The remnant of the people who had been left in Judea under the care of

Gedaliah, having adopted the resolution of going into Egypt, and finding

that Jeremiah opposed their taking that journey, threw the blame upon

Baruch; insinuating that the latter had influenced the Prophet to

declare against it. They were, however, both of them at last compelled

to follow the people into Egypt, where Jeremiah soon afterward died; on

which Baruch retired to Babylon, where the rabbins say he also died in

the twelfth year of the captivity, Jer. xxxvi; xliii. The book of Baruch

is justly placed among the apocryphal writings. Grotius thinks it a

fiction written by some Hellenistic Jew; and St. Jerome gives as the

reason why he did not write a commentary upon it, that the Jews

themselves did not deem it canonical.

BASHAN, or BASAN, one of the most fertile cantons of Canaan, which was

bounded on the west by the river Jordan, on the east by the mountains of

Gilead, on the south by the brook of Jabbok, and on the north by the

land of Geshur. The whole kingdom took its name from the hill of Bashan,

which is situated in the middle of it, and by the Greeks is called

Batanæa. It had no less than sixty walled towns in it, beside villages.

It afforded an excellent breed of cattle, and stately oaks, and was, in

short, a plentiful and populous country. Og, king of the Amorites,

possessed this country when Moses made the conquest thereof. In the

division of the Holy Land, it was assigned to the half tribe of

Manasseh. Of the present state of this portion of the ancient

possessions of the Israelites, Mr. Buckingham, in his Travels, gives the

following account: “We ascended the steep on the north side of the

Zerkah, or Jabbok; and, on reaching the summit, came again on a

beautiful plain, of an elevated level, and still covered with a very

rich soil. We had now quitted the land of Sihon, king of the Amorites,

and entered into that of Og, the king of Bashan, both of them well known

to all the readers of the early Scriptures. We had quitted too, the

districts apportioned to the tribes of Reuben and of Gad, and entered

that part which was allotted to the half tribe of Manasseh, beyond

Jordan eastward, leaving the land of the children of Ammon on our right,

or to the east of the Jabbok, which, according to the authority before

quoted, divided Ammon, or Philadelphia, from Gerasa. The mountains here

are called the land of Gilead in the Scriptures, and in Josephus; and,

according to the Roman division, this was the country of the Decapolis,

so often spoken of in the New Testament, or the province of Gaulonitis,

from the city of Gaulon, its early capital. We continued our way over

this elevated tract, continuing to behold, with surprise and admiration,

a beautiful country on all sides of us: its plains covered with a

fertile soil, its hills clothed with forests; at every new turn

presenting the most magnificent landscapes that could be imagined. Among

the trees, the oak was frequently seen; and we know that this territory

produced them of old. In enumerating the sources from which the supplies

of Tyre were drawn in the time of her great wealth and naval splendour,

the Prophet says, ‘Of the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars,’

Ezek. xxvii, 6. Some learned commentators indeed, believing that no oaks

grew in these supposed desert regions, have translated the word by

‘alders,’ to prevent the appearance of inaccuracy in the inspired

writer. The expression of ‘the fat bulls of Bashan,’ which occurs more

than once in the Scriptures, seemed to us equally inconsistent, as

applied to the beasts of a country generally thought to be a desert, in

common with the whole tract which is laid down in our modern maps as

such between the Jordan and the Euphrates; but we could now fully

comprehend, not only that the bulls of this luxuriant country might be

proverbially fat, but that its possessors, too, might be a race renowned

for strength and comeliness of person. The general face of this region

improved as we advanced farther in it; and every new direction of our

path opened upon us views which surprised and charmed us by their

grandeur and their beauty. Lofty mountains gave an outline of the most

magnificent character; flowing beds of secondary hills softened the

romantic wildness of the picture; gentle slopes, clothed with wood, gave

a rich variety of tints, hardly to be imitated by the pencil; deep

valleys, filled with murmuring streams and verdant meadows, offered all

the luxuriance of cultivation; and herds and flocks gave life and

animation to scenes as grand, as beautiful, and as highly picturesque as

the genius or taste of a Claude could either invent or desire.”

BASILIDEANS, the followers of Basilides of Alexandria, a gnostic leader

of the early part of the second century. See GNOSTICS.

