10. The controversy on these difficult subjects was not decided by the

decrees of the synod of Dort, which, it will be seen under that article,

were purposely drawn up in a politic and wary manner, so as to quadrate

with the opinions, and not to outrage the feelings, of any grade of

Calvinists. Prior to the convention of that celebrated assembly, the

doctrines of Calvin had been refined upon and incautiously carried out

to some of their legitimate consequences, in a manner almost without

precedent, except that of the Mohammedan doctors on the absolute fate

which holds a distinguished place in the Koran. Several of the brightest

and most acute wits in Europe occupied themselves in sublimating to the

height of extravagance the two kindred branches of predestination,--the

eternal and absolute election of certain men to everlasting glory, and

the reprobation of the rest of mankind to endless punishment, without

regard in the divine mind to the foreseen faith of one class or to the

foreseen unbelief of the other. This course was commenced by Beza, the

contemporary and successor of Calvin, who possessed neither his genius

nor his caution; and his writings contain several rash assertions on

these points, which, it is probable, would never have obtained the

approbation of his departed friend and instructer. Zanchius, with true

Italian astuteness, carried on this process of refinement in high style;

and his predestinarian _improvements_ were only equalled by those of

Piscator, Pareus, Keckerman, Hommius, Kimedontius, Polanus, Sturmius,

Danæus, Thysius, Donteklock, Bogerman, Gomar, Smoutius, Triglandius,

down to the minor tribe of Contra-Remonstrants, Damman, Maccovius, and

Sibrandus Lubbertus. Nor were the clever divines of our own country a

whit behind the foreigners in accomplishing this grand object; and the

theological reader, on seeing the names of Perkins, Whitaker, Abbot, and

Twisse, will instantly recognise men whose doctrinal vagaries were

familiar to all the Calvinists in Europe. No one can form an adequate

conception of the injury thus inflicted on the divine attributes of

wisdom, goodness, and mercy, as they have been revealed in the

Scriptures, unless he has read the immense mass of quotations from the

writings of these and other divines, which were presented to the notice

of the synod of Dort by the Remonstrants, especially in their _Rejection

of Errors_ under each of the five points in dispute; the proofs of which

were quoted from their respective authors, and the accuracy and

faithfulness of which were never called in question. Not only would the

minds of all sober Christians in these days be shocked when perusing the

monstrous sentiments propounded in those extracts, but even the

tolerably stiff Calvinists of Oliver Cromwell’s time felt themselves

scandalized by any allusion to them, and would not admit that their

opinions had the least affinity to such desecrating dogmas. Little more

than twenty years after the synod of Dort, that distinguished polemical

divine and accurate scholar, Dr. Thomas Pierce, published his able and

very interesting pamphlet, entitled, “A Correct Copy of Some Notes

concerning God’s Decrees;” in which, without naming the authors, he gave

ten extracts from celebrated Calvinistic treatises, to prove, that

“there are men of no small name who have told the world, that all the

evil of sin which is in man proceedeth from God only as the author, and

from man only as the instrument.” Four of these extracts will furnish

sufficient matter to every judicious mind for mournful reflections on

the strange obliquities to which the human understanding is

liable:--(1.) “A wicked man, by the just impulse of God, doeth that

which is not lawful for him to do.” (2.) “When God makes an angel or a

man a transgressor, he himself doth not transgress, because he doth not

break a law. The very same sin, namely, adultery or murder, inasmuch as

it is the work of God, the author, mover, and compeller, is not a crime;

but inasmuch as it is of man, it is a wickedness.” (3.) “God can will

that man shall not fall, by his will which is called _voluntas signi_;

