Thus, it sufficiently appears from an examination of particulars, that

there exists no evidence that any canonical book of the Old Testament

has been lost. To which we may add, that there are many general

considerations of great weight which go to prove that no part of the

Scriptures of the Old Testament has been lost. The translation of these

books into Greek is sufficient to show that the same books existed

nearly two hundred years before the advent of Christ. And, above all,

the unqualified testimony to the Scriptures of the Old Testament, by

Christ and his Apostles, ought to satisfy us that we have lost none of

the inspired books of the canon. The Scriptures are constantly referred

to, and quoted as infallible authority by them, as we have before shown.

These oracles were committed to the Jews as a sacred deposit, and they

are never charged with unfaithfulness in this trust. The Scriptures are

declared to have been written “for our learning;” and no intimation is

given that they had ever been mutilated, or in any degree corrupted.

As to the New Testament, the same author proceeds: With respect to the

New Testament, I am ready to concede, as was before done, that there may

have been books written by inspired men that have been lost; for

inspiration was occasional, not constant; and confined to matters of

faith, and not afforded on the affairs of this life, or in matters of

mere science. And if such writings have been lost, the canon of

Scripture has suffered no more by this means, than by the loss of any

other uninspired books. But again: I am willing to go farther, and say

that it is possible (although I know no evidence of the fact) that some

things, written under the influence of inspiration, for a particular

occasion, and to rectify some disorder in a particular church, may have

been lost, without injury to the canon. For, since much that the

Apostles preached by inspiration is undoubtedly lost, so there is no

reason why every word which they wrote must necessarily be preserved,

and form a part of the canonical volume. For example: suppose that when

St. Paul said, “I wrote to you in an epistle not to company with

fornicators,” 1 Cor. v, 9, he referred to an epistle which he had

written to the Corinthians, before the one now called the First; it

might never have been intended that this letter should form a

constituent part of the canon; for although it treated of subjects

connected with Christian faith or practice, yet, an occasion having

arisen, in a short time, of treating these subjects more at large, every

thing in that epistle (supposing it ever to have been written) may have

been included in the two Epistles to the Corinthians which are now in

the canon.

1. The first argument to prove that no canonical book has been lost, is

derived from the watchful care of providence over the sacred Scriptures.

Now, to suppose that a book written by the inspiration of the Holy

Spirit, and intended to form a part of the canon, which is the rule of

faith to the church, should be utterly and irrecoverably lost, is surely

not very honourable to the wisdom of God, and in no way consonant with

the ordinary method of his dispensations, in regard to his precious

truth. There is good reason to think that, if God saw it needful, and

for the edification of the church, that such books should be written

under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, by his providence he would

have taken care to preserve them from destruction. We do know that this

treasure of divine truth has been, in all ages, and in the worst times,

the special care of God, or not one of the sacred books would now be in

existence. And if one canonical book might be lost through the

negligence or unfaithfulness of men, why not all? And thus the end of

God, in making a revelation of his will, might have been defeated. But

whatever other corruptions have crept into the Jewish or Christian

churches, it does not appear that either of them, as a body, ever

incurred the censure of having been careless in preserving the oracles

of God. Our Saviour never charges the Jews, who perverted the sacred

Scriptures to their own ruin, with having lost any portion of the sacred

deposit intrusted to them. History informs us of the fierce and

malignant design of Antiochus Epiphanes, to abolish every vestige of the

sacred volume; but the same history assures us that the Jewish people

manifested a heroic fortitude and invincible patience in resisting and

defeating his impious purpose. They chose rather to sacrifice their

lives, and suffer a cruel death, than to deliver up the copies of the

sacred volume in their possession. And the same spirit was manifested,

and with the same result, in the Dioclesian persecution of the

Christians. Every effort was made to obliterate the sacred writings of

Christians; and multitudes suffered death for refusing to deliver up the

New Testament. Some, indeed, overcome by the terrors of a cruel

persecution, did, in the hour of temptation, consent to surrender the

holy book; but they were ever afterward called traitors; and it was with

the utmost difficulty that any of them could be received again into the

communion of the church, after a long repentance, and the most humbling

confessions of their fault. Now, if any canonical book was ever lost, it

must have been in these early times, when the word of God was valued far

above life, and when every Christian stood ready to seal the truth with

his blood.