BASTARD, one born out of wedlock. A bastard among the Greeks was

despised, and exposed to public scorn, on account of his spurious

origin. In Persia the son of a concubine is never placed on a footing

with the legitimate offspring; any attempt made by parental fondness to

do so would be resented by the relations of the legitimate wife, and

outrage the feelings of a whole tribe. The Jewish father bestowed as

little attention on the education of his natural children as the Greek:

he seems to have resigned them, in a great measure, to their own

inclinations; he neither checked their passions, nor corrected their

faults, nor stored their minds with useful knowledge. This is evidently

implied in these words of the Apostle: “If ye endure chastening, God

dealeth with you as with sons; for what son is he whom the father

chasteneth not? But if ye be without chastisement, whereof all are

partakers, then are ye bastards and not sons,” Heb. xii, 7, 8. To

restrain the licentious desires of the heart, Jehovah by an express law

fixed a stigma upon the bastard, which was not to be removed till the

tenth generation; and to show that the precept was on no account to be

violated, or suffered to fall into disuse, it is emphatically repeated,

“A bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord; even to

his tenth generation shall he not enter into the congregation of the

Lord,” Deut. xxiii, 2.

BASTINADO, the punishment of beating with sticks. It is also called

_tympanum_, [a drum,] because the patient was beaten like a drum.

Upwards of a hundred blows were often inflicted, and sometimes the

beating was unto death. St. Paul, Heb. xi, 35, says that some of the

saints were _tortured_, τυμπανίζω, suffered the tympanum, that is, were

stretched on an instrument of torture, and beaten to death.

BAT, עטלף, Lev. xi, 19; Deut. xiv, 18; Isaiah ii, 20; Baruch vi, 22. The

Jewish legislator, having enumerated the animals legally unclean, as

well beasts as birds, closes his catalogue with a creature whose

equivocal properties seem to exclude it from both those classes: it is

too much a bird to be properly a mouse, and too much a mouse to be

properly a bird. The bat is therefore well described in Deut. xiv, 18,

19, as the passage should be read, “Moreover the _othelaph_, and _every

creeping thing that flieth_, is unclean to you: they shall not be

eaten.” This character is very descriptive, and places this creature at

the head of a class of which he is a clear and well-known instance. It

has feet or claws growing out of its pinions, and contradicts the

general order of nature, by creeping with the instruments of its flight.

The Hebrew name of the bat is from עטל _darkness_, and עמ _to fly_, as

if it described “the flier in darkness.” So the Greeks called the

creature νυκτερὶς, from νὺξ, _night_; and the Latins, _vespertilio_,

from _vesper_, “evening.” It is prophesied, Isaiah ii, 20, “In that day

shall they cast away their idols to the moles and to the bats;” that is,

they shall carry them into the dark caverns, old ruins, or desolate

places, to which they shall fly for refuge, and so shall give them up,

and relinquish them to the filthy animals that frequent such places, and

have taken possession of them as their proper habitation.

BATH, a measure of capacity for things liquid, being the same with the

ephah, Ezek. xlv, 11, and containing ten homers, or seven gallons and

four pints.

BATH-KOL, בח־קול, _daughter of the voice_. By this name the Jewish

writers distinguish what they called a revelation from God, after verbal

prophecy had ceased in Israel; that is, after the prophets Haggai,

Zechariah, and Malachi. The generality of their traditions and customs

are founded on this Bath-Kol. They pretend that God revealed them to

their elders, not by prophecy, but by the _daughter of the voice_. The

Bath-Kol, as Dr. Prideaux shows, was a fantastical way of divination,

invented by the Jews, like the _Sortes Virgilianæ_ [divination by the

works of Virgil] among the Heathen. For, as with them, the words first

opened upon in the works of that poet, was the oracle whereby they

prognosticated those future events which they desired to be informed of;

so with the Jews when they appealed to Bath-Kol, the next words which

they should hear drop from any one’s mouth were taken as the desired

oracle. With some it is probable that Bath-Kol, _the daughter of the

voice_, was only an elegant personification of _tradition_. Others,

however, more bold, said that it was a voice from heaven, sometimes

attended by a clap of thunder.

BATTLE. See ARMIES.

