered the act null and of no effect."

Murat at the same time made use of the friendship and confidence which had

long existed between Beauharnais and Ferdinand VII., to suggest to this

prince the idea of presenting himself before the emperor and asking

sanction for his royal authority. The Spanish troops received orders to

effect a retrograde movement, and the new monarch solemnly entered into

Madrid on the 24th of March, amidst impassioned cries of joy from the

populace.

The lieutenant had well divined the idea of the imperious master from whom

he was separated by a distance that perilously retarded his orders. The

emperor had heard the news of the royal departure for Seville and for

America. He had written, on March 23rd, the same day upon which Murat had

watered Madrid in the footprints of the revolutions: "I suppose I am about

to receive the news of all that will have taken place at Madrid on the

17th and 18th of March." Unforeseen events having occurred, he wrote to

Murat on the 27th: "You are to prevent any harm from being done, either to

the king or queen or to the Prince de la Paix. If the latter is brought to

trial, I imagine that I shall be consulted. You are to tell M. de

Beauharnais that I desire him to intervene, and that this affair should be

hushed up. Until the new king is recognized by me you are to act as if the

old king was still reigning; on that point you are to await my orders. As

I have already commanded you, maintain good order at Madrid; prevent any

extraordinary warlike preparations. Employ M. de Beauharnais in all this

until my arrival, which you are to declare to be imminent. You are always

saying that you have no instructions; I give you them every time; I tell

you to keep your troops well rested, to replenish your commissariat, and

not to prejudice the question in any way. It seems to me that you have no

need to know anything more."

The political instructions were to reach Murat through the agency of

General Savary, often charged by the emperor with delicate missions

requiring absolute and unscrupulous devotion. On seizing by stratagem the

fortress of Pampeluna, General Darmagnac had frankly said, "This is dirty

work." General Savary obeyed without reserve, always absorbed in the

enterprise confided to him, and never letting himself be turned aside by

any obstacle. The emperor wrote on the 30th of March to the Grand Duke of

Berg:--

"I received your letters with those of the King of Spain. Snatch the

Prince de la Paix from the hands of these people. My intention is that no

harm shall be done to him, since he is two leagues from Madrid and almost

in your reach; I shall be much vexed to hear that any evil has happened to

him.

"The king says that he will repair to your camp; I wait to know that he is

in safety, in order to make known to you my intentions. You have done

well in not recognizing the Prince of Asturias.

"You are to place King Charles IV. at the Escurial, to treat him with the

greatest respect, to declare that he continues always to rule in Spain,

until I shall have recognized the revolution.

"I strongly approve your conduct in these unforeseen circumstances. I

suppose you will not have allowed the Prince de la Paix to perish, and

that you will not have permitted King Charles to go Badajoz. If he is

still in your hands, you must dissemble with Beauharnais, and say that you

cannot recognize the Prince of Asturias, whom I have not recognized; that

it is necessary to let King Charles come to the Escurial; that the first

thing I shall require on my arrival will be to see him. Take all measures

not to have his life in jeopardy. I hope the position in which you find

yourself will have led you to adopt a sound policy."

On the 27th of March, three days before ordering Murat to hold the balance

suspended between father and son, Napoleon had written to the King of

Holland, Louis Bonaparte: "My brother, the King of Spain has just

abdicated; the Prince de la Paix has been thrown into prison. The

commencement of an insurrection has broken forth at Madrid. On that

occasion my troops were forty leagues away from Madrid. The Grand Duke of

Berg was to enter on the 23rd with 40,000 men. Up to this time the people

loudly call for me. Certain that I should have no solid peace with England

except by effecting a great change on the continent, I have resolved to

place a French prince upon the throne of Spain. The climate of Holland

does not suit you. Besides, Holland would never know how to emerge from

its ruins. In this whirlwind of the world, whether we have peace or not,

there are no means by which Holland can sustain herself. In this state of

things, I think of you for the throne of Spain. You will be the sovereign

of a generous nation, of 11,000,000 of men, and of important colonies.