2. Another argument which appears to me to be convincing is, that in a

little time, all the sacred books were dispersed over the whole world.

If a book had, by some accident or violence, been destroyed in one

region, the loss could soon have been repaired, by sending for copies to

other countries. The considerations just mentioned would, I presume, be

satisfactory to all candid minds, were it not that it is supposed that

there is evidence that some things were written by the Apostles which

are not now in the canon. We have already referred to an epistle to the

Corinthians, which St. Paul is supposed to have written to them,

previously to the writing of those which we now possess. But it is by no

means certain, or even probable, that St. Paul ever did write such an

epistle; for not one ancient writer makes the least mention of any such

letter, nor is there any where to be found any citation from it, or any

reference to it. It is a matter of testimony, in which all the fathers

concur, as with one voice, that St. Paul wrote no more than fourteen

epistles, all of which we now have. But still, St. Paul’s own

declaration stands in the way of our opinion: “I wrote to you in an

epistle,” 1 Cor. v, 9, 11. The words in the original are, Ἔγραψα ὑμῖν ἐν

τῇ ἐπιϛολῇ; the literal version of which is, “I have written to you in

the epistle,” or “in this epistle;” that is, in the former part of it;

where, in fact, we find the very thing which he says that he had

written. See 1 Cor. v, 2, 5, 6. But it is thought by learned and

judicious commentators, that the words following, Νυνὶ δὲ ἔγραψα ὑμῖν,

“But now I have written unto you,” require that we should understand the

former clause, as relating to some former time; but a careful attention

to the context will convince us that this reference is by no means

necessary. The Apostle had told them in the beginning of the chapter, to

avoid the company of fornicators, &c; but it is manifest, from the tenth

verse, that he apprehended that his meaning might be misunderstood, by

extending the prohibition too far, so as to decline all intercourse with

the world; therefore, he repeats what he had said, and informs them that

it had relation only to the professors of Christianity, who should be

guilty of such vices. The whole may be thus paraphrased: “I wrote to you

above in my letter, that you should separate from those who were

fornicators, and that you should purge them out as old leaven; but,

fearing lest you should misapprehend my meaning, by inferring that I

have directed you to avoid all intercourse with the Heathen around you,

who are addicted to these shameful vices, which would make it necessary

that you should go out of the world, I now inform you that my meaning

is, that you do not associate familiarly with any who make a profession

of Christianity, and yet continue in these evil practices.” In

confirmation of this interpretation, we can adduce the old Syriac

version, which, having been made soon after the days of the Apostles, is

good testimony in relation to this matter of fact. In this venerable

version, the meaning of the eleventh verse is thus given: “This is what

I have written unto you,” or, “the meaning of what I have written unto

you.”

The only other passage in the New Testament which has been thought to

refer to an epistle of St. Paul not now extant, is that in Colossians

iv, 16: “And when this epistle is read among you, cause also that it be

read in the church of the Laodiceans, and that ye likewise read the

epistle from Laodicea.” But what evidence is there that St. Paul ever

wrote an epistle to the Laodiceans? The text on which this opinion has

been founded, in ancient and modern times, correctly interpreted, has no

such import. The words in the original are, καὶ τὴν ἐκ Λαοδικείας ἵνα

καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀναγνῶτε, “and that ye likewise read the epistle from

Laodicea,” Col. iv, 16. These words have been differently taken; for, by

them some understand that an epistle had been written by St. Paul to the

Laodiceans, which he desired might be read in the church at Colosse.

Chrysostom seems to have understood them thus; and the Romish writers

almost universally have adopted this opinion. “Therefore,” says

Bellarmine, “it is certain that St. Paul’s epistle to the Laodiceans is

now lost.” And their opinion is favoured by the Latin Vulgate, where we

read, _eamque Laodicensium_, “that which is of the Laodiceans;” but even

these words admit of another construction. Many learned Protestants,

also, have embraced the same interpretation; while others suppose that

St. Paul here refers to the epistle to the Ephesians, which they think

he sent to the Laodiceans, and that the present inscription is spurious.