and in the mean while he can ordain that the same man shall infallibly

and efficaciously fall, by his will which is called _voluntas

beneplaciti_. The former will of God is improperly called his will, for

it only signifieth what man ought to do by right; but the latter will is

properly called a will, because by that he decreed what should

inevitably come to pass.” (4.) “God’s will doth pass, not only into the

permission of the sin, but into the sin itself which is permitted. The

Dominicans,” the high predestinarian order in the church of Rome, “do

imperfectly and obscurely relate the truth whilst, beside God’s

concurrence to the making way for sin, they require nothing but the

negation of efficacious grace, when it is manifest that there is a

farther prostitution of sin required.” Of these four passages the first

is from Calvin himself, the second from Zuinglius, and the third and

fourth from Dr. Twisse. This pamphlet was the first in a smart

controversy, in which Doctor (afterward Bishop) Reynolds, Baxter,

Hickman, and Barlee, took part against Dr. Pierce, but in which those

eminent men virtually disclaimed all community of sentiment between

themselves and such high predestinarians. In their warmth, however, they

accused the Doctor of having “rifled the well-furnished cabinet of the

Batavian Remonstrant writings,” and of not having hesitated “to be

beholden to very thieves, namely, such roguish pamphlets as _Fur

Predestinatus_ and others are, rather than want materials for invectives

against Calvin, Beza, Twisse,” &c. In his reply, the Doctor says, “When

I published my papers on God’s decrees, I had never so much as seen that

well-furnished cabinet, the ‘_Acta Synodalia Remonstrantium_;’” and he

proves that he has copied none of his extracts from _Fur Predestinatus_.

As his opponents were “so unthankful for the lenity” which he had

displayed in giving “so _short_ a catalogue,” he added other

affirmations of a still more revolting import, if that were possible.

The four extracts which follow, will serve as a correct specimen of the

gross and unguarded assertions of some of those good men who were thus

exposed; the first two are from Zanchius, the other two from Piscator,

both of them men of renown in that age:--(1.) “Reprobates are compelled

with a necessity of sinning, and so of perishing, by this ordination of

God; and so compelled that they cannot choose but sin and perish.” (2.)

“God works all things in all men, not only in the godly, but also in the

ungodly.” (3.) “Judas could not but betray Christ, seeing that God’s

decrees are immutable; and whether a man bless or curse, he always doth

it necessarily in respect of God’s providence, and in so doing he doeth

always according to the will of God.” (4.) “It doth or at least may

appear from the word of God, that we neither can do more good than we

do, nor omit more evil than we omit; because God from eternity hath

precisely decreed that both [the good and the evil] should so be done.