With economy and activity, Spain could have 60,000 men under arms and

fifty vessels in her ports. You perceive that this is still only a

project, and that, although I have 100,000 men in Spain, it is possible,

according to the circumstances that may arise, either that I may march

directly, and that all may be accomplished in a fortnight, or that I may

march more slowly, and that this may be a secret during several months of

operations. Answer me categorically. If I appoint you King of Spain, do

you agree? Can I count upon you? Answer me only these two words: 'I have

received your letter of such date; I answer Yes;' and then I shall

conclude that you will do what I wish; or, otherwise, 'No,' which will

give me to understand that you do not agree to my proposition. Do not take

anyone into your confidence, and do not speak to anyone whatever as to the

purport of this letter, for a thing must be done before we confess to

having thought of it."

Full of these resolves, which he had not yet completely revealed to his

most intimate confidants, the emperor quitted Paris on the 2nd of April.

He was expected in Spain, and he had announced his arrival over and over

again, but his purpose was not to push forward his journey so far.

Already, at the instigation of General Savary, who knowingly seconded the

advice innocently given by Beauharnais, the new king had resolved upon

presenting himself before Napoleon. The latter was equally expecting the

arrival of the Prince de la Paix, the bearer of messages from the king,

Charles IV., and the queen. The emperor had written on his behalf to

Marshal Bessières, recommending him to protect the progress of the

formerly all-powerful favorite. "I have not to complain of him in any

way," said he; "he is only sent into France for his safety; reassure him

by all means." The counsellors of Ferdinand VII. refused to allow the

Prince de la Paix to set out; he was regarded as a hostage. The young king

had vainly solicited from his father a letter of introduction to Napoleon.

"In this letter," said he, "you will felicitate the emperor on his

arrival, and you bear witness that I have the same sentiments with regard

to him that you have always shown." Anger and distrust remained very

powerful in the little court of Aranjuez. Ferdinand VII. set out on the

10th of April, accompanied by General Savary, who lavished upon him the

royal titles rigorously refused by Murat. The emperor had given similar

instructions to Bessières. "Without entering into the political question,

on those occasions on which you will be compelled to speak of the Prince

of Asturias do not call him Ferdinand VII.; evade the difficulty by

calling those who rule at Madrid the government." A junta, or Council of

State, had been formed at Madrid, under the presidency of the Infanta Don

Antonio, in order to direct affairs in the absence of the new monarch. The

latter had already arrived at Burgos.

Napoleon had not yet passed Bordeaux, where he remained a few days,

designedly vying in delay with the Spanish court. He wrote on the 10th of

April to Murat: "If the Prince of Asturias presents himself at Burgos and

at Bayonne, he will have kept his word. When the end that I propose to

myself, and with which Savary will have made you acquainted, is

accomplished, you will be able to declare verbally and in all

conversations that my intention is not only to preserve the integrity of

the provinces and the independence of the country, but also the privileges

of all classes, and that I will pledge myself to do that; that I am

desirous of seeing Spain happy, and in such circumstances that I may never

see it an object of dread to France. Those who wish for a liberal

government and the regeneration of Spain will find them in my plan; those

who fear the return of the queen and the Prince de la Paix may be

reassured, since those individuals will have no influence and no credit.

The nobles who wish for consideration and honors which they did not have

in the past administration, will find them. Good Spaniards who wish for

tranquillity and a wise administration, will find these advantages in a

system which will maintain the integrity and independence of the Spanish

monarchy."

Perhaps some provision of the _system_ that the Emperor Napoleon was

projecting had crossed the mind of Ferdinand VII. and of his counsellors;

perhaps the Spanish pride was wounded by the little eagerness to set foot

in Spain shown by the all-powerful sovereign of the French. Certain it is

that General Savary, who had had much difficulty in persuading Ferdinand

VII. to decide on pursuing his journey beyond Burgos, failed in his

efforts to induce him to quit Vittoria. The behavior of the general became

rude and haughty. "I set out for Bayonne," said he; "you will have

occasion to regret your decision." Napoleon arrived, in fact, at Bayonne a

few hours after his envoy.