But that neither of these opinions is correct, may be rendered very

probable. That St. Paul could not intend, by the language used in the

passage under consideration, an epistle written by himself, will appear

by the following arguments: (1.) St. Paul could not, with any propriety

of speech, have called an epistle written by himself, and sent to the

Laodiceans, an epistle _from_ Laodicea. He certainly would have said,

ϖρὸς Λαοδικείαν, [to Laodicea,] or some such thing. Who ever heard of an

epistle addressed to any individual, or to any society, denominated an

epistle from them? (2.) If the epistle referred to in this passage had

been one written by St. Paul, it would have been most natural for him to

call it his epistle; and this would have rendered his meaning incapable

of misconstruction. (3.) All those best qualified to judge of the fact,

and who were well acquainted with St. Paul’s history and writings, never

mention any such epistle: neither Clement, Hermas, nor the Syriac

interpreter, knew any thing of such an epistle of St. Paul. But it may

be asked, To what epistle, then, does St. Paul refer? It seems safest in

such a case, where testimony is deficient, to follow the literal sense

of the words, and to believe that it was an epistle written by the

Laodiceans, probably to himself, which he had sent to the Colossians,

together with his own epistle, for their perusal.

CANTICLES, _the book of_, in Hebrew, שיר השירים, _the song of songs_.

The church, as well as the synagogue, received this book generally as

canonical. The royal author appears, in the typical spirit of his times,

to have designed to render a ceremonial appointment descriptive of a

spiritual relation; and this song is accordingly considered, by

judicious writers, to be a mystical allegory of that sort which induces

a more sublime sense on historical truths, and which, by the description

of human events, shadows out divine circumstances. The sacred writers

were, by God’s condescension, authorized to illustrate his strict and

intimate relation to the church by the figure of a marriage; and the

emblem must have been strikingly becoming and expressive to the

conceptions of the Jews, since they annexed ideas of peculiar mystery to

this appointment, and imagined the marriage union to be a counterpart

representation of some original pattern in heaven. Hence it was

performed among them with very peculiar ceremonies and solemnity, with

every thing that could give dignity and importance to its rites.

Solomon, therefore, in celebrating the circumstances of his marriage,

was naturally led, by a train of correspondent reflections, to consider

that spiritual connection which it was often employed to symbolize; and

the idea must have been the more forcibly suggested to him, as he was at

this period preparing to build a temple to God, and thereby to furnish a

visible representation of the Hebrew church. The spiritual allegory thus

worked up by Solomon to its highest perfection, was very consistent with

the prophetic style, which was accustomed to predict evangelical

blessings by such parabolical figures; and Solomon was more immediately

furnished with a pattern for this representation by the author of the

forty-fifth Psalm, who describes, in a compendious allegory, the same

future connection between Christ and his church.

2. But though the work be certainly an allegorical representation, many

learned men, in an unrestrained eagerness to explain the song, even in

its minutest and most obscure particulars, have too far indulged their

imaginations; and, by endeavouring too nicely to reconcile the literal

with the spiritual sense, have been led beyond the boundaries which a

reverence for the sacred Scriptures should ever prescribe. The ideas

which the sacred writers furnish concerning the mystical relation

between Christ and his church, though well accommodated to our

apprehensions by the allusion of a marriage union, are too general to

illustrate every particular contained in this poem, which may be

supposed to have been intentionally decorated with some ornaments

appropriate to the literal construction. When the general analogy is

obvious, we are not always to expect minute resemblance, and should not

be too curious in seeking for obscure and recondite allusions. Solomon,

in the glow of an inspired fancy, and unsuspicious of misconception or

deliberate perversion, describes God and his church, with their

respective attributes and graces, under colourings familiar and

agreeable to mankind, and exhibits their ardent affection under the

authorized figures of earthly love. No similitude, indeed, could be

chosen so elegant and apposite for the illustration of this intimate and

spiritual alliance, as a marriage union, if considered in the chaste

simplicity of its first institution, or under the interesting

circumstances with which it was established among the Jews.