It is fatally constituted when, and how, and how much, every one of us

ought to study and love piety, or not to love it.” In that newly

emancipated age, the ample discussion of these topics could not fail to

produce much good; and the result in the course of a few years was, that

a vast number of those who had implicitly followed the guidance of

Calvin, deserted his standard, and either went completely over to the

ranks of Arminius, or halted midway under the command of Baxter. From

that time to the middle of the eighteenth century, those dogmas which

are usually designated as ultra-Calvinian or Antinomian, received no

support except from such shallow divines as Dr. Crisp and his immediate

admirers. But when the Rev. John Wesley and his brother, as Arminians,

propounded the doctrines of the Gospel in as evangelical a manner, and

with as marked success, as any Calvinist, a number of those excellent

men, both in the church and among the Dissenters, who had been early

benefited by the ministry of the two brothers, thought, as many now do,

that it was impossible for any thing to be evangelical that was not

Calvinistic; and, apparently with the design of being at as great a

remove as possible from a reputed heresy, they became in principle real

Antinomians. In forming this conclusion, and in running to a supposed

opposite extreme, such persons seem to have forgotten that those truly

evangelical principles,--which in Germany and the neighbouring states

effected the reformation from Popery, which transformed sinners into

Christians and martyrs, and which, in the perverted state of society

that then obtained, but too painfully reminded the sainted sufferers of

the domestic, municipal, and national grievances and persecutions to

which the earliest confessors of the name of Christ were subjected,--had

been in beneficial operation long before Calvin’s doctrinal system was

brought to maturity, and when he was known only as the humble and

diligent pastor of the church of Geneva. And even after the publication

of his “Institutes,” which contained the peculiarities of his creed, he

had to wait many years, to labour hard, not always in the most

sanctified spirit, both from the pulpit and the press, and to endure

many personal mortifications, before he was able to obtrude his novel

dogmas on his own immediate connections, or to make any sensible

impression on the generally received theology of his learned

contemporaries. Such persons ought also to recollect, that, as Dr. Watts

justly observes, “some of the most rigid and narrow limitations of grace

to men are found chiefly in Calvin’s _Institutions_, which were written

in his youth. But his comments on Scripture were the labours of his

riper years and maturer judgment.”

11. His first tract on predestination was published in 1552; and the

first complete edition of his “Institutes” did not see the light till

the year 1558; but the change in Melancthon’s opinions, from the

fatality of Stoicism, to the universality of the Gospel, occurred at

least six years prior to 1535, when the second edition of his “Common

Places” was published, that contained his amended creed, and strong

cautions against the contrary doctrines. One of the most eloquent and

best informed writers of the present age has, in reference to this

subject, justly observed: “Both Luther and Melancthon, after their creed

became permanently settled at the diet of Augsburg, (A. D. 1530,) kept

one object constantly in view,--to inculcate only what was plain and

practical, and never to attempt philosophizing. They perceived, that

before the reformation the doctrine of divine foreknowledge had been

grossly misconceived and abused, although guarded by all the logic of

the schools; and they felt, that, after it, they had themselves at first

contributed to increase the evil, by grounding upon the same high

argument, although for a very different purpose, the position of an

infallible necessity. Thenceforward, therefore, they only taught a

predestination which the Christian religion explains, and the Christian

life exemplifies. Thus, while their adversaries philosophized upon a

predestination of individuals, preferred one before another by divine

regard because worthy of such a preference, they taught only that which

has been revealed with certainty,--the predestination of a peculiar

description of persons, of _a people zealous of good works_, of the

Christian church contemplated as an aggregate, not on account of its own

dignity, but on account of Christ its supreme Head, and _the author of

eternal salvation to all who obey him_. While restoring Scriptural

simplicity to the doctrine of predestination, perplexed and disfigured

by the vanity of the schools, they studiously and anxiously preserved

every trace of that universal benevolence by which Christianity is

particularly distinguished. ‘Let us,’ they said, ‘with both our hands,

or rather with all our heart, hold fast the true and pious maxim, that

God is not the author of sin, that he sits not in heaven writing Stoical

laws in the volumes of fate; but, endowed with a perfect freedom

himself, he communicates a liberty of action to his creatures; firmly

opposing the position of necessity as false, and pernicious to morals

and religion. God, we may be assured, is no cruel and merciless tyrant;