Two days later General Savary retook the road to Vittoria, $he bearer of a

letter from the emperor for the _Prince of Asturias_.

"My brother, I have received the letter of your Royal Highness. You ought

to have found proof, by the papers which you have had from the king your

father, of the interest I have always taken in him. You will permit me,

under the circumstances, to speak to you freely and faithfully. On

arriving at Madrid I was hoping to induce my illustrious friend to accept

a few reforms necessary in his states, and to give some satisfaction to

public opinion. The dismissal of the Prince de la Paix appeared to me

necessary for his happiness and that of his subjects. The affairs of the

north have retarded my journey. The events of Aranjuez have taken place. I

am not the judge of what has passed, and of the conduct of the Prince de

la Paix; but I know well that it is dangerous for kings to accustom their

people to shed blood and do justice for themselves. I pray God that your

Royal Highness may not one day have to make the experiment. How could you

bring the Prince de la Paix to trial without including with him the queen,

and your father the king? He has no longer any friends. Your Royal

Highness will have none if ever you are unfortunate. The people willingly

avenge themselves for the honor they render to us. I have often manifested

a desire that the Prince de la Paix should be withdrawn from affairs; the

friendship of King Charles has as often induced me to hold my tongue and

turn away my eyes from the weakness of his attachment. Miserable men that

we are! feebleness and error are our mottoes. But all this can be set

right. Let the Prince de la Paix be exiled from Spain, and I will offer

him a refuge in France. As to the abdication of Charles IV., it took place

at a moment when my armies covered Spain, and in the eyes of Europe and of

posterity I should appear to have despatched so many troops only to

precipitate from the throne my ally and friend. As a neighboring sovereign

it is permitted me to wish to become fully acquainted with this abdication

before recognizing it. I say to your Royal Highness, to the Spaniards, to

the entire world, If the abdication of King Charles is a spontaneous

movement, if it has not been forced upon him by the insurrection and the

mob of Aranjuez, I make no difficulty about admitting it, and I recognize

your Royal Highness as King of Spain. I desire then to talk with you on

this point. When King Charles informed me of the occurrence of October

last I was sorrowfully affected by it.

"Your Royal Highness has been much in the wrong: I did not require as a

proof of it the letter you wrote to me, and which I have always wished to

ignore. Should you be a king in your turn you would know how sacred are

the rights of the throne; any application to a foreign sovereign on the

part of an hereditary prince is criminal. As regards the marriage of a

French princess with your Royal Highness, I hold it would be conformable

to the interests of my people, and above all a circumstance which would

attach me by new bonds to a family that has won nothing but praises from

me since I ascended the throne. Your Royal Highness ought to mistrust the

outbreaks of popular emotions; they may be able to commit a few murders on

my isolated soldiers, but the ruin of Spain would be the result of it.

Your Highness understands my thoughts fully; you see that I am floating

between diverse ideas, that require to be fixed. You may be certain that

in any case I shall comport myself towards you as towards the king your

father."

On receiving this letter, by turns menacing and caressing, and on

listening to the commentaries with which General Savary accompanied it,

the prince and his followers still hesitated to advance beyond the

frontiers. The repugnance manifested by the population became every day

more intense. Urquijo, one of the oldest and wisest counsellors of King

Charles IV., insisted upon the advantages that Napoleon would realize by

counterbalancing the claims of the son by those of the father, and by thus

placing the peninsula under the laws of the general system of the French

Empire. He asserted that the intention was already apparent under the

words used, official and private, and that Ferdinand would lose himself,

and lose Spain, in repairing to Bayonne. "What!" cried the Duc de

l'Infantado, for a long time an accomplice in all the intrigues of the

Prince of Asturias, "what! would a hero surrounded with so much glory

descend to the basest of perfidies?" "You do not understand heroes,"

replied Urquijo, bitterly. "You have not read Plutarch. The greatest

amongst them have raised their greatness upon heaps of corpses. What did

our own Charles V. do in Germany and Italy, and in Spain itself? I do not

go back to the most wicked of our princes. Posterity takes no account of

means."