3. This poem may be considered, as to its form, as a dramatic poem of

the pastoral kind. There is a succession of time, and a change of place,

to different parts of the palace and royal gardens. The persons

introduced as speakers, are the bridegroom and bride, and their

respective attendants. The interchange of dialogue is carried on in a

wild and digressive manner; but the speeches are adapted to the persons

with appropriate elegance. The companions of the bride compose a kind of

chorus, which seems to bear some resemblance to that afterward adopted

in the Grecian tragedy. Solomon and his queen assume the pastoral

simplicity of style, which is favourable to the communication of their

sentiments. The poem abounds throughout with beauties, and presents

every where a delightful and romantic display of nature, painted at its

most interesting season, and described with every ornament that an

inventive fancy could furnish. It is justly entitled Song of Songs, or

most excellent song, as being superior to any that an uninspired writer

could have produced, and tending, if properly understood, to purify the

mind, and to elevate the affections from earthly to heavenly things.

CAPERNAUM, a city celebrated in the Gospels, being the place where Jesus

usually resided during the time of his ministry. It stood on the sea

coast, that is, on the coast of the sea of Galilee, in the borders of

Zebulun and Naphtalim, Matt. iv, 15, and consequently toward the upper

part of it. As it was a convenient port from Galilee to any place on the

other side of the sea, this might be our Lord’s inducement to make it

the place of his most constant residence. Upon this account Capernaum

was highly honoured; and though “exalted unto heaven,” as its

inhabitants boasted, because it made no proper use of this signal favour

it drew from him the severe denunciation, that it should “be brought

down to hell,” Matt. xi, 23. This sentence of destruction has been fully

realized; the ancient city is reduced to a state of utter desolation.

Burckhardt supposes the ruins called Tal Houm, near the rivulet called

El Eshe, to be those of Capernaum. Mr. Buckingham, who gives this place

the name of Talhhewn, describes considerable and extensive ruins; the

only remains of those edifices which exalted Capernaum above its

fellows.

CAPPADOCIA, is called in Hebrew _Caphtor_. Cappadocia joined Galatia on

the east, and is mentioned in Acts ii, 9, and by St. Peter, who

addresses his First Epistle to the dispersed throughout Pontus, Galatia,

Cappadocia, Bithynia, and Asia. The people of this country were formerly

infamous for their vices; but after the promulgation of Christianity, it

produced many great and worthy men: among these may be reckoned Gregory

Nazianzen, Gregory Nyssen, and St. Basil, commonly styled the Great.

CAPTIVES. The treatment of persons taken in war among ancient nations

throws great light upon many passages of Scripture. The eastern

conqueror often stripped his unhappy captives naked, shaved their heads,

and made them travel in that condition, exposed to the burning heat of a

vertical sun by day, and the chilling cold of the night. Such barbarous

treatment was to modest women the height of cruelty and indignity;

especially to those who had been educated in softness and elegance, who

had figured in all the superfluities of ornamental dress, and whose

faces had hardly ever been exposed to the sight of man. The Prophet

Isaiah mentions this as the hardest part of the sufferings in which

female captives are involved: “The Lord will expose their nakedness.”

The daughter of Zion had indulged in all the softness of oriental

luxury; but the offended Jehovah should cause her unrelenting enemies to

drag her forth from her secret chambers into the view of an insolent

soldiery; strip her of her ornaments, in which she so greatly delighted;

take away her splendid and costly garments, discover her nakedness, and

compel her to travel in that miserable plight to a far distant country,

a helpless captive, the property of a cruel lord. Arrived in the land of

their captivity, captives were often purchased at a very low price. The

Prophet Joel complains of the contemptuous cheapness in which the people

of Israel were held by those who made them captives: “And they have cast

lots for my people; and have given a boy for a harlot, and sold a girl

for wine, that they might drink.” The custom of casting lots for the

captives taken in war appears to have prevailed both among the Jews and

the Greeks. The same allusion occurs in the prophecy of Obadiah:

“Strangers carried away captive his forces, and foreigners entered into

his gates, and cast lots upon Jerusalem,” Obadiah 11. With respect to

the Greeks, we have an instance in Tryphiodorus:--

“Shared out by lot the female captives stand,

The spoils divided with an equal hand;

Each to his ship conveys his rightful share,

Price of their toil, and trophies of the war.”