BAXTERIANISM, a modification of the Calvinistic doctrine of election

advocated by the celebrated Baxter in his treatise of “Universal

Redemption,” and in his “_Methodus Theologiæ_.” The real author of the

scheme, at least in a systematized form, was Camero, who taught divinity

at Saumur, and it was unfolded and defended by his disciple Amyraldus,

whom Curcellæus refuted. Baxter says, in his preface to his “Saint’s

Rest,” “The middle way which Camero, Crocius, Martinius, Amyraldus,

Davenant, with all the divines of Britain and Bremen in the synod of

Dort, go, I think is nearest the truth of any that I know who have

written on these points.” Baxter first differs from the majority of

Calvinists, though not from all, in his statement of the doctrine of

satisfaction:--

“Christ’s sufferings were not a _fulfilling_ of the _law’s threatening_;

(though he bore its _curse materially_;) but a satisfaction for our _not

fulfilling_ the _precept_, and to prevent _God’s fulfilling_ the

_threatening_ on us. Christ paid not, therefore, the _idem_, but the

_tantundem_, or _æquivalens_; not the _very debt_ which we owed and the

law required, but the _value_: (else it were not _strictly

satisfaction_, which is _redditio æquivalentis_: [the rendering of an

equivalent:]) and (it being improperly called the _paying of a debt_,

but properly _a suffering for the guilty_) the _idem_ is nothing but

_supplicium delinquentis_. [The punishment of the guilty individual.] In

_criminals_, _dum alius solvet simul aliud solvitur_. [When another

suffers, it is another thing also that is suffered.] The law knoweth no

_vicarius pœnæ_; [substitute in punishment;] though the _law maker_

may admit it, as he is _above law_; else there were no place for

_pardon_, if the _proper debt_ be paid and the _law not relaxed_, but

_fulfilled_. Christ did neither _obey_ nor _suffer_ in any man’s

_stead_, by a _strict, proper representation_ of his _person_ in point

of law; so as that the _law_ should take it, as done or suffered by the

_party himself_. But only as a _third person_, as a _mediator_, he

voluntarily bore what else the sinner should have borne. To assert the

contrary (especially as to particular persons considered in actual sin)

is to overthrow all Scripture theology, and to introduce all

Antinomianism; to overthrow all possibility of pardon, and assert

justification before we sinned or were born, and to make _ourselves_ to

have satisfied God. Therefore, we must not say that _Christ died nostro

loco_, [in our stead,] so as to _personate us_, or _represent our

persons_ in _law sense_; but only to bear what else we must have borne.”

This system explicitly asserts, that Christ made a satisfaction by his

death equally for the sins of every man; and thus Baxter essentially

differs both from the higher Calvinists, and, also, from the

Sublapsarians, who, though they may allow that the reprobate derive some

benefits from Christ’s death, so that there is a vague sense in which he

may be said to have died for all men, yet they, of course, deny to such

the benefit of Christ’s satisfaction or atonement which Baxter contends

for:--

“Neither the law, whose curse Christ bore, nor God, as the legislator to

be satisfied, did distinguish between men as elect and reprobate, or as

believers and unbelievers, _de presenti vel de futuro_; [with regard to

the present or the future;] and to impose upon Christ, or require from

him satisfaction for the sins of one sort more than of another, but for

mankind in general. God the Father, and Christ the Mediator, now dealeth

with no man upon the mere rigorous terms of the first law; (_obey

perfectly and live, else thou shalt die_;) but giveth to all much mercy,

which, according to the tenor of that violated law, they could not

receive, and calleth them to repentance, in order to their receiving

farther mercy offered them. And accordingly he will not judge any at

last according to the mere law of works, but as they have obeyed or not

obeyed his conditions or terms of grace. It was not the _sins_ of the

_elect only_, but of all _mankind fallen_, which lay upon Christ

satisfying. And to assert the contrary, injuriously diminisheth the

honour of his sufferings; and hath other desperate ill consequences.”