This counsel was too prudent and wise to prevail with minds at once

headstrong and feeble. Ferdinand resolved to trust to the hopes that

Napoleon caused to gleam before his eyes; he knew not that his retreat was

cut off. "If the prince comes to Bayonne," the emperor had written to

Marshal Bessières, "it is very well; if he retires to Burgos, you will

have him arrested, and conducted to Bayonne. You will inform the Grand

Duke of Berg of this occurrence; and you will make it known at Burgos that

King Charles has protested, and that the Prince of Asturias is not king.

If he refuses the interview that I propose, it is a sign of his belonging

to the English party, and then there will be nothing more to arrange." On

the 20th of April the prince and his suite crossed the little river of the

Bidassoa. As he was leaving Vittoria, the crowd assembled in the streets

became violent, and cut the traces of the horses. In order to avoid a

popular riot, the squadrons of the imperial guard had to surround the

carriage of the prince; he set out from his states as if already a

prisoner.

It was as a suppliant that he arrived at Bayonne, and the sorrowful

impression he had experienced on passing the frontier increased as he drew

nigh to the end of his journey. There was no one on his road to meet him

or compliment him, save the three Spanish noblemen whom he had himself

sent to Napoleon, and who returned to their prince troubled with the

gloomiest presentiments. Marshals Duroc and Berthier received him,

however, with courtesy when he arrived at Bayonne, and the emperor soon

had him brought to the chateau of Marac, in which he himself was

installed. Carrying out his previous declaration, Napoleon would give to

his visitor no other title than that of Prince of Asturias. At the end of

the day, General Savary escorted Ferdinand to his apartment; the emperor

kept beside himself Canon Escoiquiz.

The hour for revelations had arrived. Napoleon took the trouble to develop

to the canon preceptor his reasons for depriving the house of Bourbon of

the throne, and for placing upon it a prince of the Bonaparte family. "I

will give Etruria to Prince Ferdinand in exchange," said he; "it is a fine

country; he will be happy and tranquil. The populace will perhaps rebel on

a few points, but I have on my side religion and the monks. I have had

experience of it, and the countries where there are plenty of monks are

easy to subjugate."

Napoleon paced to and fro in his room, sometimes stopping in front of the

canon, whom he terrified by his flashing glances and by the extreme

animation of his language, sometimes according to him one of those

familiar and waggish gestures which were the signs of his favor. The

unfortunate Escoiquiz sought in vain to defend the cause of his prince,

making the most of his merits and his personal attachment to the emperor,

and pledging his submission if he became sovereign of Spain and an ally of

the imperial family. "You are telling me stories, canon," replied

Napoleon. "You are too well informed to be ignorant of the fact that a

woman is too feeble a bond to determine the political conduct of a prince:

and who will guarantee that you will be near him in six months' time. All

this is only bad politics. Your Bourbons have never served me except

against their will. They have always been ready to betray me. A brother

will be worth more to me, whatever you say about it. The regeneration of

Spain is impossible in their hands; they will be always, in spite of

themselves, the support of ancient abuses. My part is decided on; the

revolution must be accomplished. Spain will not lose a village, and I have

taken my precautions as to the colonies. Let your prince decide before the

arrival of King Charles relative to the exchange of his rights against

Tuscany. If he accepts, the treaty will be concluded; if he refuses, it is

of little consequence, for I shall obtain from his father the cession that

I require, Tuscany will remain in possession of France, and his royal

highness will receive no indemnity."