2. By an inhuman custom which is still retained in the east, the eyes of

captives taken in war were not seldom put out, sometimes literally

scooped or dug out of their sockets. This dreadful calamity Samson had

to endure from the unrelenting vengeance of his enemies. In a posterior

age, Zedekiah, the last king of Judah and Benjamin, after being

compelled to behold the violent death of his sons and nobility, had his

eyes put out, and was carried in chains to Babylon. The barbarous custom

long survived the decline and fall of the Babylonian empire; for by the

testimony of Mr. Maurice, in his history of Hindostan, the captive

princes of that country were often treated in this manner by their more

fortunate rivals; a red hot iron was passed over their eyes, which

effectually deprived them of sight, and at the same time of their title

and ability to reign. To the wretched state of such prisoners, the

Prophet Isaiah alludes in a noble prediction, where he describes in very

glowing colours the character and work of the promised Messiah: “He hath

sent me to heal the broken hearted, to preach deliverance to the

captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them

that are bruised,” as captives too frequently were by the weight of

their fetters.

3. It seems to have been the practice of eastern kings, to command their

captives taken in war, especially those that had, by the atrociousness

of their crimes, or the stoutness of their resistance, greatly provoked

their indignation, to lie down on the ground, and then put to death a

certain part of them, which they measured with a line, or determined by

lot. This custom was not, perhaps, commonly practised by the people of

God, in their wars with the nations around them; but one instance is

recorded in the life of David, who inflicted this punishment on the

Moabites: “And he smote Moab, and measured them with a line, casting

them down to the ground; even with two lines measured he to put to

death, and with one full line to keep alive: and so the Moabites became

David’s servants, and brought gifts,” 2 Sam. viii, 2. But the most

shocking punishment which the ingenious cruelty of a haughty and

unfeeling conqueror ever inflicted on the miserable captive, is

described by Virgil in the eighth book of the Æneid; and which even a

Roman, inured to blood, could not mention without horror:--

“_Quid memorem infandas cædes? quid facta tyranni_,” &c.

Line 483.

“What words can paint those execrable times,

The subjects’ sufferings, and the tyrant’s crimes!

That blood, those murders, O ye gods! replace

On his own head, and on his impious race:

The living and the dead at his command

Were coupled face to face, and hand to hand,

Till, choked with stench, in loathed embraces tied,

The lingering wretches pined away, and died.”

DRYDEN.

It is to this deplorable condition of a captive that the Apostle refers,

in that pathetic exclamation, “O wretched man that I am! who shall

deliver me from the body of this death?” Who shall rescue me, miserable

captive as I am, from this continual burden of sin which I carry about

with me; and which is cumbersome and odious, as a dead carcass bound to

a living body, to be dragged along with it where-ever it goes?

CAPTIVITY. God generally punished the sins and infidelities of the Jews

by different captivities or servitudes. The first captivity is that of

Egypt, from which they were delivered by Moses, and which should be

considered rather as a permission of providence, than as a punishment

for sin. Six captivities are reckoned during the government by judges:

the first, under Chushanrishathaim, king of Mesopotamia, which continued

about eight years; the second, under Eglon, king of Moab, from which the

Jews were delivered by Ehud; the third, under the Philistines, from

which they were rescued by Shamgar; the fourth, under Jabin, king of

Hazor, from which they were delivered by Deborah and Barak; the fifth,

under the Midianites, from which Gideon freed them; and the sixth, under

the Ammonites and Philistines, during the judicatures of Jephthah,

Ibzan, Elon, Abdon, Eli, Samson, and Samuel. But the greatest and most

remarkable captivities were those of Israel and Judah, under their regal

government.

A Biblical and Theological Dictionary explanatory of the history, manners, and customs of the Jews, and neighbouring nations · 第 55 / 253 段