he does not hate and reject men, but loves them as a parent loves his

children.’ Universal grace, indeed, was at all times a favourite topic

with the Lutherans; nor would they admit of any predestination except

that of a beneficent Deity, who was _in Christ reconciling the world to

himself_; except a predestination conformable with that order of things

which he has established, and with the use or abuse of the means which

he has ordained. ‘The Almighty,’ they said, ‘has seriously willed and

decreed, from eternity, all men to be saved and to enjoy everlasting

felicity; let us not therefore indulge in evil suggestions, and separate

ourselves from his grace, which is as expanded as the space between

heaven and earth; let us not restrain the general promise, in which he

offers his favour to all without discrimination, nor confine it to those

who, affecting a peculiar garb, wish to be alone esteemed pious and

sanctified. If many perish, the fault is not to be imputed to the divine

will, but to human obstinacy, which despises that will, and disregards a

salvation destined for all men.’ ‘And because _many are called, but few

are chosen_, let us not,’ they added, ‘entertain an opinion highly

impious,--that God tenders his grace to many, but communicates it only

to a few; for should we not in the greatest degree detest a Deity by

whose arbitrary will we believed ourselves to be excluded from

salvation?’ Upon the important point likewise of the conditional

acceptance of the individual, their ideas were not more distinct than

their language was explicit. ‘If God chose,’ they argued, ‘certain

persons only in order to unite them to himself, and rejected the

remainder in all respects alike, would not such AN ELECTION WITHOUT

CAUSES seem tyrannical? Let us therefore be persuaded, that some cause

exists in us, as some difference is to be found between those who are,

and those who are not, accepted.’ Thus they conceived that,

predestinating his elect in Christ, or the Christian church, to eternal

salvation, he excludes none from that number by a partial adoption of

favourites, but calls all equally, and accepts of all who obey his

calling, or, in other words, who become true Christians by possessing

the qualifications which Christianity requires.--'He,' they stated, who

‘falls from grace, cannot but perish, completely losing remission of

sin, with the other benefits which Christ has purchased for him, and

acquiring in their stead divine wrath and death eternal.’ Melancthon,

who in his private correspondence expressly termed Calvin the Zeno of

his day, says, ‘Let us execrate the Stoical disputations which some

introduce, who imagine that the elect always retain the Holy Spirit,

even when they commit atrocious crimes,--a manifest and highly

reprehensible error; and let us not confirm in fools security and

blindness.’”

These quotations might be augmented by others from the earliest Lutheran

authors, more Arminian in their import than any which Arminius ever

wrote: but the preceding are sufficient to show, that, during upward of

thirty years, the Protestant church in Germany was nourished by

doctrines most manifestly at variance with the refinements afterward

promulgated by Calvin. Real conversions of sinners were never more

abundant than in that golden age; yet these were produced by the

blessing of God upon an evangelical agency that had scarcely any thing

in common with the Genevan dogmas. With these and similar facts before

him, therefore, no Calvinist can in common honesty claim for the

peculiarities of his creed, for those doctrines which distinguish it

from the Melancthonism of the Protestant churches of England and

Germany, the exclusive title of EVANGELICAL. Equally fallacious is the

ground on which he can prefer any such claim on account of the alleged

counsel and advice given by Calvin to our reformers while they were

engaged in the formation of our Articles and Liturgy. On no fact in the

ecclesiastical history of this country are our annalists more completely

at agreement than on this,--that Calvin’s name and writings were

scarcely known in England till the time when the persecution under Queen

Mary forced many of our best divines into banishment; and that, to the

great future disquietude of the church, several of these exiles on their

return imported a personal bias either in favour of his discipline or of

his dogmas. Anterior to that period he had received no such pressing

invitations from our reformers, and from the king himself, as Melancthon

had done, for his friendly theological aid in drawing up the doctrinal

and disciplinary formulæ of our national church. The man who asserts the

contrary to this, and who has the hardihood to deny the Melancthonian

origin of the Articles and Liturgy, discovers at once his want of

correct information on these subjects, and has never read the convincing

documents appended to the Archbishop of Cashel’s (Dr. Laurence’s) “Eight

Sermons,” being the Bampton Lectures for 1804, and entitled, “_An

Attempt to Illustrate those Articles of the Church of England which the

Calvinists improperly consider as Calvinistical_;” Todd’s treatise “_On

Original Sin, Free Will, &c, as maintained by certain Declarations of

our Reformers_;” Plaifere’s “_Appello Evangelium_;” nor even the

portable yet convincing pamphlets of Kipling and Winchester, the former

entitled “_The Articles not Calvinistic_;” the latter, “_A Dissertation

on the Seventeenth Article of the Church_.”