The canon covered his face with his hands. "Alas!" cried he, "what will be

said of us who counselled our prince to come hither?" The emperor again

reassured him. "Do not annoy yourself, canon," said he; "neither you nor

the others have any cause to afflict yourselves. You could not divine my

intentions, for nobody was acquainted with them. Go and find your prince."

General Savary displayed less eloquence and power of persuasion in

announcing to the unfortunate Ferdinand the intentions of the emperor,

whom he had on his part so adroitly served. The prince was utterly

astounded when his old preceptor entered his room. The intimate

counsellors were convoked; they persisted in seeing in the declaration of

Napoleon a daring manoeuvre intended to terrify the house of Spain into

some important cession of territory. The prince formally refused to accept

the kingdom of Etruria; he maintained that the rights of the crown of

Spain were unalienable; he possessed them by consent of his father Charles

IV., who alone could dispute the throne with him. Two negotiators were

successively commissioned to carry this reply to Champagny, the Minister

for Foreign Affairs.

The latter had just drawn up a report for the emperor, deciding upon

taking possession of Spain. "We must recommence the work of Louis XIV.,"

it said. "That which policy counsels, justice authorizes. The present

circumstances do not permit your Majesty to refrain from intervention in

the affairs of this kingdom. The King of Spain has been precipitated from

his throne. Your Majesty is called upon to judge between the father and

son: which part will you take? Would you sacrifice the cause of sovereigns

and of all fathers, and permit an outrage to be done to the majesty of the

throne? Would you leave upon the throne of Spain a prince who will not be

able to preserve himself from the yoke of the English, so that your

Majesty will have constantly to maintain a large army in Spain? If, on the

contrary, your Majesty is determined to replace Charles IV. on the throne,

you know that it could not be done without having to overcome great

resistance, nor without causing French blood to flow. Lastly, could your

Majesty, taking no interest in these great differences, abandon the

Spanish nation to its doom, when already a violent fermentation is

agitating it, and England is sowing there the seeds of trouble and

anarchy? Ought your Majesty then to leave this new prey to be devoured by

the English? Certainly not. Thus your Majesty, compelled to undertake the

regeneration of Spain, in a manner useful for her and useful for France,

ought neither to re-establish at the price of much blood a dethroned king,

nor to sanction the revolt of his son, nor to abandon Spain to itself; for

in these two last cases it would be to deliver it to the English, who by

their gold and their intrigues have succeeded in tearing and rending this

country, and thus you would assure their triumph.

"I have set forth to your Majesty the circumstances which compel you to

come to a great determination. Policy counsels it, justice authorizes it,

the troubles of Spain impose it as a necessity. Your Majesty has to

provide for the safety of your empire, and save Spain from the influence

of the English."

Even the most resolute and scrupulous men love to be bolstered up with

words, and to surround themselves with vain pretexts. The Emperor

Napoleon, resolved on robbing the house of Bourbon of a throne which had

become suspected by him, had asked from Champagny an explanatory memoir,

and took care to pose as an arbitrator between King Charles IV. and his

son, in order to cover his perfidy with a mantle of distributive justice.

He had already apprised Murat of his desire to see the old sovereign of

Spain before him; the request of Charles IV. and his queen forestalled

this proposal. The lieutenant-general had at last snatched away the Prince

de la Paix from the hands which detained him. The favorite had taken

refuge under the wing of Murat, in the most pitiable condition. "The

Prince de la Paix arrives this evening," wrote Napoleon to Talleyrand on

the 25th of April; "he has been for a month between life and death, always

menaced with the latter. Would you believe it that, in this interval, he

has never changed his shirt, and has a beard seven inches long? The most

absurd calumnies have been laid to his charge. Cause articles to be

written, not justifying the Prince de la Paix, but depicting in characters

of fire the evils of popular insurrections, and drawing forth pity for

this unfortunate man. It will be as well for him not to delay his arrival

in Paris." On the 1st of May, after the arrival of the entire royal

family: "The Prince de la Paix is here. King Charles is a brave man. I

know not whether it is his position or circumstances, but he has the air

of a frank and good patriarch. The queen has her heart and history on her

countenance; that is enough to say to you; it surpasses everything that it

is permitted to imagine. The Prince de la Paix has the air of a bull. He

is beginning to feel himself again; he has been treated with unexampled

barbarity. It will be well for him to be discharged from all false

imputations, but it will be necessary to leave him covered by a slight

touch of contempt.