The benefits derived to all men _equally_, from the satisfaction of

Christ, he thus states:--

“All mankind, _immediately_ upon Christ’s satisfaction, are redeemed and

delivered from that legal necessity of perishing which they were under,

(not by remitting sin or punishment directly to them, but by giving up

God’s _jus puniendi_ [right of punishing] into the hands of the

Redeemer; nor by giving any right directly to them, but _per meram

resultantiam_ [by mere consequence] this happy change is made for them

in their relation, upon the said remitting of God’s right and advantage

of justice against them,) and they are given up to the Redeemer as their

owner and ruler, to be dealt with upon terms of mercy which have a

tendency to their recovery. God the Father and Christ the Mediator hath

freely, without any prerequisite condition on man’s part, enacted a law

of grace of universal extent, in regard of its tenor, by which he

giveth, as a deed or gift, Christ himself, with all his following

benefits which he bestoweth; (as benefactor and legislator;) and this to

all alike, without excluding any; upon condition they believe and accept

the offer. By this law, testament, or covenant, _all men are

conditionally_ pardoned, justified, and reconciled to God already, and

no man absolutely; nor doth it make a difference, nor take notice of

any, till men’s performance or non-performance of the condition makes a

difference. In the new law Christ hath truly _given himself_ with a

_conditional pardon_, _justification_, and _conditional right to

salvation_, to all men in the _world, without exception_.”

But the peculiarity of Baxter’s scheme will be seen from the following

farther extracts:--

“Though Christ _died equally for all men_, in the aforesaid _law sense_,

as he satisfied the offended legislator, and as giving himself to _all

alike_ in the _conditional covenant_; yet he _never properly intended or

purposed the actual justifying and saving of all_, nor of any but those

that come to be justified and saved; he did not, therefore, die for all,

nor for any that perish, with a decree or resolution to save them, _much

less did he die for all alike, as to this intent_. Christ hath given

_faith_ to none by his law or testament, though he hath revealed, that

to some he will, as benefactor and _Dominus Absolutus_, [absolute Lord,]

give that grace which shall infallibly produce it; and God hath given

some to Christ that he might prevail with them accordingly; yet this is

no giving _it to the person_, nor hath he in himself ever the more title

to it, nor can any lay claim to it as their due. It belongeth not to

Christ as _satisfier_, nor yet as _legislator_, to make wicked refusers

to become willing, and receive him and the benefits which he offers;

therefore he may do all for them that is fore-expressed, though he cure

not their unbelief. Faith is a fruit of the death of Christ, (and so is

all the good which we do enjoy,) but not _directly_, as it is

_satisfaction_ to _justice_; but only _remotely_, as it proceedeth from

that _jus dominii_ [right of dominion] which Christ has received to send

the Spirit in what measure and TO WHOM HE WILL, and to succeed it

accordingly; and as it is necessary to the attainment of the farther

ends of his death in the certain gathering and saving of THE ELECT.”

Thus the whole theory amounts to this, that, although a _conditional

salvation_ has been purchased by Christ for all men, and is offered to

them, and all legal difficulties are removed out of the way of their

pardon as sinners by the atonement, yet Christ hath not purchased for

any man the gift of FAITH, _or the power of performing the condition of

salvation required_; but gives this to some, and does not give it to

others, by virtue of that _absolute dominion_ over men which he has

purchased for himself, so that, as the Calvinists refer the decree of

election to the sovereignty of the _Father_, Baxter refers it to the

sovereignty of the _Son_; one makes the decree of reprobation to issue

from the Creator and Judge, the other, from the Redeemer himself.

If, however, any one expects to find something in the form of system in

Baxter’s opinions on the five disputed points, he will be much

disappointed. The parties to whom he refers as the authors of this

supposed “middle way,” differ as much among themselves as Baxter

occasionally does from himself. Bishop Davenant and Dr. S. Ward differed

from Amyraut, Martinius, and others of that school, on the topic of

_baptismal regeneration_; and, as the subjects of baptism, according to

the sentiments of the two former, are invested with invisible grace, and

are regenerated in virtue of the ordinance when canonically performed,

such divines far more easily disposed of their baptized converts in the

ranks of strict predestination, than the others could who did not hold

those sentiments. But they exhibited much ingenuity in not suffering it

to “intrench upon the question of perseverance.” Their friend Bishop

Bedell, however, maintained, that “reprobates coming to years of

discretion, after baptism, shall be condemned for original sin; for

their absolution and washing in baptism was but conditional and

expectative; which doth truly interest them in all the promises of God,

but under the condition of repenting, believing and obeying, which they

never perform, and therefore never attain the promise.” Bishop Overal

has also been claimed as a patron of this diversified “middle system;”