12. There is one fact connected with these assumed yet unfounded claims,

which has never yet been placed in its proper light, but which it may be

well briefly to notice in this place. Calvin himself, in 1535, wrote the

following truly Melancthonian paragraphs as part of his preface to the

New Testament in French: “This Mediator, our Lord Jesus Christ, was the

only, true, and eternal Son of God, whom the Father was about to send

into the world, that he might collect all men together from this horrid

dispersion and devastation. When, at length, that fulness of time

arrived, that day preordained by the Lord, he openly showed himself as

that Messiah who had for so many ages been the desire of all nations,

and hath most abundantly performed all those things which were necessary

for the redemption of all men. But this great blessing was not confined

solely within the boundaries of the land of Israel, since, on the

contrary, it was intended [_porrigendum_] to be held out for the

acceptance of the whole human race; because through Christ alone the

entire family of man was to be reconciled to God, as will be seen, and

most amply demonstrated, in these pages of the New Testament.” “To this

inheritance of our heavenly Father’s kingdom we are all called without

respect of persons,--whether we be men or women, high or low, masters or

servants, teachers or disciples, [_doctores_] divines or laics, Jews or

Greeks, Frenchmen or [_Romani_] Italians. From this inheritance no one

is excluded, if he only so receive Christ as he is offered by the Father

for the salvation of all men, and embrace him when received.” Great

research has been displayed by the Calvinists at different periods, in

endeavouring to discover, in the public formularies of the church, or in

the private productions of our reformers, some trace of affinity between

them and the writings of Calvin. Only two cases of such affinity have

yet been found; and, unfortunately for the validity of all pretensions

of this kind, neither of them contains a single peculiarity of

Calvinism, but, on the contrary, both are of the moderate and

_evangelical_ class of the Melancthonian school. One of the passages

thus discovered is here subjoined from Cranmer’s “_Defence of the True

and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament_,” &c; and bears all the marks of

verisimilitude to the second of the preceding paragraphs from Calvin,

though written fifteen years after it:--“Almighty God, without respect

of person, accepteth the oblation and sacrifice of priest and lay

person, of king and subject, of master and servant, of man and woman, of

young and old, yea, of English, French, Scot, Greek, Latin, Jew, and

Gentile; of every man according to his faithful and obedient heart unto

him, and that through the sacrifice propitiatory of Jesus Christ.” Had

either this or the other passage contained the least tinge of what is

now considered as belonging exclusively to the system of Calvin, the

English admirers of that great man would have had some grounds for the

assertions which have been too confidently made, because so easily

refuted.

13. Having given this summary of the sentiments of Calvin himself, and

of the ancient or strict Calvinists, it is proper to observe, that there

are, and always have been, many who generally embrace the Calvinistic

system, but object to some particular _parts_, and to the strong

language in which some of the propositions are expressed. These are

called _moderate_ or _modern_ Calvinists, who differ from Calvin, and

the synod of Dort, chiefly on two points,--the doctrine of reprobation,

and the extent of the death of Christ. The theory of Baxter has already

been noticed. This and all other mitigated schemes rest on two

principles, the sufficiency of the atonement for all mankind, and the

sufficiency of grace for those who do not believe. Still something more

is held to be necessary than this sufficiency of grace in order to

actual salvation; namely, an acceptance by man, which can only be made

under that degree of effectual supernatural aid which is dispensed only

to a certain number of persons, who are thus distinguished as the “elect

of God.” The main characteristic of all these theories, from the first

to the last, from the highest to the lowest, is, that a part of mankind

are shut out from the mercies of God, on some ground irrespective of

their refusal of a sincere offer to them of salvation through Christ,

made with a communicated power of embracing it. Some power they allow to

the reprobate, as natural power, and degrees of superadded moral power;

but in no case the power to believe unto salvation; and thus, as one

well observes, “When they have cut some fair trenches, as if they would

bring the water of life unto the dwellings of the reprobate, on a sudden

they open a sluice which carries it off again.” The whole labour of

these theories is to find out some plausible reason for the infliction

of punishment on them that perish, independent of the only cause

assigned by the word of God--their rejection of a mercy free for all,

and made attainable by all. See BAXTERIANISM.

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