"The Prince of Asturias is very stupid, very evilly disposed, very much

the enemy of the French. You readily perceive that with my practice in

managing men his experience of twenty-four years has not been able to

impose upon me; and this is so evident to me, that it would take a long

war to bring me to recognize him as King of Spain. Moreover, I have had it

notified to him that I ought not to hold communications with him, King

Charles being upon my frontiers. I have consequently had his couriers

arrested. One of them was the bearer of a letter to Don Antonio: 'I

forewarn you that the emperor has in his hands a letter from Maria Louisa

(the Queen of Etruria, his sister), which states that the abdication of my

father was forced. Act as if you did not know this, but conduct yourself

accordingly, and strive to prevent these accursed Frenchmen from gaining

any advantage by their wickedness.'" All the correspondence of the Prince

of Asturias passed under the eyes of Napoleon.

On their arrival at Bayonne on the 30th of April, King Charles IV. and his

queen were received with all royal honors. The emperor had himself

regulated the ceremonial. "All who are here, even the Infantado and

Escoiquiz, came to kiss the hand of the king and queen, kneeling," wrote

Napoleon to Murat on May 1st. "This scene roused the indignation of the

king and queen, who all the time regarded them with contempt. They

proceeded to their apartments ushered by Marshal Duroc, when the two

princes wished to follow them; but the king turning towards them, thus

addressed them: 'Princes, you have covered my gray hairs with shame and

sorrow; you come to add derision also. Depart, that I may never see you

again.' Since this occurrence the princes appear considerably stunned and

astonished. I know not yet upon what they have resolved."

On arriving at the gate of the chateau of Marac the old king, Charles IV.,

fell weeping into the arms of Napoleon. "Lean upon me," said the emperor;

"I have strength enough for both." "I know it well!" replied Charles: it

was the genuine expression of his thoughts. The Prince de la Paix was not

long in coming to the conclusion that all hope of his master's restoration

was lost. Repose, with an ample competency, was promised to him; Napoleon

also enabled him to get a taste of the pleasure of vengeance. Charles IV.

had given command to his son, requiring from him a pure and simple

renunciation of the crown which he had usurped: the prince peremptorily

refused. The old king rose up with difficulty, brandishing his cane above

his head: "I will have you treated like the rebel emigrants," cried he,

"as an unnatural son who wished to snatch away my life and my crown." They

had to restrict themselves to written communications. A letter from

Charles IV. reclaimed the crown, and presented to his son's notice a

mournful picture of his proceedings. "I have had recourse to the Emperor

of the French," said he, "no longer as a king, at the head of his army and

surrounded with the splendor of a throne, but as an unfortunate and

forsaken monarch. I have found protection and refuge in the midst of his

camp. I owe him my life and that of my queen and of my First Minister. All

now depends on the mediation and protection of this great prince. I have

reigned for the happiness of my subjects; I do not wish to bequeath them

civil war, rebellions, and the popular assemblies of revolution.

Everything ought to be done for the people, and nothing for one's self.

All my life I have sacrificed myself for my people; and it is not at the

age at which I have now arrived that I should do anything contrary to

their religion, their tranquillity, and their happiness. When I shall be

assured that the religion of Spain, the integrity of my provinces, their

independence and their privileges, will be maintained, I shall descend

into the tomb pardoning you the bitterness of my last years."