but it will be evident to every one who peruses his productions, that

his chief endeavour was to display the doctrines of the English church

as identical with those of St. Augustine, yet basing them upon _the

antecedent will of God_ and _conditional decrees_. After all the refined

distinctions which Baxter employed to render the theory of _common_ and

_special_ grace plausible and popular, the real meaning of the inventors

was frequently elicited when such a question as this was asked, “Have

any men in the world grace sufficient to repent and believe savingly who

do not?” After asserting that he knows nothing about the matter, the

reply of Baxter is, “If we may conjecture upon probabilities, it seemeth

most likely that there is such a sufficient grace, or power, to repent

and believe savingly, in some that use it not, but perish.” “This,” says

one of Baxter’s apologists, “seems to me very inexplicable!” and in the

same light it will be viewed by all who recollect that this “sufficient

grace or power” is that “portion of special grace which never fails to

accomplish its design,--the salvation of the individual on whom it is

bestowed!” Baxter’s celebrated “Aphorisms of Justification,” published

in 1649, afforded employment to himself and his theological critics till

near the close of his life; and in the many modifications, concessions,

and alterations which were extorted from him by men of different

religious tenets, he sometimes incautiously proved himself to be more

Calvinistic than Calvin, and at others more Arminian than Arminius. The

following observations, from “ORME’S _Life of Baxter_,” are on the whole

just and instructive:--

“Thus did Baxter, at a very early period of his life, launch into the

ocean of controversy, on some of the most interesting subjects that can

engage the human mind. The manner in which he began to treat them was

little favourable to arriving at correct and satisfactory conclusions.

Possessed of a mind uncommonly penetrating, he yet seems not to have had

the faculty of compressing within narrow limits his own views, or the

accounts he was disposed to give of the views of others. All this arose,

not from any indisposition to be explicit, but from the peculiar

character of his mind. He is perpetually distinguishing things into

physical and moral, real and nominal, material and formal. However

important these distinctions are, they often render his writings

tiresome to the reader, and his reasonings more frequently perplexing

than satisfactory. Baxter is generally understood to have pursued a

middle course between Calvinism and Arminianism. That he tried to hold

and adjust the balance between the two parties, and that he was most

anxious to reconcile them, are very certain. But it seems scarcely less

evident, that he was much more a Calvinist than he was an Arminian.

While this seems to me very apparent, it must be acknowledged, that if

certain views which have often been given of Calvinism are necessary to

constitute a Calvinist, Richard Baxter was no believer in that creed.

“While satisfied that among Baxter’s sentiments, no important or vital

error will be found, yet in the style and method in which he too

generally advocated or defended them, there is much to censure. The

wrangling and disputatious manner in which he presented many of his

views, was calculated to gender an unsanctified state of mind in persons

who either abetted or opposed his sentiments. His scholastic and

metaphysical style of arguing is unbefitting the simplicity of the

Gospel, and cannot fail to injure it wherever such is employed. It not

only savours too much of the spirit of the schools, and the philosophy

of this world; but places the truths of revelation on a level with the

rudiments of human science. I am not sure whether certain effects which

began early in the last century to appear among the Presbyterian part of

the Nonconformists, may not be traced, in some degree, to the

speculative and argumentative writings of Baxter. His influence over

this class of his brethren was evidently very great. He contributed more

than any other man to mitigate the harsh and forbidding aspect which the

Presbyterians presented during the civil wars and the commonwealth. This

was well, but he did not stop here. He was inimical to all the existing

systems of doctrine and discipline then contended for, or ever before

known in the world; while he did not present any precisely defined

system as his own. He opposed Calvinism; he opposed Arminianism; he

would not allow himself to be considered an Episcopalian, in the

ordinary acceptation of the word; he denied that he was a Presbyterian,

and scorned to be thought an Independent. He held something in common

with them all, and yet he was somewhat different from all. He contended

for a system more general, and more liberal, than was then approved;

and, as we have stated, wished to place a variety of theological truths

on grounds belonging rather to philosophy or metaphysics, than to

revelation.

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