The king had already invested Murat with supreme power in the capacity of

Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom. Ferdinand continually resisted--

proposing, indeed, to make an act of renunciation, but only at Madrid, in

presence of the Cortes, and under the condition that the king, Charles

IV., should himself resume possession of the throne. The preliminary

negotiations became each day more bitter. Napoleon pursued his aim without

disturbing himself at the refusals of the prince, who, however, provoked

in him some ill-humor. He had by a single stroke destroyed the illusions

and hopes of Murat by writing to him on the 2nd of May, "I intend the King

of Naples to reign at Madrid. I wish to give you the kingdom of Naples, or

that of Portugal. Answer me immediately what you think of it, for it is

necessary for this to be done in a day." The very day on which Napoleon

thus inflicted on his brother-in-law a stroke for which Murat never

consoled himself, the insurrection which broke out at Madrid rendered

impossible the elevation to the throne of Spain of the man whose duty it

was so roughly to repress it. For a fortnight the excitement in the

capital had been intense, carefully kept up by the reports which Ferdinand

and his friends found the means of freely spreading amongst the

population. An order had been sent to Murat to make all those princes of

the royal house who were still at Madrid set out for Bayonne; when the

Junta had been induced with great difficulty to give its consent to this

measure, the populace opposed the departure. A certain number of soldiers

were massacred, an aide-de-camp of Murat escaping by a miracle from the

popular anger. The troops had for a long time been posted as a precaution

against an insurrection, and all the streets were soon swept by charges of

cavalry; cannon resounded in all directions. The Spanish troops, consigned

to their quarters, only took part in the struggle at one point; a company

of artillery gave up its pieces to the people. When the insurrection was

suppressed a hundred insurgents were shot without any form of trial.

This was, in the capital, the last and feeble effort of a resistance which

had not yet had time to become a patriotic passion. Henceforth Murat felt

himself master of Madrid; he became President of the Junta. Don Antonio

had accompanied to Bayonne his nephew, François de Paule, and his niece,

the Queen of Etruria.

"Your Majesty has nothing more to do than to designate the king whom you

destine for Spain," mournfully wrote the lieutenant-general on the morning

of the 3rd; "this king will reign without obstacle." But lately he had

repeated this proposal, heard on several occasions amongst the inhabitants

of Madrid: "Let us run to the house of the Grand Duc de Berg, and proclaim

him king."

The news of the insurrection of Madrid precipitated at Bayonne the

_denoûment_ of the tragi-comedy in which for several days the illustrious

actors had been playing their parts. The emperor feigned great anger, and

the terror of the old Spanish sovereigns was real.

"It is thou who art the cause of all this!" cried the king, Charles IV.,

violently apostrophizing his son. "Thou hast caused the blood of our

subjects and of our allies to flow, in order to hasten by a few days the

moment of bearing a crown too heavy for thee. Restore it to him who can

sustain it." The prince remained taciturn and sombre, limiting himself to

protesting his innocence. His mother threw herself upon him. "Thou hast

always been a bad son," she cried with violence; "thou hast wished to

dethrone thy father, to cause thy mother's death; and thou art standing

there before us insensible, without replying either to us or to our friend

the great Napoleon: speak, justify thyself, if thou canst." The emperor,

who was present at this sorrowful scene, intervened: "If between this and

midnight you have not recognized your father as the lawful king, and have

not sent word to Madrid to that effect, you shall be treated as a rebel."

This was too much for the courage of Ferdinand; he was in the hands of an

irritated master, who had drawn him and his into a snare which was at this

time impossible to be broken through. Weakness and cowardice in the

present did not forbid far-off hopes; the prince yielded, counting on the

future. "For any one who can see it, his character is depicted by a single

word," Napoleon had said; "he is a sneak."

The treaty was concluded the same evening, through the mediation of the

Prince de la Paix. King Charles IV., recognizing that he and his family

were incapable of assuring the repose of Spain, of which he was the sole

lawful sovereign, surrendered the crown to the Emperor of the French, for

him to dispose of it at his will. Spain and her colonies were to form an

independent state. The Catholic religion was to remain dominant, to the

exclusion of all others. King Charles IV. was to enjoy during life the

castle and forest of Compiègne; the castle of Chambord was to belong to

him in perpetuity; a civil list of 7,500,000 francs was assured to him

from the French Treasury. A particular convention accorded the absolute

property of the castle of Navarre to Prince Ferdinand, with a revenue of

1,000,000 francs, and 400,000 livres income for each of the Infantas. When

the emperor notified to Count Mollien, then Minister of the Treasury, the

tenor of the treaty, he added: "That will make 10,000,000. All these sums

will be reimbursed by Spain." The Spanish nation was to pay for the fall

of its dynasty and the pacific conquest upon which Napoleon counted. She

reserved for him another price for his perfidious manoeuvres.

Already the Spanish princes were on the way to their retreats. Compiègne

and Navarre not being ready for their reception, the old king was to

inhabit Fontainebleau provisionally. The emperor ordered Talleyrand to

receive the Infantas at Valençay, thus confiding to his vice-grand-elector

the honorable functions of a jailer. "I desire," he wrote to him on the

9th of May, "that the princes may be received with no external ceremony,

but with respect and care, and that you do everything possible to amuse

them. Be on Monday evening at Valençay. If you have a theatre there, and

could get a few comedians to come, it would not be a bad idea; you might

bring Madame de Talleyrand there, with four or five ladies. I have the

greatest interest in the Prince of Asturias being prevented from taking

any false steps. I desire, then, that he may be amused and occupied. Harsh

policy would lead one to put him in the Bicêtre, or in some strong castle;

but as he has thrown himself into my arms, and has promised me to do

nothing without my orders, and as all goes on in Spain as I desire, I have

decided to send him into a country place, surrounding him at the same time

with pleasures and keeping him under strict surveillance. Let this last

during the month of May and part of June; the affairs of Spain will have

taken a turn, and I shall then see what part I shall take.

"As to you, your mission is honorable enough; to receive at your house

these three illustrious personages, in order to amuse them, is altogether

worthy of the nation and of your rank."

The captivity of the Spanish princes was to be much longer and less

cheerful than the Emperor Napoleon was depicting it beforehand. He had

already provided for the government of Spain. Sorrowfully and with great

difficulty, Murat had prevailed upon the Grand Council of Castile and the

Indies to indicate a preference for the King of Naples. The Junta had

absolutely refused to take part in any manifestations of this nature. On

the 10th of May, Napoleon wrote to King Joseph, "King Charles, by the

treaty I have made with him, cedes to me all the rights of the crown of

Spain. The nation, through the medium of the Supreme Council of Castile,

asks from me a king. It is for you that I destine this crown. Spain is not

like the kingdom of Naples: it has 11,000,000 of inhabitants, more than a

hundred and fifty millions of revenue, without counting the immense

revenues and possessions of all the Americas. It is, besides, a crown

which places you at Madrid, within three days of France, which entirely

covers one of its frontiers. At Madrid you are in France; Naples is at the

end of the world. I desire, then, that immediately you have received this

letter you should confide the regency to whoever you will, and the command

of the troops to Marshal Jourdan, and that you should set out for Bayonne

by way of Turin, Mont Cenis, and Lyons. You will receive this letter on

the 19th, you will set out on the 20th, and you will be here on the 1st of

June. Withal, keep the matter secret; people will perhaps suspect

something, but you can say that you have to go to Upper Italy in order to

confer with me on important affairs."

Napoleon had said, the moment when he concluded the treaty which deprived

the house of Bourbon of its last throne, "What I am doing is not well in a

certain point of view, I know. But policy demands that I should not leave

in my rear, so near Paris, a dynasty inimical to my own."

Justice and right possess lights of which the cleverest framers of human

politics are at times ignorant. The Emperor Napoleon descended several

steps towards his fall when he abused his power as regards Pope Pius VII.,

and used odious means to dethrone the feeble and ignorant princes who were

ruling over Spain. Very slippery are the roads of universal power; in the

steps of its master, France was rushing to disaster.